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ERRATA 

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read  from  1  to  57  in  order,  and  correspond  with  the  numerals  in  the  Ger- 
man original,  the  French  original,  and  the  translation  of  the  French. 


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PUBLICATIONS 

OF  THE 

NORTH  CAROLINA  HISTORICAL  COMMISSION 


CHRISTOPH  VON  GRAFFENRIED'S 

ACCOUNT  OF  THE  FOUNDING 

OF  NEW  BERN 


EDITED  WITH  AN  HISTORICAL  INTRODUCTION 
AND  AN  ENGLISH  TRANSLATION 


BY 

VINCENT  H.  TODD,  PH.D. 

UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 
IN  COOPERATION  WITH 

JULIUS  GOEBEL,  Ph.D.,  Professor  of  Germanic  Languages 

UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 


Raleigh 

Edwards  &  Broughton  Printing  Co. 

State  Printers 

1920 


THE  NORTH  CAROLINA  HISTORICAL  COMMISSION 


J.  BRYAN  GRIMES,  Chairman 
W.  J.  PEELE  D.  H.  HILL 

M.  C.  S.  NOBLE  THOMAS  M.  PITTMAN 

R.  D.  W.  CONNOR,  Secretary,  Raleigh 


o 

s 


CONTENTS 

Pkeface --      ^ 

Historical  Introduction 7 

Bibliography __ -- - -  H2 

German  Version H5 

English  Translation  of  the  German  Version 219 

French  Version 321 

English  Translation  of  the  French  Version 357 

Vocabulary.  _ -- — 393 

Index ^19 


PREFACE 

A  carefully  prepared  and  conservative  computation  made  within 
the  last  ten  years  gives  the  surprising  result  that,  of  our  white  popu- 
lation there  are  at  least  twenty-seven  per  cent  of  German  birth  or 
extraction,  while  those  of  English  origin  number  but  thirty  per  cent. 
With  such  a  proportion  of  Germans,  is  it  not  strange  that  almost 
nothing  is  said  in  our  histories  about  this  great  element  of  our  popu- 
lation; about  the  causes  that  induced  them  to  leave  their  homes; 
about  the  circumstances  of  their  first  settlements;  about  their  in- 
fluence upon  the  growth  of  our  common  culture? 

The  reason  of  this  lies,  partly  in  the  undeveloped  provincial 
character  of  American  historiography,  partly  in  the  fact  that  American 
History  was  first  written  by  men  from  New  England.  They  wrote 
of  the  things  with  which  they  were  most  familiar,  their  own  Puritan 
commonwealths  and  the  institutions  developed  from  them.  Biased 
by  provincial  prejudices  they  overlooked  other  events  of  equally 
great  importance,  so  that  their  histories  read  like  a  one-sided  glorifi- 
cation of  their  ancestors.  A  very  powerful  contributory  cause  for 
this  discrimination  is  the  fact  that  the  Germans  made  their  settle- 
ments comparatively  late,  and  for  the  most  part  avoided  New 
England.  By  the  time  the  first  permanent  settlements  were  made 
at  Germantown,  near  Philadelphia  (1683)  New  England  had  passed 
through  some  of  its  most  epoch-making  experiences.  The  colonies 
about  Massachusetts  Bay,  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  had  been 
settled  and  their  characteristic  institutions,  which  have  come  down 
to  our  own  time,  were  becoming  fixed  in  laws  and  customs  of  the 
people.  American  historiography  as  first  conceived  by  the  New 
England  historians  has  since  followed  the  same  or  similar  lines,  and 
until  recently  when  the  German-Americans  themselves  took  up  the 
work,  very  little,  in  general,  was  known  about  the  early  life  of  this 
portion  of  our  population. 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  this  regrettable  division  in  matters  of  his- 
torical truth  will  be  done  away  with,  and  since  no  one  nationality 
can  rightfully  claim  all  the  honor  of  having  made  America  what  it 
is,  Germans  as  well  as  Puritans  and  Cavaliers  will  come  to  be  recog- 
nized for  what  they  are  or  have  done,  and  not  be  excluded  from  con- 
sideration for  what  they  have  not  done.1  To  illustrate:  It  was  not 
a  German  woman's  pig  to  which  we  traced  the  bicameral  system  of 

1There  is  some  assurance  that  this  hoped  for  change  of  attitude  will  come,  when  a  historian  like 
Channing  in  his  History  of  the  United  States  (vol.  II,  pages  116,  395,  404  ff )  gives  a  rather  extended 
and  appreciative  notice  of  the  Germans  in  Pennsylvania.  In  a  foot  note  on  page  405  he  mentions  the 
manuscripts  on  which  this  paper  has  been  based. 


6  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Government  in  Massachusetts;  but  it  is  to  the  German  settlers  at 
Schoharie  that  we,  in  a  large  measure,  owe  the  fortunate  outcome 
of  the  French  and  Indian  war,  for  it  was  they  who  kept  the  Six  Nations 
from  joining  the  French,  when  such  an  event  would  have  spelled 
disaster  to  the  New  York  and  New  England  colonies;  they  did  not 
give  us  theocracies  from  which  a  doubtful  ideal  of  the  state  eventu- 
ally evolved;  but  they  helped  to  give  us  freedom  of  conscience,  the 
very  corner-stone  of  modern  politics,  and  it  is  to  the  German  printer 
in  New  York  that  we  owe  an  untrammeled  public  press.  Who  shall 
say  which  is  the  worthier? 

It  is  not  sufficient  then  to  know  that  in  the  seventeenth  and 
eighteenth  centuries  a  large  number  of  Germans  came  to  America, 
and  made  or  tried  to  make  certain  settlements.  We  want  to  go 
further  and  learn  about  their  life  and  work  and  be  able  to  appreciate 
them  as  we  do  the  other  pioneers.  It  is  for  this  reason  that  a  study 
of  Baron  Christoph  von  Graffenried's  settlements  may  be  consid- 
ered worth  while. 

This  colony  in  North  Carolina  would  have  consisted  of  only  a  few 
Swiss  adventurers  but  for  the  events  of  the  year  1709.  These 
enlarged  the  scope,  increased  the  prestige  of  the  undertaking,  gave 
the  leadership  to  one  of  the  few  ever  to  possess  a  title  of  nobility  in 
Locke's  new  American  order,  made  this  pioneer  of  several  Swiss 
undertakings  the  nearest  approach  to  Locke's  ideal  that  ever  existed 
in  America,  and  taking  it  out  of  its  isolation,  made  it  a  part  of  the 
great  German  migration  of  1709;  a  consideration  of  which  may  prop- 
erly precede  the  study  of  Graffenried's  own  adventures. 

Since  a  man  should  be  judged  by  his  intentions  and  by  the  times 
in  which  he  lived,  as  well  as  by  the  actual  results  of  his  efforts,  it  has 
seemed  well  to  quote  from  or  make  references  to  the  writings  of  con- 
temporaries wherever  possible. 1  For  instance,  his  expectation  of 
becoming  rich  from  silver  mines  in  Maryland  or  Virginia  seemed 
to  us  absurd  because  we  know  there  is  no  silver  in  those  parts  in  pay- 
ing quantities;  but  if  we  find,  that  in  his  day,  everyone  believed  that 
there  was  silver  to  be  found  there,  and  if  we  remember  that  the 
Secretary  of  the  London  Royal  Society  in  1669  urged  Governor  John 
Winthrop  to  look  for  mines  in  Connecticut  and  if  necessary  to 
"employ  dogs  of  the  best  scent"2  for  this  purpose,  Graffenried's  per- 
sistency in  searching  for  silver  takes  on  a  different  aspect. 

Proceedings  Mass.  Hist.  Society,  1878,  pages  229-240. 


HISTORICAL  INTRODUCTION 


PART  I 

THE  PALATINATE  MOVEMENT 

CHAPTER  I 

The  Generally  Accepted  Causes  of  the  Palatine  Migration 

The  great  stream  of  emigration  from  Germany  to  England  and  from 
thence  to  America,  beginning  rather  feebly  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  then  suddenly  swelling  to  such  enormous  pro- 
portions that  more  Germans  had  come  to  New  York,  Pennsylvania, 
and  North  Carolina  in  one  year  than  had  come  to  New  England  in 
the  first  ten  years  of  the  settlements  about  Massachusetts  Bay,  has 
as  its  fundamental  cause  the  great  intellectual  movement  of  the 
Reformation,  and  the  equally  intense  Counter  Reformation  which 
began  in  the  latter  part  of  the  sixteenth  century  and  extended  far 
into  the  seventeenth  century. 

Since  the  Protestant  Reformation  in  England  had  come  rather 
later  than  in  Germany,  and  had  not  been  so  radical  at  the  start, 
English  reformers  long  looked  upon  Germany  as  the  fatherland  of 
the  Reformation,  and  during  the  persecutions  which  accompanied 
the  reaction  under  Mary  (1553-1558)  those  who  escaped  over  seas 
found  refuge  in  Holland,  Germany  and  Switzerland.  Under  Elizabeth 
protestantism  was  again  gradually  restored,  but  there  was  no  place 
for  any  who  disagreed  with  the  church  as  established  by  the  state 
and  dissenters  were  severely  punished,  but  still  the  sentiment  of 
protest  grew  until  after  the  revolution  of  1642,  when  Cromwell, 
having  finally  become  a  dictator,  was  able  to  introduce  a  second 
reformation,  which  led  to  a  wider  separation  from  Rome.  He  hoped 
to  secure  the  ground  gained,  by  a  union  of  the  protestant  states 
against  the  Catholic  Spanish  world.  He  conceived  England  to  be 
the  champion  protector  of  protestantism,  and  by  such  a  union,  he 
hoped  to  make  it  a  world  power.  During  the  reigns  of  Charles  II 
and  James  II  there  was  another  reaction  which,  however,  was  not 
so  violent  as  that  in  the  reign  of  Mary.  When  William  of  Orange 
became  King  of  England  protestantism  was  again  fully  restored  and 
there  was  even  some  relief  given  dissenters.  It  was  Queen  Anne, 
however,  who  took  up   Cromwell's  work,   and  to  the  best  of  her 


10  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

ability  carried  out  his  program  of  national  and  protestant  expansion. 
Public  opinion,  moreover,  was,  to  a  large  degree,  with  her  in  this 
matter. 

Interest  in  the  German  protestant  situation  was  kept  alive  by 
pamphlets  which  gave  information  about  the  conditions  of  the  Refor- 
mation in  Germany  and  particularly  in  the  Palatinate  to  which  they 
felt  related  because  of  the  marriage  of  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  James  I 
of  England,  to  the  Elector  Frederick,  better  known  as  the  Winter 
King.  This  interest  was  further  increased  since  the  cause  had  been 
compelled  to  fight  for  its  life  in  Germany  as  well  as  in  England. 

Not  only  the  wars  which  came  in  Luther's  time  and  immediately 
following  his  death  were  caused  by  the  Reformation;  but  the  Thirty 
Years'  War  and  the  wars  in  which  the  French  King,  Louis  XIV, 
involved  Europe  during  his  long  reign  were  also  very  largely  incited 
by  the  same  spirit  of  enmity  that  animated  the  earlier  Counter 
Reformation. 

In  all  these  struggles  no  portion  of  Germany  suffered  so  much  as 
that  part  called  the  Lower  Palatinate. 1  Lying  as  it  does  on  the  east- 
ern boundary  of  France,  it  was  easily  accessible  to  the  French  soldiery; 
a  fertile  country,  it  offered  excellent  opportunity  for  maintaining  an 
army;  and  being  protestant  it  was  an  especial  object  of  resentment 
to  the  French  King.  Turenne  in  1674  thoroughly  ravaged  the  province 
in  accordance  with  his  policy  of  making  the  enemy  support  his  army. 
Then  in  the  wars  of  1688-89,  while  the  rest  of  Germany  which  might 
have  given  aid  was  busy  warding  off  the  Turks,  Louis  XIV  took  the 
opportunity  of  weakening  the  enemy,  venting  his  malice  against  the 
protestants,  and  doing  a  pleasure  to  Madame  de  Maintenon  by 
devastating  the  province  in  a  way  unparalleled  in  modern  history. 
He  purposed  to  make  the  country  as  nearly  a  desert  as  possible,  and 
to  do  so  wantonly  burned  cities  and  towns  as  well  as  isolated  dwellings, 
cut  down  orchards  and  uprooted  vines.  Many  of  the  inhabitants 
were  butchered,  others  died  of  exposure,  others  fled,  and  the  few  who 
remained  were  left  in  a  most  miserable  condition.  The  treaty  of 
Ryswick  gave  a  temporary  relief  and  many  refugees  returned  to  their 
homes.  But  in  1700  the  wars  of  the  Spanish  Succession  broke  out, 
and  the  Palatinate  was  again  overrun  with  troops.  The  destruction 
seems  not  to  have  been  so  severe  as  in  the  previous  war,  but  the  new 
Elector,  now  a  Catholic,  subjected  the  Protestants  to  a  system  of 
persecution  which  was  very  annoying  and  disquieting;  for  the  per- 
secutions which  had  long  accompanied  the  Reformation  throughout 
Europe  were  still  fresh  in  men's  memories  and  they  dreaded  the 
worst. 

lEccl.  Rec.  vol.  Ill,  page  1453  ff. 


Geaffeneied  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been        11 

By  the  Peace  of  Westphalia  (1648)  the  Lutheran  and  Reformed 
religions  had  been  established  in  the  Palatinate  and  the  Catholic 
religion  was  allowed  only  on  sufferance  of  the  Elector.  But  now 
under  John  William  (1690-1716)  religious  toleration  was  announced, 
and  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  thereby  put  upon  a  theoretical 
equality  with  the  other  two.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  he  went  further 
and  took  revenues,  churches,  and  schools  belonging  to  the  Protestants, 
whether  or  not  they  had  been  Catholic  property,  and  turned  them 
to  Catholic  uses,  or  else  arranged  for  Catholics  and  Protestants  to 
have  joint  possession  of  the  church  edifices.  He  refused  to  allow 
Protestant  clergymen  to  sit  in  the  Ecclesiastical  Council;  and  when 
the  people  protested,  he  said  that  the  "ministers  were  seditious 
rebels."  Soldiers,  moreover,  were  quartered  on  the  peasants  to  harass 
them.  The  persecution,  also,  often  took  the  form  of  bodily  injury 
and  death  was  frequently  the  result.  No  wonder,  then,  the  poorer 
subjects  became  alarmed. 

In  Switzerland  the  Anabaptists  having  no  legal  status  had  always 
been  exposed  to  the  doubtful  mercies  of  the  bigoted  Reformed  Church. 2 
The  martyrdom  of  many  of  the  leaders  was  a  recent  memory  and  at 
this  very  time  (1708-9)  the  prisons  were  full  of  those  whose  greatest 
crime  was  obedience  to  the  scriptural  injunction  "swear  not  at  all," 
and  a  disagreement  with  the  Reformed  Church  as  to  the  time  in  the 
candidate's  life  when  baptism  is  to  be  administered. 

In  other  provinces  of  Germany,  as  well  as  in  the  Palatinate,  there 
was  great  suffering  among  the  poorer  classes  because  of  the  oppressions 
of  the  petty  princes  who  fashioned  their  courts  after  the  model  of 
Versailles,  plunged  into  extravagance  and  excess  of  all  kinds,  the  bur- 
den of  which  fell  upon  the  laboring  classes  who  suffered  severely  from 
the  exorbitant  taxes  and  tolls  demanded  to  defray  these  expenses. 

This  widespread  poverty,  and  the  religious  persecutions  had  for 
years  been  producing  a  general  unrest,  and  those  who  saw  no  hope 
of  better  conditions  at  home  began  to  look  to  America  as  a  place 
where  they  could  go  and  be  safe.  A  rather  small  colony  had  gone  to 
Pennsylvania  with  Pastorius  as  early  as  1683,  and  a  few  families  or 
single  persons  had  gone  every  year  since.  Another  small  company, 
50  persons  in  all,  under  the  Lutheran  pastor,  Kocherthal,  came  to 
England  in  1780  and  were  sent  to  New  York. 3 

In  1709  a  further  cause  was  given  in  an  exceedingly  hard  winter. 4 
The  cold  was  so  intense  that  birds  and  animals  succumbed  to  its 
severity  and  the  loss  of  life  among  the  very  poor  was  considerable. 
Such  an  experience  would  doubtless  make  Kocherthal's  description 

2E.  Mueller,  Bernische  Taeufer. 

3E.  Mueller,  Penn.  Ger.  Soc.  vol.  VII,  page  263. 

4Penn.  Ger.  Soc.  vol.  VII,  page  283. 


12  Nobth  Casolina  Histobical  Commission 

of  Carolina  more  attractive  than  ever.  That  same  spring  and  summer 
great  numbers  of  Germans  came  through  Holland  to  England  and 
were  given  all  possible  care  by  public  and  private  philanthropy.  This 
is  generally  spoken  of  as  the  Palatine  Migration,  but  the  name  is  mis- 
leading because  there  were  many  other  German-speaking  people  in 
the  movement.  The  majority  of  these  immigrants  did,  however, 
come  from  the  Palatinate;  and  as  the  English  people  were  interested 
in  that  province,  they  gave  the  name  without  distinction  to  all  who 
came. 


CHAPTER  II 

The  Decisive  Cause  of  the  Palatine  Migration 

The  causes  mentioned,  together  with  the  so-called  German  Wander- 
lust and  the  attraction  which  America  had  for  Europeans,  have  been 
considered  sufficient  to  explain  this  migration.  But  are  they  suf- 
ficient? Is  there  not  a  more  important  problem  still  unsolved?  When 
one  considers  that  all  these  contributing  causes,  political  oppression, 
religious  persecution,  devastation  of  property,  and  poverty  had  existed 
for  years  in  Germany  and  Switzerland;  that  the  passion  for  travel 
had  always  been  characteristic  of  this  people;  that  the  advantages 
of  America  had  been  well  set  forth  by  the  preaching  of  William  Penn 
and  other  Quakers  before  this  colony  was  founded;  that  over  50  books, l 
broadsides,  and  pamphlets  had  been  circulated  over  Germany,  all  in 
the  interest  of  inducing  emigration  to  Pennsylvania,  resulting  in 
only  one  small  settlement  at  Germantown  in  Pennsylvania  in  1683; 
his  conclusion  must  be  that  there  must  have  been  something  more  than 
the  severe  winter  added  to  the  above  causes  which  increased  the  num- 
bers of  the  emigrants  from  a  small  flock  of  50  under  Kocherthal's 
leadership  in  1708,  to  a  mass  of  over  10,000  persons  without  a  leader 
in  1709.  How  does  it  happen  that  they  all  expected  to  be  taken  to 
America,  despite  the  fact  that  the  Walloons  who  preceded  them  had 
had  no  such  hopes? 

The  truth  is  Queen  Anne  was  attempting  to  continue  Cromwell's 
plan  of  expansion,  and  in  this  program  there  was  need  of  increasing 
her  subjects  at  home  and  in  the  colonies,  by  inviting,  and  even  sub- 
sidizing, people  to  settle  in  British  America.  At  the  same  time  also 
the  Proprietors  of  the  Provinces  were  quite  as  anxious  as  the  Queen 
to  have  their  territories  settled;  and  no  one  was  more  industrious 
than  Penn  in  advertising  his  province.  Yet  the  subject  is  difficult 
to  treat,  because  direct  evidence  is  not  plentiful,  since  no  one  wished 
to  take  the  responsibility  of  tempting  the  subjects  to  leave  their 
rightful  lord.  But  there  was  one  document  which  had  great,  perhaps 
the  greatest,  influence  in  persuading  people  to  go  to  America;  and 
that  was  a  small  volume  printed  first  in  1706,  by  the  Reverend  Mr. 
Kocherthal. 

The  Reverend  Mr.  Kocherthal,  just  mentioned,  had  not  been  to 
America  at  the  time  he  published  his  book,  but  had  been  in  England 
to  make  inquiries  about  the  colonies.  Having  become  convinced  of 
the  advantages  of  South  Carolina,  he  wrote  a  handbook  for  Germans, 

^enn.  Ger.  Soc.  vol.  VII,  page  175. 


14  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

describing  the  province,  with  directions  how  to  go  there.  This  book 
was  so  eagerly  read  that  in  1709  it  had  reached  its  fourth  edition. 
GrafTenried  and  several  of  his  settlers  mention  Kocherthal's  book, 
indeed  this  is  the  only  book  the  settlers  do  mention;  and  from  the 
nature  of  their  allusions  to  it  one  must  conclude  they  were  strongly 
influenced  by  it.  In  fact,  the  book  continued  to  have  such  an  effect, 
even  after  Kocherthal  had  gone  to  New  York  (1708)  that  Anton 
Wilhelm  Boehme, 2  pastor  of  the  German  Court  Chapel  of  St.  James, 
felt  called  upon  to  issue  a  series  of  tracts  in  book  form,  under  the  title 
"Das  verlangte  nicht  erlangte  Canaan,"  directed  specifically  against 
Kocherthal's  description  of  South  Carolina. 

An  investigation,  detailed  mention  of  which  will  be  made  later, 
brings  out  the  additional  fact  that  another  great  cause  of  the  emigra- 
tion was  the  so-called  Golden  Book,  so  named  because  the  Queen's 
picture  adorned  one  of  the  front  pages,  and  the  title  page  was  printed 
in  gilt  letters.  This  was  evidently  a  very  special  and  expensive  edition, 
and  was  probably  published  with  the  Queen's  permission  some  time 
after  she  had  ascended  the  throne  in  1702,  the  evident  intention  being 
to  impress  German  readers.  From  the  language  in  the  report  of  the 
investigating  committee  it  is  clear  that  the  book  was  written  chiefly 
in  praise  of  Carolina. 

Absolute  proof  cannot  be  given;  but  judging  from  the  coincidence 
of  the  date  at  which  the  books  appeared,  Kocherthal's  in  1706,  the 
Golden  Book  between  1702  and  1709,  from  the  similarity  of  the  sub- 
ject matter,  both  treating  of  Carolina  in  particular,  and  from  the  effect, 
one  may  conclude  that  Kocherthal's  book  and  the  Golden  Book  are 
identical.  The  following  passages  occur  in  the  fourth  edition  un- 
doubtedly reprinted  from  the  first,  and  are  among  the  directions  to 
prospective  colonists : 

8.  9^ad)bem  aber  bte  gradjt  felbften  ju  bejaljlen  fer)r  tfjeuer/  imb  foldje 
abntberbtenen  fefyr  befd)tt>ef)rltdj-al3  fyat  ber  2Iutl)or  auff  die  SSeife  fid)  an* 
gelegen  fetyn  taffen/  ob  btf$fal§  anbere  SD^itteX  aufouftnben  fetyn  modjten;  toorauff 
enbltdj  ber  53orfd)lag  gefdjeljen/  baft  bte  $ontgtn  mtt  etner  (Supplication  nuBjte 
erfudjt  toerben/  ob  felbtge  bte  ©cfytffe  gur  Uberfafyrt  fyergeben  toolte/  ba  bann 
triefletdjt  gefdjefyen  fonte/  baf?  man  and)  mtt  $ontgl.  @d)tffen  Don  -Jpollanb 
abgefjolet  rotirbe/  unb  alfo  and)  btefe  Ueberfat)rt§=$ often  erfpafyren  fonte: 
bod)  miiften  auff  fold>en  gall  erne  gute  2lnjaf)l  £eute  mttetnanber  fommen/ 
toetlen  nubrtgenfats  ber  3ftiif)e  ntd)t  toertf)  feton  toiirbe/  bte  $ontgtn  ju  bemitfyen 
otel  toentger  fo  oiel  Soften  anjutoenben/  at§  bet  btefen  ju  ben  ©djtffen  unb 
(Sonoot)  erforbert  nrirb. 

9.  SBetlen  aud)  bet)  btefen  ^eiten  an  bem  $ontgl.  §off  fo  tool  toegen  be3 
fdjtoefjren  $rteg3/  aU  aud)  toegen  ber  tmmerfort  toafjrenben  Otelen  Sottecten* 

2Penn.  Ger.  Soc.  vol.  VII,  page  47  ff. 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been        15 

@elber  bte  Sluftgaben  unbefdjretbltdj  groft  alS  f>at  man  fytertnnen  mefjrere 
58orfd)Iage  getrjan/  U)te  bte  ©adje  anjugretffen/  bamit  bte  $bntgtn  ber  anber= 
toarttgen  fdjftefjren  Unfoften  ungead)tet/  bte  ©djtffe  gur  Ueberfatjrt  t)ergeben 
modjte;  e3  fetyn  aber  btefe  33orfd)Iage  311  toetttauffttg  titer  ju  befdjretben;  bod) 
|offet  man/  baft  bermtttefft  berfelben  bte  55emur)ung  ntdjt  umSonft  fetytt  toerbe 
ttrietool  ntemanb  f)tertnnen  etit>a3  getotffeS  berfpredjen  fan/  fonbern  ertoarten 
mufj  tt>a3$  bte  ©ottltdje  ©d)tchmg  tjtertnnen  berfitgen  toerbe. 3 

No  very  definite  hopes  are  held  out  in  these  passages,  but  it  would 
not  require  the  Queen's  picture  and  the  gilded  title  page  to  give  the 
impression  to  the  poor  people  into  whose  hands  the  book  would  come, 
that  they  might  expect  help  from  her,  both  in  crossing  the  Channel 
and  after  their  arrival  in  England,  in  going  to  the  Colonies.  The 
effect  could  be  no  better  with  a  direct  and  unequivocal  statement, 
and  there  would  be  no  danger  of  serious  complications  with  the  German 
princes,  while,  likewise,  such  a  procedure  would  be  quite  in  harmony 
with  her  diplomatic  methods. 

The  Queen's  policy  of  relieving  the  distressed  Protestants  met  with 
considerable  approval  by  the  English  people  at  first,  for  not  only 
could  they  congratulate  themselves  on  doing  a  charitable  act  to  mem- 
bers of  their  own  faith,  but  they  could  enjoy  the  prospect  of  turning 
the  recipients  of  their  charity  to  the  material  advantage  of  England. 
Simon  Beaumont  (July  18,  1709)  expresses  this  mixture  of  motives 
in  a  letter  too  long  to  quote  in  full.  "But  these  arguments  aside. 
Receiving  and  succoring  these  poor  Palatines  seems  to  me  but  the 
payment  of  a  just  debt  for  the  kind  entertainment  that  gave  many 
of  our  learned  divines  and  others  who  were  forced  to  take  shelter 
beyond  seas  in  the  time  of  Queen  Mary's  persecution,  and  met  with 
a  hospitable  reception  at  Frankfort  in  Germany,  in  the  Palatinate, 
the  Netherlands,  Switzerland  and  other  places;  and  shall  we  now  suffer 
any  of  the  posterity  of  our  quondam  benefacts  to  perish  for  want  of 
bread  that  Providence  has  thrown  into  our  arms  for  relief?"  To 
the  objection  that  England  has  enough  poor  of  her  own,  he  admits 

'"But  since  it  is  very  expensive  to  pay  the  freight  one's  self,  and  very  difficult  to  work  it  out,  the 
author  has  been  very  much  concerned  to  find  out  whether  in  this  case  other  means  might  not  be  found. 
Whereupon  finally  the  proposal  was  made  that  the  Queen  be  presented  with  a  supplication  to  see  whether 
she  herself  would  not  grant  the  ships,  since  it  then  might  be  that  the  people  would  be  brought  from 
Holland  in  the  royal  ships  and  thus  this  expense  of  passage  could  be  saved;  but  yet  in  such  a  case  a 
goodly  number  of  people  would  have  to  come  together,  because  if  not,  it  would  not  be  worth  while  to 
trouble  the  Queen,  much  less  to  go  to  so  much  expense  as  would  be  demanded  for  the  ships  and 
convoy. 

"Because  in  these  times  the  outlays  at  the  Royal  Court  are  indescribably  great  on  account  of 
the  heavy  war  as  well  as  because  of  the  continual  money  collections,  several  proposals  of  how  to 
attack  the  matter  were  made,  in  order  that  the  Queen,  regardless  of  other  great  expenses,  might  grant 
the  ships  for  the  passage.  But  these  proposals  are  too  extensive  to  describe  here,  and  yet  it  is  hoped 
that  through  them  the  effort  will  not  be  in  vain,  although  in  this  matter  no  one  can  promise  any- 
thing certain,  but  must  wait  and  see  what  dispensation  Divine  Providence  will  make  in  this  re- 
gard,"— Kocherlhal,  page  28. 


16  InTorth  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

she  has  beggars  enough  and  suggests  that  they  go  to  work  and  there 
will  be  enough  food  for  all;  he  then  advances  the  generally  accepted 
economic  principle  that  "multiplying  the  number  of  inhabitants  con- 
duces to  the  strength,  grandeur,  and  wealth  of  the  kingdom,  since 
its  people  are  the  Riches,  Honor,  and  Strength  of  a  nation  and  that 
wealth  increases  in  an  equal  proportion  to  the  additional  number  of 
the  inhabitants."  He  also  cites  the  fact  that  "the  Palatines  who  went 
to  Magdeburg  in  1689  are  worth  100,000  crowns  a  year  to  the  King 
of  Prussia.  .  .  .  That  Holland  by  giving  refuge  to  distressed 
Protestants  was  enabled  to  beat  off  the  Spanish"  and  concludes  that 
"10,000  Palatines  is  about  8,000£  without  detriment  to  the  nation." 
Beaumont  would  have  had  them  retained  in  England,  then,  in  place 
of  letting  them  go  to  the  colonies. 4 

The  encouragement,  however,  was  not  limited  to  mere  expressions 
of  good  will  on  the  part  of  private  and  public  individuals,  but,  as  will 
be  shown,  official  help,  to  which  Queen  Anne,  the  Duke  of  Sunderland, 
and  probably  the  Duke  of  Marlborough  were  parties,  was  given  in 
secret. 

A  bill  to  naturalize  foreign  Protestants,  which  had  long  been  dis- 
cussed, was  now  passed  (March  3,  1709), 5  if  not  for  the  sake  of  the 
immigrants,  at  least  very  opportunely  for  them.  The  result  of  the 
encouragement  given  was  very  flattering,  for  within  a  few  months 
between  10,000  and  15,000  Germans  were  in  England  and  had  to  be 
cared  for.  The  people  and  the  government  rose  to  the  emergency; 
tents  and  barns  were  assigned  to  these  people  for  shelter;6  private 
charity  was  invoked  for  their  relief;  and  the  Queen  authorized  a  daily 
expenditure  at  first  of  £16,  but  later  increased  the  amount  to  £100. 7 
Meanwhile  their  spiritual  welfare  was  attended  to.  Ministers  were 
appointed  for  that  particular  service, 8  Bibles  were  distributed  freely 
among  them, 9  and  as  soon  as  possible  plans  for  settlement  were  made. 
About  3,000  were  settled  in  Ireland  on  what  was  intended  to  be  ad- 
vantageous terms,  but  of  these,  232  families  returned  to  London. x  ° 
Many  enlisted, x  *  and  provision  was  made  to  send  great  numbers  to 
America  at  the  expense  of  the  government. 

The  phenomenal  success  of  this  scheme  proved  to  be  its  undoing, 
for  so  many  Germans  took  advantage  of  the  opportunity  that  London 
was  embarrassed  with  the  expense  and  labor  of  supporting  them. 
Soon  complaints  were  made,  not  only  by  the  poor  of  England  who 
might  be  expected  to  look  askance  at  this  expenditure  on  these  for- 

*Eccl.  Rec,  vol  III,  page  1774  S. 

sLuttrel,  vol.  VI,  page  413. 

«Eccl.  Rec,  vol.  Ill,  pagel750. 

fEccl.  Rec,  vol.  Ill,  page  1753,  1786. 

sEccl.  Rec,  vol.  Ill,  page  1742,  1785. 

•Bod.  Rec,  vol.  Ill,  page  1786. 
ioEccI.  Rec,  vol.  Ill,  page  1836. 
i  iPennsylvanien  im  17ten  Jahrhundret,  page  71. 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  ISTew  Bern         17 

eigners,  when  it  could  be  so  well  employed  by  the  needy  folks  at  home, 
but  also  by  persons  in  higher  stations  who  did  not  all  look  upon  such 
expenditures  with  favor.  This  opposition  grew  and  in  consequence 
a  petition  was  presented  to  the  House  of  Commons.  This  resulted 
in  the  appointment  of  a  committee  (January  15,  1710)  to  inquire, 
among  other  things  "upon  what  invitation  or  encouragement  the 
Palatines  came  over,  and  what  moneys  were  expended  in  bringing 
them  here  and  by  whom."  A  bill  was  also  ordered  prepared  to  repeal 
the  act  for  naturalizing  foreign  Protestants.  But  the  important 
thing  to  notice  is  that  the  investigation  assumes  that  these  Protestants 
were  invited  or  encouraged  to  come  by  some  one,  for  otherwise  such 
language  would  hardly  have  been  used  in  the  bill  authorizing  the 
investigation. 

April  14,  1711,  the  committee  made  its  report,  of  which  the  follow- 
ing extracts  directly  concern  our  discussion:  'And  upon  the  examina- 
tion of  several  of  them  (Palatines)  what  were  the  motives  which 
induced  them  to  leave  their  native  country,  it  appears  to  the  com- 
mittee that  there  were  books  and  papers  dispersed  in  the  Palatinate 
with  the  Queen's  picture  before  the  book  (and  the  title  pages  in  letters 
of  gold  which  from  thence  was  called  the  Golden  Book)  to  encourage 
them  to  come  to  England  in  order  to  be  sent  to  Carolina  or  other  of 
her  Majesty's  Plantations  to  be  settled  there.  The  book  is  chiefly  a 
commendation  of  that  country. 

"What  further  encouraged  them  to  leave  their  native  country  was 
the  ravages  the  French  had  made  and  the  damages  the  hard  frost 
had  done  to  their  vines,  and  accordingly,  one  Joshua  Kocherthal,  a 
Lutheran  Minister  with  some  other  Palatines  to  the  number  of  61 
persons  applied  to  Mr.  Davenant  at  Frankfort  for  passes,  but  he  re- 
fused them  passes,  moneys  and  recommendations  for  fear  of  disgusting 
the  Elector  Palatinate  and  desired  to  know  her  Majesty's  pleasure 
therein,  how  to  behave  himself,  in  which  Mr.  Boyle  signifies  her 
Majesty's  commands  that,  though  the  desire  of  the  poor  people  to 
settle  in  the  plantations  is  very  acceptable  and  would  be  for  the  public 
good,  yet  she  can  by  no  means  consent  to  Mr.  Davenant  giving  in 
any  public  way  encouragement,  either  by  money  or  passes  to  the 
Elector  Palatine's  subjects  to  leave  their  country  without  his  con- 
sent. .  .  .  The  next  year  an  act  for  naturalizing  Protestants 
being  passed  a  great  number  of  Palatines  and  some  from  other  parts 
of  Germany  came  into  Holland,  and  from  thence  into  England  at 
several  times,  being  upon  their  first  arrival  in  Holland  subsisted  by 
the  charity  of  Rotterdam,  but  afterwards  at  the  Queen's  expense 
and  transports  and  other  ships  at  her  Majesty's  charges  provided 
to  bring  them  thither,  as  also  all  sorts  of  necessaries  during  this  voyage 

2 


18  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

by  Mr.  Dayralle,  her  Majesty's  Secretary  at  the  Hague,  who  had 
received  instructions  from  Mr.  Secretary  Boyle  (in  her  Majesty's 
name)  to  that  purpose,  pursuant  to  my  Lord  Duke  of  Marlborough's 
desire.     .     .     . 

"Palatines  still  continued  to  come  till  the  middle  of  October,  1709, 
although  the  orders  to  Mr.  Dayralle  to  hinder  their  coming  were  often 
repeated;  and  the  States  General  had  been  applied  to  by  the  English 
to  send  instructions  to  their  minister  in  Germany,  to  discourage  the 
coming  of  any  more  of  the  Elector  Palatine's  subjects  in  this  manner 
since  the  Elector  was  highly  offended  by  their  desertion.  Upon  this 
Mr.  Dayralle  informed  Mr.  Secretary  Boyle  that  these  people  (20  in 
August,  1709)  were  encouraged  to  emigrate  by  somebody  in  England, 
and  that  since  the  Prohibition,  a  Gentleman  with  a  servant  who  came 
over  in  the  Packet  boat  had  gone  amongst  the  Palatines  at  the  Brill 
and  distributed  money  and  printed  Tickets  to  encourage  them  to 
come  over,  and  that  many  of  these  tickets  were  sent  to  their  friends 
in  Germany  to  persuade  them  to  do  the  like. 

"Mr.  Dayralle  could  never  discover  who  this  gentleman  was  though 
he  endeavored  it  all  he  could,  and  the  committee  could  come  to  no  cer- 
tain knowledge  therein,  but  find  by  two  letters  that  Mr.  Henry  Torne 
a  Quaker  at  Rotterdam,  who  in  all  this  matter  acted  under  Mr.  Day- 
ralle, forced  a  great  many  to  embark  for  England  after  they  had  pro- 
vided themselves  a  passage  to  go  back  to  their  own  country,  which 
the  Palatines  owned  upon  their  arrival,  was  the  only  reason  that 
induced  them  to  come."  12 

A  report  of  the  various  attempted  settlements  follows,  and  then  is 
given  the  results  of  an  investigation  into  the  expenses  incurred.  The 
total  is  135,775£  18s  O^d.  Of  this  there  had  been  paid  in  two 
different  transactions  a  total  of  6,289£  Is  9d  in  bringing  Palatines 
to  England.     The  report  closes  with  the  following  resolutions: 

Resolved,  that  the  House  doth  agree  with  the  Committee  that  the  petitioners 
have  fully  proved  the  allegations  of  their  petition  and  had  just  reason  to  complain. 

Resolved,  that  the  inviting  and  bringing  over  into  this  kingdom  of  the  poor  Pala- 
tines of  all  religions  at  the  public  expense  was  an  extravagant  and  miserable  charge 
to  the  kingdom,  and  a  scandalous  misapplication  of  the  public  money  to  the  in- 
crease and  oppression  of  the  poor  of  this  kingdom  and  of  dangerous  consequences 
to  the  constitution  in  church  and  state. 

Resolved,  that  whosoever  advised  the  bringing  over  of  the  poor  Palatines  into 
this  kingdom  was  an  enemy  to  the  Queen  and  to  this  Kingdom. 

This  investigation  after  all  did  not  lead  to  any  definite  conclusion, 
the  reason  for  which  may  perhaps  be  inferred  from  a  few  sentences 
taken  from  a  pamphlet  which  was  styled  A  Letter  to  a  Gentleman  in 

i2Eccl.  Rec,  vol.  Ill,  page  1724  ff. 


GrRAFFENRIED  :   ACCOUNT   OF    THE   FOUNDING   OF   NEW   BERN  19 

the  Country13  in  which  it  is  written  that  "the  committee  having  sate 
die  in  diam  for  a  considerable  time  and  searched  into  papers  from  the 
Commissioners  of  Trade,  etc.,  among  which  there  is  said  to  be  a  letter 
from  the  E.  of  S.  (Earl  of  Sunderland)  that  lets  them  into  the  whole 
mystery  of  the  affair,  they  made  their  report  to  the  House  and  their 
resolutions  in  manner  and  form  following  which  was  agreed  to  by 
those  noble  patriots."  (The  records  omit  the  report  which  had  been 
given  before.)  The  author  then  quotes  the  resolutions  which  have 
been  given  in  the  preceding  paragraphs. 

The  inference  is,  of  course,  that  the  Earl  of  Sunderland's  letter 
involved  persons  whom  it  would  have  been  impolitic  to  expose,  and 
that,  as  a  result,  the  committees  chose  to  save  their  own  reputations 
by  launching  brave  sounding  resolutions  at  no  one  in  particular,  even 
though  they  left  the  matter  in  a  state  of  official  uncertainty.  And  this 
was,  perhaps,  the  wisest,  if  not  the  most  courageous  course. 

The  following  extract  from  a  letter  which  was  written  from  London, 
July  13,  1708,  and  which  appears  as  the  third  appendix  to  Kocher- 
thal's  1709  edition  of  his  Berichte  shows  that  there  was  official  help 
given  in  transporting  Germans  from  the  Continent  to  England.  .  .  . 

"SBtr  fjaben  alter  Driven/  burdj  ©otte§  @nabe/  iibercmfj  guttfjatige  uitb 
fjutffreidje  Seuttje  cmgetroffett.  Stuff  bem  9xr)emftror)m  fjaben  un§  unter- 
fct)iebtict)e  £eutfje  etfoaS  an  @etb  unb  93rob/  311m  ttjeit  aud)  ^letftf)/  Gutter/ 
$cife/  unb  einigemal  ettt>a§  an  .ftteibungen  oerefjrt/  in  9?oterbatn  fdjenrte  unS 
ein  Sftann  atlein  40.  -ipottanbtfcf'ie  ©iilben/  etltcfie  anbere  gute  £eutt)e  gaben 
un£  aud)  unterfd)iebltd)e3  an  ©elb.  £)er  ©tabt-9?att)  in  9?otterbam  berefjrte 
unS  25ft.  unb  lief?  un6  auf  ifyren  Soften/  in  etnent  ber  ©tabt  jugeljorigen 
©cfjiff  nad)  £ettet>otfd)tutft  bringen.  $m  £>aag  tjaben  totr  don  bem  (Snget- 
tanbifdjen  (SnbotyS  ertjalten/  baft  un3  fretyer  ^aft  bift  gngellanb  gegeben  hmrbe/ 
unb  alfo  fettnb  nnr  aufe  ^etleDotfdjtutft  in  Doltanb/  bife  nad)  £>arnrid)  in 
(Sngeltanb/  ofjne  eintgen  fetters  $o3ten  gebradjt  toorben.,, x  4 

Another  statement  written  after  the  great  movement  had  subsided 
shows  the  same  thing.  This  is  quoted  from  Sauer  in  the  Pennsyl- 
vanische  Berichte  of  December  1,  1754 — not  so  long  after  the  event 
but  that  he  could  get  the  accurate  information.  "2tt3  im  Stofjre  1704 
Me  frantjofifdje  SSolfer  tn§  9?eid)  etngejogen,  unb  bie  ^eicfjS-^urften  bie  2Inna 
$onigin  in  (Sngtanb  um  §ulff  anrieffen,  unb  btefe  ben  £)uc  be  SJfotborougf) 


I'Eccl.  Rec,  vol.  Ill,  page  1754. 

14"  Through  God's  grace  we  have  found  everywhere  exceedingly  benevolent  and  helpful  people. 
Upon  the  Rhine  different  people  presented  us  with  something  in  the  way  of  money  and  bread,  in 
part  also  with  meat,  butter,  and  cheese,  and  a  few  times  with  some  clothing.  In  Rotterdam  one 
man  alone  gave  us  40  Holland  Guldens;  some  other  good  people  also  gave  us  varying  amounts  of 
money.  The  city  council  in  Rotterdam  gave  us  25  florins  and  had  us  brought  to  Hellevotschluiss 
at  their  own  cost  in  a  ship  belonging  to  the  city.  At  the  Hague  we  obtained  from  the  English  envoy 
that  a  free  pass  was  given  us  to  England  and  so  we  were  brought  from  Hellevotschluiss  in  Holland 
clear  to  Harwich  in  England  without  a  penny's  cost." — Kocherthal,  page  77. 


20  Nobth  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

mit  ciner  grofjen  Slrmec  engliftfier  93b1fer  in8  9?etdj  gefanbt,  burdj  beren 
£apferfeit  am  2.  ^uli  bie  grantjofen  bet)  ©djeltenberg  gefd)lagen  toorben, 
fjatte  er  bcr  ^aijfer  unb  bie  9?eidj3-8;urften  bie  $onigin  Stnna  fragen  laffen, 
toaS  fie  ifyr  jur  3)anFbarfeit  bor  biefen  grofeen  £>ienft  tt)un  fonnen?  £)arauff 
fyat  bie  $onigm  5lnna  fagen  laffen,  bafj  fie  toon  ifjren  Dffisieren  unb  ©olbaten 
erfaljren  fjabe,  bafe  fie  fo  btcle  Slrme  £eutt)e  im  SMd)  angetroffen,  bie  tin*  SBrobt 
unb  notigen  unterfjalt  nidjt  fjaben;  e3  follen  bie  ^eidjS-^urften,  tt)ren  armen 
£eutt)en  erlauben,  nad)  America  ju  atetjen,  too  Sanb  genug  tft,  toorauf  fie  fid) 
ernefjren  fonnten.  SDiefeS  t)aben  fie  nebft  grower  @f)r-53eseugung  unb  ©anfbar- 
feit  eingenrilliget,  unb  boeil  ba%  arme  SSoW  feine  moglid)feit  gefefjen  bal)in  ju 
fommen,  fo  t)at  bie  $onigm  auf  ifyren  eignen  Soften  biele  £aufenbe  nadj 
(Sngellanb  bringen  laffen,  unb  bie  ba  loollten  nad)  America  sieljen,  bie  hmrben 
grad)tfreb,  t)erubergebrad)t  unb  mit  ^robtant,  SBerfjeug  unb  ©eratt)fd)aften 
berfet)en.„ 1 5 


15When  in  the  year  1704  the  French  people  invaded  the  Empire  and  the  princes  of  the  realm  ap- 
pealed to  Queen  Anne  in  England  for  help,  and  she  had  sent  the  Duke  of  Marlborough  with  a  great 
army  of  English  people  into  the  Empire,  through  the  bravery  of  whom  the  French  were  defeated  on 
July  2,  at  Schellenberg,  he,  the  Kaiser  and  the  princes  of  the  realm,  had  a  request  presented  to  Queen 
Anne  to  know  what  they  could  do  for  her  out  of  gratitude  for  this  great  service.  Thereupon  the 
Queen  sent  word  that  she  had  learned  from  her  officers  and  soldiers  that  they  had  met  so  many  poor 
people  in  the  Empire  who  cannot  get  their  bread  and  necessary  support,  that  the  princes  of  the  realm 
ought  to  let  their  poor  people  go  to  America,  where  there  is  plenty  of  land  upon  which  they  could  sup- 
port themselves.  To  this  they  agreed,  evidencing  great  respect  and  gratitude,  and  because  the  poor 
people  saw  no  possibility  of  getting  there,  the  Queen  had  many  thousands  brought  to  England  at  her 
own  cost  and  whosoever  wished  to  go  to  America  was  brought  over,  passage  free,  and  provided  with 
provisions,  tools,  and  utensils. — Der  Deutsche  Pionier,  XIV  Jahrgang,  page  295. 


CHAPTER  III 

Survey  of  the  Final  Disposal  of  the  Palatines — The  English 
Settle  Great  Numbers  of  Them  in  America  under  Condi- 
tions Which  Reveal  Such  Mercenary  Motives  as  to  Rob 
the  Act  of  Most  of  its  Claim  to  Charity — Contempt  for 
the  Germans  Shown  to  be  Characteristic  Both  in  England 
and  in  America 

Whoever  may  have  been  responsible  for  the  coming  of  the  Pala- 
tines, there  is  no  doubt  about  their  welcome  during  the  first  year  of 
the  movement.  Besides  the  public  expenditure  of  135,775£, 1  private 
persons  contributed  freely  both  of  their  time  and  money  for  the  relief  of 
these  poor  strangers,  and  in  fact  it  became  the  correct  thing  to  have 
one's  name  on  a  subscription  list,  and  the  camps  at  Blackheath  and 
Camberwell  became  popular  promenades  for  the  elite  of  London. 
When  the  Mohawk  chiefs  visited  London,  the  Palatines  were  shown 
them  among  other  sights.  Their  evident  wretchedness  touched  the 
hearts  of  these  red  men  and  afforded  them  an  opportunity  later  to 
show  what  true  generosity  is. 

But  this  charity,  excited  partly  by  gratitude  for  kindnesses  shown 
the  English  reformers  by  the  Germans, 2  partly  bjr  religious  sympathy 3 
and  political  ties,  partly  by  the  warm  feelings  of  an  impulsive  woman 
and  in  the  case  of  some,  probably,  by  a  desire 4  to  be  on  the  popular 
side,  soon  began  to  be  burdensome  and  annoying  when  the  first 
pleasure  and  the  novelty  of  it  passed.  The  Palatines  could  not  camp 
indefinitely  in  Camberwell  and  Blackheath,  or  live  in  the  barns  pro- 
vided for  them,  and  various  were  the  schemes  proposed  for  perma- 
nently settling  them.  Beaumont  in  his  letter,  which  has  a  very  sensible 
and  a  kindly  tone,  would  keep  them  in  England  and  allow  them  to 
settle  on  land  that  was  lacking  in  tenants,  and  thus  retain  them  in 
England  to  the  advantage  of  all.  His  plan,  however,  was  never  suc- 
cessfully carried  out. 

About  3000  were  settled  in  one  body  in  Ireland  and  these  for  the 
most  part  stayed;  others  were  scattered  about  over  England  wher- 
ever any  parish  was  willing  to  receive  them  for  5£  per  head.  But 
after  the  5£  was  received,  the  refugees  were  left  to  shift  for  them- 
selves among  a  people  who  considered  them  intruders;  and  most  of 
them  came  back  to  London,  more  wretched  if  anything  than  before. 5 
The  best  plan,  after  all,  seemed  to  be  to  settle  them  in  America. 

lEccl.  Rec,  vol.  Ill,  page  1732. 
2Eccl.  Rec,  vol.  Ill,  page  1777. 
3Eccl.  Rec,  vol.  HI,  1620. 
4Eccl.  Rec,  vol.  Ill,  page  1753. 
5Penn.  Ger.  Soc,  vol.  VII,  page  314. 


22  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

The  English  colonies  in  America  at  this  time  occupied  a  narrow 
strip  along  the  Atlantic  coast  from  Massachusetts  to  the  Spanish  set- 
tlements in  Florida,  while  the  interior  from  the  St.  Lawrence  river  to 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico  was  claimed,  and  to  some  extent  settled,  by  the 
French,  who  came  closest  to  the  English  in  New  York  and  New  Eng- 
land, and  there  offered  a  real  menace.  The  French,  moreover,  being 
mostly  traders,  were  on  better  terms  with  the  Indians;  they  also  inter- 
married with  them  and  adopted  many  of  their  habits,  while  the 
English  held  themselves  more  aloof  and  as  fast  as  they  acquired  land 
cleared  it  and  so  spoiled  the  hunting.  But  while  the  Indians  beyond  the 
Great  Lakes  and  in  the  Mississippi  favored  the  French,  the  Iroquois 
of  the  New  York  colony,  an  important  exception  in  this,  were  friendly 
with  the  English.  The  French  traders,  however,  were  among  the  Iro- 
quois; their  allegiance  could  not,  therefore,  be  counted  on,  and  one  of 
the  most  heartless  proposals 6 for  disposing  of  the  Palatines  was  "to  set- 
tle them  along  the  Hudson  river  in  the  province  of  New  York  where 
they  may  be  useful  to  this  Kingdom,  particularly  in  the  production  of 
naval  stores  and  as  a  frontier  against  the  French  and  their  Indians." 
There  can  be  no  possible  offense  taken  to  the  statement  that  "Her 
Majesty  was  convinced  that  it  would  be  more  for  the  advantage  of 
Her  Kingdom  if  a  method  could  be  found  to  settle  them  here  (in 
America)  in  such  a  manner  that  they  might  get  a  comfortable  liveli- 
hood instead  of  sending  them  to  the  West  Indies;  that  it  would  be  a 
great  encouragement  to  others  to  follow  their  example;  that  the  addi- 
tion to  the  number  of  her  subjects  would  in  all  probability  produce  a 
proportional  increase  of  their  trade  and  manufactures. " 7  But  the 
proposal  made  by  the  council  to  take  these  protestant  refugees,  who 
could  have  no  choice  in  the  matter,  and  use  them  as  a  buffer  against 
the  savages,  certainly  robs  the  act  of  much  of  its  claim  to  generosity. 

The  Reverend  Mr.  Kocherthal  went  first  with  a  small  party.  He 
was  followed  in  1710  by  over  3000  under  Governor  Hunter.  They 
were  treated  more  like  slaves  than  fellow  Christians,  for  they  were 
forced  to  sign  a  contract  by  which  they  were  put  under  a  sort  of  mili- 
tary discipline  and  set  at  the  fruitless  task  of  trying  to  make  tar  in  • 
commercial  quantities  from  northern  pines.  Their  whole  time  was  to 
be  devoted  to  this  industry  and  they  were  to  be  fed  and  maintained 
at  the  Queen's  expense.  The  well  meaning  but  incompetent  Gover- 
nor Hunter  had  the  supervision  of  the  colony.  Compelled  to  work 
under  task  masters,  who  themselves  knew  nothing  of  the  business, 
defrauded  of  their  provisions  by  the  contractors,  when  petition  and 
resistance  failed,  like  the  brick  makers  of  Egypt,  some  of  them  re- 
membered a  promised  land,  and  in  the   depth   of  winter  (1711-12) 

«Eccl.  Rec,  vol.  Ill,  page  1703. 
'Eccl.  Rec,  vol.  Ill,  page  1738,  1818. 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been        23 

fifty  families  journeyed  to  Schoharie  and  were  given  the  land  prom- 
ised by  the  generous  Mohawk  chiefs  years  before  in  London.8  Re- 
lieved by  these  Indians,  without  whose  assistance  they  must  all  have 
perished,  the  Palatines  remained  in  spite  of  the.  threats  of  the  Gover- 
nor. He  "had  been  the  easier  under  it,  upon  the  consideration  that 
by  that  means  the  body  of  that  people  is  kept  together  within  the 
Province;  that  when  it  shall  please  her  Majesty  to  resume  the  design 
of  prosecuting  the  work,  that  body  at  Schoharie  may  be  employed  in 
the  vast  pine  woods  near  Albany,  which  they  must  be  obliged  to  do 
having  no  manner  of  pretense  to  ye  possession  of  any  lands  but  by 
performing  their  part  of  the  contract  relating  to  that  manufacture, 
and  that  in  that  situation  they  may  serve  in  some  measure  as  a  fron- 
tier to  or  at  least  to  an  increase  of  the  strength  of  Albany  and  Sche- 
nectady; but  if  the  war  continues  or  should  by  any  misfortune  break 
out  again  it  will  neither  be  possible  for  them  to  subsist  or  safe  for  them 
to  remain  there,  considering  the  use  they  have  already  made  of  arms 
where  they  were  intrusted  with  them."9  The  first  of  the  statement 
is  clear;  the  last  refers  to  the  resistance  they  tried  to  offer  in  the  tar 
making  experiment,  and  overlooks  their  loyal  services  at  Louisburg, 1  ° 
where  they  served  without  pay  and  then  were  deprived  of  their  arms 
at  the  end  of  the  war.  In  dismissing  these  Palatines  it  may  be  well 
to  add  that  just  as  soon  as  the  governors  let  them  alone  and  gave 
them  a  chance,  they  prospered  and  became,  in  fact,  the  best  possible 
frontier  against  the  Indians,  for  they  kept  the  friendship  of  the  red 
men.  And  certainly  Conrad  Weiser's  activity  among  the  Iroquois 
during  the  French  and  Indian  war,  by  which  he  kept  them  loyal  to 
England,  did  as  much  to  protect  the  frontier  as  though  the  German 
colony  had  engaged  in  hostilities  against  the  Indians  and  suffered  the 
usual  hazards  of  border  warfare.  The  following  from  Lawson's  Jour- 
nal shows  that  the  English  and  Americans  considered  these  foreigners 
very  useful,  especially  in  that  they  might  bear  the  brunt  of  the  savage 
raids  in  time  of  war. 11  Speaking  of  the  projected  Swiss  colony  from 
Bern  and  Mr.  Mitchell  who  was  employed  to  settle  the  colonists,  he 
says:  "This  gentleman  has  been  employed  by  the  Canton  of  Bern  to 
find  out  a  Tract  of  Land  in  the  English  America,  where  that  Repub- 
lick  might  settle  some  of  their  people;  which  Proposal,  I  believe,  is 
now  in  a  fair  way  towards  a  Conclusion  between  her  Majesty  of  Great 
Britain  and  the  Canton.  Which  must  needs  be  of  great  advantage  to 
both;  and  as  for  ourselves,  I  believe,  no  Man  that  is  in  his  Wits,  and 
understands  the  Situation  and  Affairs  of  America,  but  will  allow, 
nothing  can  be  done  of  more  security  and  advantage  to  the  Crown 

sEccl.  Rec,  vol.  Ill,  page  2169.    A  most  interesting  document,  being  the  petition  presented  to  the 
Crown  in  1720.    It  reviews  the  conditions  of  the  Palatines  in  New  York  from  1709  to  1720. 
9Eccl.  Rec,  vol.  Ill,  page  1955. 
"Eccl.  Rec,  vol.  Ill,  page  2169. 
"Lawson's  Journal,  page  206. 


24  Worth  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

and  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  than  to  have  our  Frontiers  secured  by 
a  Warlike  People,  and  our  Friends,  as  the  Switzers  are;  especially 
when  we  have  more  Indians  than  we  can  civilize,  and  so  many  Chris- 
tian Enemies  lying  on  the  back  of  us,  that  we  do  not  know  how  long 
or  short  a  time  it  may  be,  before  they  visit  us." 

Even  as  late  as  1733  according  to  William  Byrd,  the  Indians  were 
a  real  menace  in  Virginia;  and  one  of  the  reasons  he  gives  for  encour- 
aging a  Swiss  colony  to  settle  in  his  "Land  of  Eden"  was  the  pro- 
tection they  would  afford  against  the  Indians  and  the  French.  More- 
over, he  preferred  for  his  purpose  the  honest  Swiss  to  the  settlers  who 
were  coming  in  from  Pennsylvania. *  2 

Whether  or  not  such  use  was  made  of  the  particular  colony  in  which 
we  are  at  present  interested  let  the  following  extracts  show. 

"The  Governor  acquainting  the  Council  that  Sundry  Germans  to 
the  number  of  forty-two  men  women  and  children  who  were  invited 
hither  by  the  Baron  de  Graff enried  are  now  arrived  but  that  the  said 
Baron  not  being  here  to  take  care  of  this  Settlement  the  Governor 
therefore  proposed  to  settle  them  above  the  falls  of  Rappahannock 
River  to  serve  as  a  barrier  to  the  inhabitants  of  that  part  of  the  Coun- 
try against  the  Incursions  of  the  Indians  and  desiring  the  opinion  of 
the  Council  whether  in  consideration  of  their  usefulness  for  that  pur- 
pose the  Charge  of  building  them  a  Fort,  and  clearing  a  road  to  their 
settlement  and  carrying  thither  two  pieces  of  Canon  and  some  ammu- 
nition may  not  properly  be  defrayed  by  the  publick. 

"It  is  the  unanimous  opinion  of  the  Board  that  the  settlement, 
tending  so  much  to  the  security  of  that  part  of  the  Frontiers,  it  is  rea- 
sonable that  the  expense  proposed  by  the  Governor  in  making  thereof 
should  be  defrayed  at  the  public  charge  of  the  Government,  and  that 
a  quantity  of  powder  and  ball  be  delivered  for  their  use  out  of  her 
Majestie's  magazine.  And  because  the  Sd  Germans,  arriving  so  late 
cannot  possibly  this  year  cultivate  any  ground  for  the(ir)  Subsistance, 
much  less  be  able  to  pay  the  public  Services  of  the  Government.  It 
is  the  opinion  of  this  Board  that  they  be  put  under  the  denomination 
of  Rangers  to  exempt  them  from  that  charge,  and  for  the  better  en- 
abling the  Sd  Germans  to  supply  by  hunting  the  want  of  other 
provisions.  It  is  also  ordered  that  all  other  persons  be  restrained 
from  hunting  on  unpatented  Lands  near  the  Settlement."  J  3 

July  21st,  1714. 

To  the  L'ds  Comm'rs  of  Trade. 
My  Lords: 

Since  my  last  of  the  9th  of  March,  (whereof  the  enclosed  is  a  Duplicate)  I 
have  had  the  hon'r  to  receive  y'r  Lo'ps  of  the  6th  of  April,  with  the  Treatys  of 

i2The  Writings  of  Colonel  William  Byrd,  pages  300,  302,  390  ff. 
l3Virginia  Magazine,  vol.  XIII,  page  362. 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern        25 

Peace  and  Comerce,  which  I  have  accordingly  made  public.  It  is  with  great  sat- 
isfaction that  I  can  acquaint  y'r  Lo'ps  that  this  Country  enjoys  a  perfect  Peace 
and  that  even  the  Indians,  since  the  last  Treaty  made  with  them,  have  not  of- 
fered the  least  disturbance,  notwithstanding  the  Tuscaros,  induced  thereto,  (as 
they  say)  by  the  people  of  Carolina,  have  departed  from  their  agreements  with 
this  Governm't,  and  gon(e)  to  settle  once  more  upon  that  Province,  I  continue, 
all  resolv'd,  to  settle  out  our  Tributary  Indians  as  a  guard  to  ye  Frontiers,  and  in 
order  to  supply  that  part,  w'ch  was  to  have  been  covered  by  the  Tuscaros,  I  have 
placed  here  a  number  of  Protestant  Germans,  built  them  a  fort  and  furnished  it 
with  two  pieces  of  cannon  and  some  ammunition,  which  will  awe  the  Stragling 
partys  of  Northern  Indians,  and  be  a  good  Barrier  for  all  that  part  of  the  Coun- 
try. These  Germans  were  invited  over,  some  years  ago,  by  the  Baron  de  Graf- 
fenreed,  who  has  her  Majesty's  Letter  to  ye  Governor  of  Virginia  to  furnish  them 
with  Land  upon  their  arrival.  They  are  generally  such  as  have  been  employed 
in  their  own  country  as  Miners,  and  say  they  are  satisfied.  There  are  divers 
kinds  of  minerals  in  those  upper  parts  of  the  Country  where  they  are  settled,  and 
even  a  good  appearance  of  Silver  Oar,  .  .  . ' 4 

Virginia,  Feb'ry  7,  1715. 
To  the  L'ds  Comm'rs  of  Trade  and  Plantation: 

...  As  to  the  other  Settlement,  named  Germanna,  there  are  about  forty 
Germans,  Men,  Women,  and  Children,  who,  having  quitted  their  native  Country 
upon  the  invitation  of  the  Herr  Graffenriedt,  and  being  grievously  dissapointed  by 
his  failure  to  perform  his  Engagements  to  them,  and  they  arriving  also  here  just 
at  a  time  when  the  Tuscaruro  Indians  departed  from  the  Treaty  they  had  made 
with  this  Government  to  settle  upon  its  Northern  Frontiers,  I  did  both  in  Com- 
passion to  those  poor  Strangers  and  in  regard  to  the  safety  of  the  Country,  place 
them  together  upon  a  piece  of  Land,  several  Miles  without  the  Inhabitants,  where 
I  built  them  Habitations,  and  subsisted  them  until  they  were  able,  by  their  own 
Labour,  to  provide  for  themselves,  and  I  presume  I  may,  without  a  Crime  or  Mis- 
demeanor, endeavor  to  put  them  in  an  honest  way  of  paying  their  Just  Debts.  .  .15 

This  policy,  pursued  so  consistently  in  New  York,  Virginia,  and 
Carolina,  while  doubtless  a  compliment  to  German  courage  and 
honesty,  points  to  a  contempt  for  them  which  has  continued,  in  a 
more  or  less  marked  degree,  down  to  the  present  time.  The  writer 
of  the  history  of  the  Germans  in  Maine  found  in  the  state  archives 
that  those  documents  relating  to  the  German  colony  of  Waldo  alone 
were  unprinted,  although  this  colony  had  had  a  history  as  interesting 
and  as  tragic  as  Deerfield  or  Schenectady,  and  no  one  can  imagine 
documents  relating  to  these  two  settlements  remaining  long  unprinted 
in  the  public  archives.  Happily  this  attitude  is  changing,  due  largely 
to  the  efforts  of  the  German-Americans  themselves,  and  new  chapters 
are  constantly  being  added  to  the  story  of  their  part  in  the  making 
of  our  country. 

X4Spotswood,  vol.  II,  page  70. 

15Spotswood,  vol.  II,  page  196.  This  refers  to  his  employment  of  them  in  building  and  operating 
his  iron  furnace. 


PART  II 

THE  NEW  BERN  ADVENTURES 

CHAPTER  I 

Graffenried's  Early  Life 

Christoph  von  Graffenried,  the  eldest  of  several  children,  was 
born  at  Bern,  Switzerland,  about  the  first  of  November,  1661.  His 
father,  Anton  von  Graffenried,  was  a  member  of  the  patrician  family 
of  that  name,  and  while  not  rich  in  his  younger  days,  he  had  claims 
on  profitable  political  position,  but,  what  is  more  important,  he 
possessed  the  ability  to  succeed  and  to  keep  his  wealth  on  a  solid 
and  conservative  foundation.  He  was  frugal  in  his  expenditures, 
honest  in  his  business  relations,  but  unaffectionate  in  his  family  life. 
He  could  never  understand  or  sympathize  with  Christoph,  who 
had  an  adventuresome  disposition  even  as  a  child,  and  father  and 
son  were  always  more  or  less  estranged.  Moreover,  Christoph's 
mother  died  when  the  boy  was  only  a  few  years  old,  but  her  place 
was  soon  after  taken  by  a  stepmother. 

At  seven  years  of  age  Christoph  was  one  of  five  little  boys  sent 
to  a  Latin  teacher  who  insisted  that  the  pupils  speak  Latin,  and 
punished  infractions  of  the  rule  with  fines.  Judging  from  the  Latin 
in  the  German  version  of  his  account,  the  school  was  not  a  success 
in  his  case,  and  Anton  found  the  fines  he  was  called  upon  to  pay  a 
grievous  hardship.  Other  offenses  brought  punishments  so  severe 
that  the  boy  ran  away  to  one  of  his  relatives  for  protection,  through 
whose  intercession,  however,  he  was  shortly  afterwards  allowed  to  re- 
turn home  to  stay. 

In  1676  Anton  von  Graffenried  went  into  partnership  with  the 
foreman  and  purchased  a  salt  works  at  Roche.  The  families  were 
so  friendly  at  the  start  that  the  plan  was  made,  very  agreeably  to  the 
young  people,  that  Christoph  should  marry  the  foreman's  daughter. 
But  a  quarrel  arising  over  the  claims  of  the  two  fathers  in  the  salt 
works,  the  relation  was  broken  off,  never  to  be  renewed. 

Not  long  after  this,  Sir  William  Waller,  a  relative  of  one  of  the 
regicides,  who  had  come  to  Bern  for  protection,  saw  the  boy  and  was 
so  impressed  by  his  appearance  and  manners,  that  he  encouraged 


28  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

him  to  go  to  England  to  try  his  fortune  there,  and  the  father  was  so 
far  persuaded  that  he  was  making  plans  to  send  him  to  England  when 
a  better  way  seemed  to  present  itself.  One  of  Anton's  brothers  was 
a  chamberlain  and  captain  in  the  bodyguard  of  the  Elector  of  Saxony, 
and  it  was  hoped  that  Christoph  would  be  able  to  get  a  place  at 
that  court  through  his  influence.  But  the  captain  died  at  just  this 
time  and  the  hope  was  shattered.  Christoph  then  went  to  school 
in  Geneva.  He  was  still  restless,  however,  and  wanted  to  travel  on 
the  20,000£  which  fell  to  him  from  his  mother.  Anton  did  not  approve 
of  the  plan,  but  after  a  violent  argument  gave  his  consent  for  the  lad 
to  go  under  the  conduct  of  a  theological  student  who  was  to  super- 
vise the  expenditures  as  well.  The  two  went  first  to  Heidelberg, 
where  Christoph  was  soon  in  the  politest  society,  thanks  to  his 
family  name  and  his  own  engaging  appearance.  His  intercourse  in 
the  Elector's  social  circle  progressed  better  than  his  university  studies; 
and  when  the  story  of  a  duel  came  to  Bern,  Anton  concluded  it  was 
time  for  his  son  to  change  his  location.  In  Ley  den,  where  he  next 
went  to  study,  his  law,  history  and  mathematics  progressed  better, 
and  he  stayed  two  years. 

Through  Sir  William  Waller's  influence  Anton  now  allowed  his  son 
to  go  to  England,  where  he  was  promised  a  position  with  Mr.  Roux, 
secretary  to  the  Duke  of  Carlyle,  on  his  embassy  to  Constantinople. 
Since  the  father  expected  Sir  William  to  advance  what  money  Chris- 
toph would  need,  no  money  accompanied  the  letter  of  introduction; 
and  when  the  young  Switzer  landed  in  London,  ten  ducats  was  all  he 
had  in  his  pockets.  At  this  time  he  did  not  speak  English,  and  it 
was  only  by  chance  that  he  found  a  German  porter  who  could  under- 
stand him.  With  such  directions  as  this  man  could  give  him,  he 
found  Sir  William  Waller's  house.  Lady  Waller  met  him  and  from 
her  manner  he  could  guess  that  nothing  was  to  be  expected  from  Sir 
William,  who  was  at  that  time  in  the  Fleet  for  debt. *  Through  the 
porter  Graffenried  learned  that  the  Duke  had  already  gone  to  Con- 
stantinople, and  all  hopes  of  an  appointment  disappeared.  This 
same  porter  also  introduced  him  to  a  Swiss  locksmith  by  the  name 
of  Engel,  with  whom  he  stayed  until  money  arrived  from  Bern. 
Thereupon  he  took  lodging  with  Pastor  Horneg,  chaplain  to  the  Duke 
of  Marlborough,  and  not  long  after  was  introduced  into  the  society 
of  the  Duke  by  a  German  friend,  a  trumpet  major  in  the  army;  and 
from  this  time  he  moved  in  the  society  of  courtiers  and  was  even 
presented  to  King  Charles  II  himself. 

In  1682,  the  Duke  of  Albemarle,  chancellor  of  Cambridge  Univer- 
sity, was  not  able  to  be  present  at  the  conferring  of  degrees  and  sent 

iLuttrell,  vol.  I,  pp.  84  and  91.     This  was  between  the  11th  and  25th  of  May,  1681. 


Gbaefenbied:  Account  of  the  Founding  or  !New  Been       29 

two  of  his  friends,  Farwel  and  Graffenried,  to  represent  him.  And 
we  may  judge  of  the  favor  and  popularity  of  the  latter  when  we  learn 
that  to  his  astonishment  the  doctorate  was  offered  him.  He  refused, 
however,  saying  that  he  was  not  worthy,  since  he  had  not  studied 
for  such  a  degree,  but  that  he  would  accept  a  degree  of  Master  of 
Arts,  according  to  the  proverb,  In  omnibus  aliquid,  in  toto  nihil. 

Meanwhile  Graffenried  had  fallen  in  love  with  a  niece  of  the  Duke 
of  Buckingham,  a  lady  of  good  birth  but  poor  family.  Money  and 
station  were,  nevertheless,  necessary  to  succeed  in  the  courtship  of 
a  lady  of  rank;  and  so  he  planned  to  buy  a  vacant  commission  as  cornet 
in  the  British  army.  This  would  cost  a  thousand  pounds,  but  would 
pay  well  when  secured  and  would  enable  him  to  pursue  his  courtship 
with  some  prospect  of  success.  A  letter  to  Bern  asking  for  money  and 
for  permission  to  take  this  place  was  answered  by  a  summons  to  start 
for  home  immediately,  with  the  penalty  of  losing  his  prerogatives  and 
right  to  act  as  his  grandfather's  substitute  in  the  government  at  Worb, 
in  case  he  refused.  Not  even  money  for  the  whole  journey  was 
allowed  him,  but  his  way  was  paid  stage  by  stage  through  designated 
persons.  All  this  was  caused  by  a  false  report  spread  by  one  of  his 
own  countrymen,  to  the  effect  that  he  was  acting  the  spendthrift, 
and  Anton  learned  the  truth  too  late  to  repair  the  injury  entirely. 
It  was  no  use  to  go  back  to  England  now,  and  with  his  father's  per- 
mission, Christoph  stayed  a  year  in  France.  His  social  success 
was  as  great  here  as  it  had  been  in  England.  Reports  of  him  reached 
Louis  XIV  and  Graffenried  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  both  the 
Dauphin  and  the  great  king.  After  this  he  spent  some  time  in  Lyons 
and  finally  reached  home  some  time  about  1683.  Reproaches  for  the 
wasted  time  and  money  were  not  lacking,  and  Anton  decided  it  was 
time  for  the  son  to  marry,  and  settle  down  in  an  office.  Christoph 
showed  no  enthusiasm  for  marriage  and  left  the  choice  largely  to  his 
relatives,  with  the  result  that  he  married  Regine  Tscharner  in  1684. 
On  this  occasion  Anton  showed  himself  so  niggardly  that  the  groom 
had  to  lend  him  money  with  which  to  buy  presents  and  hire  the 
carriage  himself. 

It  was  hoped  that  the  grandfather  would  now  assist  Christoph  to  an 
office,  but  the  old  gentleman  died  too  soon  and  it  was  several  years 
before  Christoph  obtained  even  a  minor  appointment.  At  length, 
however,  he  became  bailiff  of  Iferton  in  Neuchatel  in  1702.  This 
had  the  reputation  of  being  a  lucrative  position,  but  the  festivities 
which  custom  compelled  him  to  give  on  his  induction  into  office, 
reduced  the  profits  of  the  first  year;  and  the  next  year,  during  the 
religious  troubles,  Iferton  had  to  support  a  garrison.  The  bailiff 
had    to    keep    open    house    for    officers;    other    officials    and    friends 


30  JSTokth  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

came  to  pay  him  their  respects,  and  these  merry,  but  expensive 
occasions  were  a  heavy  drain  upon  his  resources,  for  out  of  200 
doubloons  spent,  only  50  were  repaid  him  by  the  state.  Graffenried 
also  had  a  feeling  for  the  peasants,  and  did  not  wring  as  much  from 
them  as  he  might  have  done,  and  as  was  the  usual  practice  of  bailiffs. 
Meanwhile  his  family  was  increasing.  He  made  bad  speculations, 
gave  securities,  and  contracted  debts  until  prospects  of  a  catastrophe 
began  to  loom  up  before  him  when  his  term  of  office  should  end  in 
1708.  The  strife  over  Neuchatel,  the  violation  of  the  peace  by  the 
war  of  the  Spanish  succession,  the  troubles  between  the  Protestant 
and  the  Catholic  cantons,  and  the  continual  persecutions  of  the 
Anabaptists  made  his  home  distasteful  to  him;  the  ambitions  of  his 
youth  returned  with  a  renewed  force,  and  now  he  determined  to  seek 
in  America  the  fortune  which  was  denied  him  at  home. 

The  account  of  his  life  thus  far,  taken  mostly  from  papers  in  the 
Graffenried  family, 2  by  one  of  his  descendants,  shows  that  Christoph 
von  Graffenried  was  no  ordinary  man.  He  had  the  ability  of  making 
friends,  and  inspired  confidence  in  people.  He  had  an  acute  mind 
and  above  all,  possessed  the  love  of  adventure  necessary  to  the  success 
of  such  an  undertaking  as  that  on  which  he  was  embarking.  The 
failure. of  his  plans  must  be  laid,  not  to  him,  but  to  circumstances 
over  which  he  had  no  control,  and  which  he  could  not,  by  any  possi- 
bility, have  foreseen. 

!Neujahrsblatt,  page  4  ff. 


CHAPTER  II 

Literature  Which  Graffenried  Studied  Before  Deciding  to  Go 
to  America: — Blome,  Hennepin,  Kocherthal 

Graffenried,  we  know,  had  long  been  considering  the  bettering  of 
his  fortune  in  America.  He  had  made  extensive  inquiries  about 
mines,  agriculture,  and  the  best  means  of  settling  there,  and  the  authors 
he  read  certainly  included  Blome,  Hennepin,  and  Kocherthal.  Blome 
gives  a  brief  description  of  all  the  English  colonies,  and  speaks  favor- 
ably of  them.  Hennepin,  among  other  things,  has  this  to  say  of  Caro- 
lina: "So  that  the  Providence  of  the  Almighty  God  seems  to  have 
reserved  this  country  for  the  English,  a  Patent  whereof  was  granted 
Fifty  years  ago  to  the  Lords  Proprietors  of  Carolina,  who  have  made 
great  discoveries  therein,  seven  hundred  Miles  Westerly  from  the 
Mountains,  which  separate  between  it  Carolina  and  Virginia,  and 
Six  hundred  Miles  from  North  to  South,  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico 
to  the  great  Inland  Lakes,  which  are  situated  behind  the  Mountains 
of  Carolina  and  Virginia.  Besides,  they  have  an  account  of  all  the 
Coast,  from  the  Cape  of  Florida  to  the  River  Panuco,  the  Northerly 
Bounds  of  the  Spaniards  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  together  with  most 
of  the  chief  Harbours,  Rivers,  and  Islands  thereunto  appertaining; 
and  are  about  to  establish  a  very  considerable  Colony  on  some  part 
of  the  Great  River,  as  soon  as  they  have  agreed  upon  the  Boundaries, 
or  Limits,  which  Lords  Proprietors  of  Carolina,  who  claim  by  a  Patent 
procured  long  after  that  of  Carolina.  But  there  being  space  enough 
for  both,  and  the  Proprietors  generally  inclin'd  to  an  amicable 
conclusion,  the  Success  of  this  undertaking  is  impatiently  expected, 
For  considering  the  Benignity  of  the  Climate,  the  Healthfulness  of 
the  Country,  the  Fruitfulness  of  the  Soil,  Ingenuity  and  Tractableness 
of  the  Inhabitants,  Variety  of  Productions,  if  prudently  manag'd,  it 
cannot,  humanely  speaking,  fail  of  proving  one  of  the  most  consider- 
able Colonies  on  the  North-Continent  of  America,  profitable  to  the 
Publick  and  to  the  Undertakers."  1 

Other  accounts  of  Carolina, 2  all  favorable,  but  less  entertainingly 
written,  by  Home,  Smith,  by  one  T.  A.,  probably  Thomas  Ashe, 
and  by  Archdale  had  appeared  before  this;  and  Graffenried  may  have 
been  acquainted  with  some  or  all  of  these.  Kocherthal's  Bericht 
was  undoubtedly  the  most  influential  book  among  German-speaking 
people,   having  reached  the  fourth  edition  in   1709.     It  contains   a 

*A  continuation  of  the  New  Discovery  of  a  vast  Country  in  America.  Reprinted  by  Thwaites, 
page  678. 

2Carrol's  Collections,  vol.  II. 


32  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

rather  detailed  description  of  the  country,  plants,  animals,  and  prod- 
ucts, and  has  little  but  praise  for  the  new  country.  On  the  subject 
of  greatest  concern,  the  danger  from  the  Indians,  it  reads  as  follows: 

Sftit  benen  3nbtanern  leben  aucb,  bie  (Snglifdje  attba  in  bolTfommener 
greunbfcfyaft  imb  guter  SSerneljmen  in  bem  fie  betbcrfetts  cinanber  gar  niitgltd) 
unb  jutrctgtirf)  fet)n:  unb  tragen  bie  Sorbs/  fo  (SigentlmmS  £>errn  biefeg  £anbe§ 
finb/  gute  ©orgfaft/  baft  iljnen  ntdjts  unbifligeS  gugefiiget  toerbe.  ©ie  fyaben 
jn  fotdjem  Gmbe  ein  fonbertidjeS  ©eridjte  angeorbnet  unb  beftettet/ luetdjeS  auS 
benen  33efd)eibenften  unb  bem  (Sigen^Jiuij  am  loenigften  ergebenen  (Stmooljnern 
beftetjet:  toorinnen  benn  all  bie  ©treitigfeiten  beigeleget  boerben  fallen/  fo 
fid)  etroa  gbnfdjen  benen  (gngttfdjen  unb  trgenb  etnem  Don  ben  ^nbtanern 
jutragen  modjten  toeldjeg  fie  bloft  auft  einer  Sljrifttidjen  unb  bernimfttg  billtdjen 
33etoegung  gettjan/  feinetoegeS  aber  barum/  at3  ob  man  fid}  etroa  eintger 
©efafyr  Don  ifmen  ju  be§orgen  l)atte. 

@g  finb  nemltd)  bie  ^nbianer  btftant)ero  ftetig  untereinanber  fo  im  $riege 
toermicfett  gettiefen  .  .  .  baft  felbige  biefem  SSolf  nid)t  jugelaffen  fyaben,  fid} 
fonberlidj  $u  bermefyren  aber  ^ujuneljmen  .  .  .  2)iefe3  berurfadjet  bemnad)/ 
baft  fie  an  IJftannfdjafft  fo  fdjtoad)/  aud)  iiber  bift  fo  jerteilet  bleiben/  baft  bie 
(Snglifdjen  bon  iljnen  nid)t  bie  allergeringfte  gordjt  f)aben/  ober  fid)  einiger 
©efafjr  beforgen  borffen/  .   .   . 3 

3"The  English  also  live  with  the  Indians  there  in  complete  friendship  and  good  understanding, 
since  they  are  mutually  useful  and  agreeable.  And  the  Lords  who  are  the  owners  of  this  land  take 
good  care  that  no  ill  treatment  is  given  them.  They  have,  to  this  end,  arranged  and  established  for 
them  an  especial  court  which  consists  of  the  most  modest  inhabitants  and  those  least  given  to  selfish- 
ness, in  which,  then,  all  disputes  which  may  come  up  between  the  English  and  any  of  the  Indians  are 
settled.  This  they  have  done  merely  out  of  a  Christian  and  reasonably  proper  impulse,  but  not  at 
all  as  though  one  had  to  fear  any  danger  from  them. 

"That  is  to  say,  the  Indians  up  until  now  have  been  engaged  so  continually  in  war  with  each 
other  that  the  same  has  not  allowed  this  race  to  increase  or  grow  very  much.  This  brings  it  about, 
accordingly,  that  they  are  so  weak  in  numbers  of  warriors,  and,  besides  this,  remain  so  divided  that 
the  English  have  not  the  slightest  fear  of  them  or  need  allow  themselves  to  have  anxiety  about  any 
danger  whatever."- — Kocherthal,  page  57. 


CHAPTER  III 

Another  Colonization  Project — Graffenried  Meets  the  Agent 
— Franz  Louis  Michel — Fully  Persuaded  to  Go  to  America — 
Graffenried  Leaves  for  England  and  Meets  John  Lawson 

While  Graffenried  was  still  in  Switzerland  the  Canton  of  Bern  had 
begun  to  negotiate  through  a  former  citizen  of  Bern,  Franz  Louis 
Michel,  for  land  in  North  Carolina  l  and  Virginia. 2  They  requested 
to  be  allowed  to  hold  whatever  tract  they  should  buy  independently 
of  either  the  Proprietors  of  Carolina  or  the  Governor  of  Virginia. 3 
Since  such  a  request  could  not,  of  course,  be  granted,  nothing  definite 
was  done  concerning  purchase.  An  independent  colonization  project 
was  started,  however,  the  chief  member  of  which  was  a  man  named 
Bitter. 4 

In  1708  Michel  was  back  in  Bern  5  again  and  from  him  Graffenried 
informed  himself  more  fully  about  conditions  in  America,  and  Michel's 
favorable  reports  fully  persuaded  him  to  go  to  the  New  World.  His 
plan  had  no  connection  as  yet  with  the  colonization  schemes  of  the 
Canton  of  Bern  or  the  Ritter  Company,  as  will  be  shown  later.  All 
he  had  in  mind  was  to  go  over  to  America,  and  following  Michel's 
directions  and  maps,  to  find  the  deposits  of  silver  ore,  which  he, 
together  with  Michel,  expected  to  work  for  their  own  profit,  using 
for  this  purpose  miners  from  Germany,  who  should  be  engaged  before 
he  left,  but  who  were  not  to  emigrate  until  he  sent  for  them. 6  Accord- 
ingly, when  his  term  of  office  ended  in  1708, 7  Graffenried  left  Swit- 
zerland secretly,  not  even  telling  his  friends  of  his  plans,  and  went 
first  to  Holland  and  then  to  England.  While  in  Holland,  or  on  his 
way  there,  he  engaged  twelve  miners  to  come  to  him  when  he  should 
send  for  them. 8 

During  his  stay  in  England  Graffenried  became  acquainted  with 
Michel's  friend  John  Lawson,  who  was  having  the  account  of  his 
travels  in  Carolina  printed.  None  of  the  descriptions  with  which 
Graffenried  was  acquainted,  except  Hennepin's,  compare  in  interest 
and  freshness  with  Lawson's  Journal.  He  had  been  eight  j^ears  in 
Carolina,  and  had  taken  a  thousand-mile  journey  from  Charleston 
to  a  point  near  the  present  site  of  New  Bern,  making,  however,  a 
wide  circuit  in  which  he  ascended  the  Santee  River  to  its  sources, 

•■Lawson's  Journal,  page  203  ff. 

2FreDch  Version. 

3Freneh  Version. 

4.\eujahrsblatt,  page  21.    Bernische  Taeufer,  page  25S. 

5French  Version,  German  Version. 

6Frenoh  Version,  German  Version. 

'Xeujahrsblatt,  page  17. 

8Frenoh  Version,  German  Version. 


34  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

and  then  turned  northward,  crossing  the  upper  waters  of  the  Congaree, 
Wateree,  and  Yadkin  Rivers,  then  bearing  more  to  the  east  until 
he  reached  the  Moratok,  now  the  Roanoke  River,  some  120  miles 
above  its  mouth.  From  this  point  he  went  southward,  almost  to 
Chatoka,  now  New  Bern.  This  trip  gave  him  a  good  idea  of  the 
country  and  its  inhabitants,  at  least  Graffenried  must  have  thought 
so,  and  furthermore,  he  confirmed  Michel's  reports  about  the  presence 
of  silver  ore. 1 

The  passages  and  abstracts  from  Lawson's  book  which  follow  will 
give  an  idea  of  his  style  and  the  kind  of  arguments  that  doubtless 
influenced  Graffenried  to  go  to  Carolina  rather  than  to  Virginia,  as 
he  intended  at  first  to  do.  As  copies  of  the  book  are  very  rare  and 
not  easily  accessible,  and  Lawson  was  from  this  time  on  so  intimately 
associated  with  Graffenried,  I  have  made  the  quotations  and  extracts 
rather  full. 


^he  influence  of  Lawson  and  his  description  of  Carolina  is  attested  further  by  the  fact  that  his 
book  was  printed  so  soon  in  German  and  published  in  an  edition  that  was  evidently  an  expensive 
one,  as  shown  by  the  gilt  lettering.    The  title  of  the  German  edition  was  as  follows: 

Allerneuste  Beschreibung  der  Provintz  Carolina  in  West-Indien  sammt  einem  Reise-Journal 
von  mehr  als  Tausend  Meilen  unter  allerhand  Indianischen  Nationen,  auch  einer  Accuraten  Land- 
Carte  und  andern  Kupfer-Stichen.    Aus  dem  Englischen  ubersetzt  durch  M.  Vischer. 

HAMBURG. 

Gedruckt  und  verlegt/  durch  seel.  Thomas  von  Wierings  Erben  bey  der  Borse/  in  guldenen  A, 
B,  C,  Anno  1712  sind  auch  zu  Frankfurt  und  Leipsig/  bey  Zacharias  Herlteln  zu  bekommen. 

Most  Recent  Description  of  the  Province  Carolina  in  the  West  Indies,  along  with  a  Travel- 
Journal  of  more  than  a  Thousand  Miles  among  all  sorts  of  Indian  Nations,  with  an  Accurate  Map 
and  other  Copper  Plates  also.    Translated  out  of  the  English  by  Mr.  Vischer. 

HAMBURG. 

Printed  and  published  by  the  heirs  of  the  late  Thomas  von  Wiering  at  the  Exchange  in  golden 
A,  B,  C,  Anno  1712,  are  also  to  be  had  in  Frankfort  and  Leipsig  at  Zacharias  Herldn's. 


CHAPTER  IV 
John  Lawson  and  His  Journal 

Lawson  began  his  journey  of  exploration  December  28,  1700. 
There  were  six  Englishmen,  three  Indian  men  and  an  Indian  woman, 
the  wife  of  one  of  the  guides  in  the  party.  They  canoed  from  Charles- 
town  to  the  Santee  River,  up  which  they  rowed  several  days,  and 
as  occasion  required  enjoyed  the  hospitality  of  the  French  settlers 
along  the  river.  The  following  extracts  will  show  how  he  livened 
up  his  description. 

"Monday.  The  next  Morning  very  early  we  ferry'd  over  a  Creek 
that  runs  near  the  House;  and,  after  an  Hour's  Travel  in  the  Woods, 
we  came  to  the  River-side,  where  we  stay'd  for  the  Indian,  who  was 
our  Guide,  and  was  gone  around  by  Water  in  a  small  Canoe,  to  meet 
us  at  the  Place  we  rested  at.  He  came  after  a  small  time  and  ferry'd 
us  in  that  little  Vessel  over  Santee  River  4  miles,  and  84  Miles  in  the 
Woods,  which  the  overflowing  of  the  Freshes,  which  then  came  down, 
had  made  a  perfect  Sea  of,  there  running  an  incredible  Current  in  the 
River,  which  had  cast  our  small  Craft  and  us  away,  had  we  not  had 
this  Sewee  Indian  with  us;  who  are  excellent  Artists  in  managing 
these  small  Canoes. 

"Santee  River,  at  this  time,  (from  the  usual  Depth  of  Water)  was 
risen  perpendicular  36  Foot,  always  making  a  Breach  from  her  Banks, 
about  this  Season  of  the  Year.  The  general  Opinion  of  the  cause 
thereof,  is  suppos'd  to  proceed  from  the  overflowing  of  fresh  Water- 
Lakes  that  lie  near  the  Head  of  this  River,  and  other  upon  the  same 
Continent;  But  my  Opinion  is,  that  these  vast  Inundations  proceed 
from  the  great  and  repeated  Quantities  of  Snow  that  falls  upon  the 
Mountains,  which  lie  at  so  great  a  Distance  from  the  Sea,  therefore 
they  have  no  Help  of  being  dissolv'd  by  those  saline,  piercing  Parti- 
cles, as  other  adjacent  Parts  near  the  Ocean  receive:  and  therefore 
lies  and  increases  to  a  vast  Bulk,  until  some  mild  Southerly  Breezes 
coming  on  a  sudden,  continue  to  unlock  these  frozen  Bodies,  con- 
geal'd  by  the  North-West  Wind :  dissipating  them  in  Liquids :  and  com- 
ing down  with  Impetuosity,  fills  those  branches  that  feed  these  Rivers, 
and  causes  this  strange  Deluge,  which  oft-times  lays  under  Water 
for  Miles  distant  from  the  Banks:  tho'  the  French  and  Indians 
affirmed  to  me  they  never  knew  such  extraordinary  Floods  there 
before. 

"We  all  by  God's  Blessing  and  the  Endeavours  of  our  Indian- 
Pilot,  pass'd  safe  over  the  River,  but  was  lost  in  the  Woods  which 


36  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

seem'd  like  some  great  Lake,  except  here  and  there  a  Knowl  of  high 
Land,  which  appeared  above  water. 

"We  intended  for  Mons.  Galliar's,  jun;  but  was  lost,  none  of  us 
knowing  the  Way  at  that  Time,  altho'  the  Indian  was  born  in  the 
Country,  it  having  receiv'd  so  strange  a  Metamorphosis.  We  were 
in  several  Opinions  concerning  the  right  way,  the  Indian  and  myself, 
suppos'd  the  House  to  bear  one  Way,  the  rest  thought  to  the  con- 
trary; we  differing,  it  was  agreed  amongst  us  that  one  half  should 
go  with  the  Indian  to  find  the  House  and  the  other  part  to  stay  upon 
one  of  these  dry  Spots,  until  some  of  them  returned  to  us,  and  inform'd 
us  where  it  lay. 

"  Myself  and  two  more  were  left  behind,  by  Reason  the  Canoe  would 
not  carry  us  all;  we  had  but  one  Gun  amongst  us,  one  Load  of 
Ammunition,  and  no  Provision.  Had  our  Men  in  the  Canoe  mis- 
carry'd,  we  must  (in  all  Probability)  there  have  perish'd. 

"In  about  six  Hour's  Time,  from  our  Mens  Departure,  the  Indian 
came  back  to  us  in  the  Same  Canoe  he  went  in,  being  half  drunk, 
which  assur'd  us  they  had  found  some  Place  of  Refreshment.  He 
took  us  three  into  the  canoe,  telling  us  all  was  well:  Paddling  our 
Vessel  several  Miles  thro'  the  Woods,  being  often  half  full  of  water; 
but  at  length  we  got  safe  to  the  Place  we  sought  for,  which  prov'd 
to  lie  the  same  Way  the  Indian  and  I  guess'd  it  did."  l 

Another  short  extract  speaking  of  the  Indians: 

"Amongst  Women  it  seems  impossible  to  find  a  scold;  if  they  are 
provok'd,  or  affronted,  by  their  Husbands,  or  some  other,  they  resent 
the  Indignity  offer'd  them  in  silent  Tears,  or  by  refusing  their  Meat. 
Would  some  of  our  European  Daughters  of  Thunder  set  these  Indians 
for  a  Pattern,  there  might  be  more  quiet  Families  found  amongst 
them,  occasion'd  by  that  unruly  Member,  the  Tongue. 2 

"A  Second  Settlement  of  this  Country  was  made  about  fifty  years 
ago,  in  that  part  we  now  call  Albemarl  County  and  chiefly  in  Chuwon 
Precinct,  by  several  substantial  Planters  from  Virginia  and  other 
Plantations;  Who  finding  mild  winters,  and  a  fertile  Soil  beyond 
expectation,  producing  that  which  was  planted  to  a  prodigious  In- 
crease, their  Cattle,  Horses,  Sheep  and  Swine  breeding  very  fast,  and 
passing  the  Winter  without  any  assistance  from  the  Planter:  so  that 
everything  seem'd  to  come  by  Nature,  the  Husbandman  living  almost 
devoid  of  Care,  and  free  from  those  Fatigues  which  are  absolutely 
requisite  in  Winter-Countries,  for  providing  Fodder  and  other  Neces- 
saries; these  Encouragements  induced  them  to  stand  their  Ground 
altho'  but  a  handful  of  People,  seated  at  great  Distances  one  from 

Dawson's  Journal,  page  4  ff. 
2Lawson's  Journal,  page  37. 


Geaffeneied  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been         37 

another,  and  amidst  a  vast  number  of  Indians  of  different  Nations, 
who  were  then  in  Carolina.  Nevertheless,  I  say,  the  Fame  of  this 
new  discovered  Summer-Country  spread  through  the  neighbouring 
Colonies,  and  in  a  few  Years,  drew  a  considerable  number  of  Families 
thereto,  who  all  found  Land  enough  to  settle  themselves  in  (had  they 
been  many  Thousands  more)  and  that  which  was  very  good  and 
commodiously  seated,  both  for  Profit  and  Pleasure.  And  indeed, 
most  of  the  Plantations  in  Carolina  naturally  enjoy  a  noble  Prospect 
of  large  and  spacious  Rivers,  pleasant  Savannas  and  fine  Meadows 
with  their  green  Liveries,  interwoven  with  beautiful  Flowers,  of  most 
glorious  Colours,  which  the  several  Seasons  afford;  hedged  in  with 
pleasant  Groves  of  the  ever-famous  Tulip-tree,  the  stately  Laurel, 
and  Bays,  equalizing  the  Oak  in  Bigness  and  Growth;  Myrtles,  Jessa- 
mines, Woodbines,  Honeysuckles,  and  several  other  fragrant  Vines 
and  Ever-Greens,  whose  aspiring  Branches  shadow  and  interweave 
themselves  with  the  Loftiest  Timbers,  yielding  a  pleasant  Prospect, 
Shade  and  Smell,  proper  Habitations  for  the  Sweet-singing  Birds, 
that  melodiously  entertain  such  as  travel  thro'  the  Woods  of  Carolina. 

"The  Planters  possessing  all  these  Blessings,  and  the  Produce  of 
great  Quantities  of  Wheat  and  Indian  Corn  in  which  this  Country 
is  very  fruitful  as  likewise  in  Beef,  Pork,  Tallow,  Hides,  Deer-Skins 
and  Furs;  for  these  Commodities  the  New-England-Men  and  Ber- 
mudians  visited  Carolina  in  their  Barks  and  Sloops,  and  carry'd  out 
what  they  made,  bringing  them  in  exchange  Rum,  Sugar,  Salt, 
Molasses  and  some  Wearing  Apparel,  tho'  the  last  at  very  extravagant 
Prices. 

"As  the  land  is  very  fruitful,  so  are  the  Planters  kind  and  hospitable 
to  all  that  come  to  visit  them;  there  being  very  few  Housekeepers, 
but  what  live  very  nobly,  and  give  away  more  provisions  to  Coasters 
and  Guests  who  come  to  see  them,  than  they  expend  amongst  their 
own  Families. 3 

"When  we  consider  the  Latitude  and  convenient  Situation  of  Caro- 
lina, had  we  no  farther  Confirmation  thereof,  our  Reason  would  inform 
us,  that  such  a  Place  lay  fairly  to  be  a  delicious  Country,  being  placed 
in  that  Girdle  of  the  World  which  affords  Wine,  Oil,  Fruit,  Grain, 
Silk  with  other  rich  Commodities,  besides  a  sweet  Air,  moderate 
Climate,  and  fertile  Soil;  these  are  the  Blessings  (under  Heaven's 
Protection)  that  spin  out  the  Thread  of  life  to  its  utmost  Extent, 
and  Crown  our  Days  with  the  Sweets  of  Health  and  Plenty,  which, 
when  join'd  with  Content,  renders  the  Possessors  the  happiest  Race 
of  Men  upon  Earth. 

3Lawson's  Journal,  page  62  ff. 


38  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

"The  Inhabitants  of  Carolina,  thro'  the  Richness  of  the  Soil,  live 
an  easy  and  pleasant  life.  The  Land  being  of  several  sorts  of  Com- 
post, some  stiff,  others  light,  some  marl,  others  rich  black  Mould; 
here  barren  of  Pine,  but  affording  Pitch,  Tar  and  Masts;  there  vastly- 
rich,  especially  on  the  Freshes  of  the  Rivers,  one  part  bearing  great 
Timbers,  others  being  Savannas  or  natural  Meads,  where  no  trees 
grow  for  several  Miles,  adorn'd  by  Nature  with  a  pleasant  Verdure, 
and  beautiful  Flowers,  frequent  in  no  other  Places,  yielding  abundance 
of  Herbage  for  Cattle,  Sheep  and  Horse.  The  Country  in  general 
affords  pleasant  Seats,  the  Land  (except  in  some  few  Places)  being 
dry  and  high  Banks,  parcell'd  out  into  most  convenient  Necks,  (by 
the  Creeks)  easy  to  be  fenced  in  for  securing  their  Stocks  to  more 
strict  Boundaries,  whereby,  with  a  small  trouble  of  fencing,  almost 
every  man  may  enjoy,  to  himself,  an  entire  Plantation,  or  rather 
Park.  These  with  the  other  Conveniences  which  the  Summer-Country 
naturally  furnishes,  has  induc'd  a  great  many  families  to  leave  the 
more  Northerly  Plantations,  and  sit  down  under  one  of  the  mildest 
Governments  in  the  world;  in  a  Country  that,  with  moderate  Industry, 
will  afford  all  the  Necessaries  of  Life.  We  have  yearly  abundance 
of  Strangers  come  among  us,  who  chiefly  strive  to  the  Southerly  to 
settle  because  there  is  a  vast  Tract  of  rich  Land  betwixt  the  Place 
we  are  seated  on,  and  Cape-Fair,  and  upon  that  River,  and  more 
Southerly,  which  is  inhabited  by  none  but  a  few  Indians,  who  are  at 
this  time  well  affected  to  the  English,  and  very  desirous  of  their  coming 
to  live  among  them.  The  more  Southerly,  the  milder  Winters,  with 
the  advantage  of  purchasing  the  Lords  Land  at  the  most  easy  and 
moderate  Rate  of  any  Lands  in  America,  nay  (allowing  all  advantages 
thereto  annex'd)  I  may  say,  the  Universe  does  not  afford  such  another ; 
Besides,  Men  have  a  great  advantage  of  choosing  good  and  com- 
modious Tracts  of  Land  at  the  first  Seating  of  a  Country  or  River, 
whereas  the  later  Settlers  are  forced  to  purchase  smaller  Dividends  of 
the  old  Standers,  and  sometimes  at  very  considerable  Rates;  as  now 
in  Virginia  and  Maryland,  where  a  thousand  Acres  of  good  Land 
cannot  be  bought  under  twenty  Schillings  an  Acre,  besides  two  Schil- 
lings yearly  Acknowledgement  for  every  hundred  Acres;  which  Sum, 
be  it  more  or  less,  will  serve  to  put  the  Merchant  or  Planter  here  into 
a  good  Posture  of  Buildings,  Slaves,  and  other  Necessaries,  where 
the  Purchase  of  his  Land  comes  to  him  on  such  easy  Terms.  And 
as  our  Grain  and  pulse  thrives  with  us  to  admiration,  no  less  do  our 
Stocks  of  Cattle,  Horses,  Sheep,  and  Swine  multiply. 4 

"The  Christian  Natives  of  Carolina  are  a  straight,  clean-limb'd 
People;  the  Children  being  seldom  or  never  troubled  with  Ricketts, 

4Lawson's  Journal,  page  79  ff. 


Geaffeneied  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been         39 

or  those  other  Distempers,  that  the  Europeans  are  visited  withal. 
'Tis  next  to  a  miracle  to  see  one  of  them  deformed  in  Body.  The 
Vicinity  of  the  Sun  makes  Impression  on  the  Men,  who  labour  out 
of  doors,  or  use  the  Water.  As  for  those  Women,  that  do  not  expose 
themselves  to  the  Weather,  they  are  often  very  fair,  and  generally 
as  well  featur'd,  as  you  shall  see  anywhere,  and  have  very  brisk  charm- 
ing Eyes,  which  sets  them  off  to  Advantage.  They  marry  very  young; 
Some  at  Thirteen  or  Fourteen;  and  She  that  stays  'till  Twenty  is 
reckoned  a  stale  Maid;  which  is  a  very  indifferent  Character  in  that 
warm  Country.  The  Women  are  very  fruitful;  most  Houses  being 
full  of  Little  Ones.  It  has  been  observ'd  that  Women  long  marry'd 
and  without  Children,  in  other  Places,  have  remov'd  to  Carolina  and 
become  joyful  Mothers.  They  have  very  easy  Travail  in  their  Child- 
bearing,  in  which  they  are  so  happy,  as  seldom  to  miscarry.  Both 
Sexes  are  generally  spare  of  Body,  and  not  Cholerick,  nor  easily  cast 
down  at  Disappointments  and  Losses,  seldom  immoderately  grieving 
at  Misfortunes,  unless  for  the  Loss  of  their  nearest  Relations  and 
Friends,  which  seems  to  make  a  more  than  ordinary  Impression  upon 
them.  Many  of  the  Women  are  very  handy  in  Canoes,  and  will 
manage  them  with  great  Dexterity  and  Skill,  which  they  become 
accustomed  to  in  this  Watery  Country.  They  are  ready  to  help  their 
Husbands  in  any  servile  Work,  as  Planting,  when  the  Season  of  the 
Weather  requires  Expedition;  Pride  seldom  banishing  good  Hous- 
wifery.  The  Girls  are  not  bred  up  to  the  Wheel  and  Sewing  only; 
but  the  Dairy  and  affairs  of  the  House  they  are  very  well  acquainted 
withal;  so  that  you  shall  see  them,  whilst  very  young,  manage  their 
Business  with  a  great  deal  of  Conduct  and  Alacrity.  The  Children 
of  both  Sexes  are  very  docile,  and  learn  anything  with  a  great  deal 
of  Ease  and  Method;  and  those  that  have  the  Advantages  of  Educa- 
tion, write  good  Hands,  and  prove  good  accountants,  which  is  most 
coveted,  and  indeed  most  necessary  in  these  Parts.  The  young  Men 
are  commonly  of  a  bashful,  sober  Behaviour;  few  proving  Prodigals, 
to  consume  what  the  Industry  of  their  Parents  has  left  them,  but 
commonly  improve  it. 5 

"I  shall  add  this:  That  with  prudent  Management,  I  can  affirm, 
by  experience,  not  by  Hear-say,  that  any  Person,  with  a  small  Begin- 
ning, may  live  very  comfortably,  and  not  only  provide  for  the  Neces- 
saries of  Life  but  likewise  for  those  that  are  to  succeed  him. 6 

"Moreover  it  is  remarkable,  that  no  place  on  the  Continent  of 
America  has  seated  an  English  Colony  so  free  from  Bloodshed  as 
Carolina;  but  all  the  others,  have  been  more  damag'd  and  disturb'd 

5Lawsoa's  Journal,  page  84. 
6Lawson's  Journal,  page  86. 


40  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

by  the  Indians  than  they  have,  which  is  worthy  Notice,  when  one 
considers  how  oddly  it  was  first  planted  with  Inhabitants. 7 

"Great  Plenty  is  generally  the  Ruin  of  Industry.  Thus  our  Mer- 
chants are  not  many,  nor  have  those  few  there  be,  apply'd  themselves 
to  the  European  Trade.  The  Planter  sits  contented  at  home,  whilst 
his  Oxen  thrive  and  grow  fat,  and  his  Stocks  daily  increase;  the  fatted 
Porkets  and  Poultry  are  easily  raised  to  his  Table,  and  his  Orchard 
affords  him  Liquor  so  that  he  eats,  and  drinks  away  the  Cares  of  the 
World  and  desires  no  greater  Happiness,  than  that  which  he  daily 
enjoys.  Whereas,  not  only  the  European,  but  also  the  Indian-Trade 
might  be  carried  on  to  great  profit,  because  we  lie  as  fairly  for  the 
Body  of  Indians,  as  any  Settlement  in  English-America;  and  for  the 
small  trade  that  has  been  carried  on  in  the  Way,  the  Dealers  therein 
have  throve  as  fast  as  any  Men,  and  the  soonest  raised  themselves 
of  any  People  I  have  known  in  Carolina. 8 

"One  great  Advantage  of  North-Carolina  is  that  we  are  not  a  Fron- 
tier, and  near  the  Enemy;  which  proves  very  chargeable  and  trouble- 
some, in  time  of  War,  to  those  Colonies  that  are  so  seated.  Another 
great  Advantage  comes  from  its  being  near  Virginia,  where  we  come 
often  to  a  good  Market,  at  the  Return  of  the  Guinea-Ships  for  Ne- 
gro's, and  the  Remnant  of  their  Stores,  which  is  very  commodious  for 
the  Indian  trade. 9 

"Therefore  as  my  Intent  was,  I  proceed  to  what  remains  of  the  Present 
State  of  Carolina,  having  already  accounted  for  the  Animals,  and  Veg- 
etables, as  far  as  this  Volume,  would  allow  of;  whereby  the  Remainder, 
though  not  exactly  known,  may  yet  be  guess'd  at,  if  we  consider  what 
Latitude  Carolina  lies  in,  which  reaches  from  29  to  36  degrees,  30 
minutes,  Northern  Latitude,  as  I  have  before  observ'd.  Which  Lati- 
tude is  as  fertile  and  pleasant,  as  any  in  the  World,  as  well  as  for  the 
Produce  of  Minerals,  Fruit,  Grain,  and  Wine,  as  other  rich  Commodi- 
ties. And  indeed,  all  the  Experiments  that  have  been  made  in  Caro- 
lina, of  the  Fertility  and  natural  Advantages  of  the  Country,  have 
exceeded  all  Expectation,  as  affording  some  Commodities,  which  other 
Places,  in  the  same  Latitude,  do  not.  As  for  Minerals,  as  they  are 
subterraneous  Products,  so,  in  all  new  Countries,  they  are  the  Species 
that  are  last  discover'd;  and  especially  in  Carolina,  where  the  Indians 
never  look  for  any  thing  lower  than  the  Superficies  of  the  Earth,  being 
a  Race  of  Men  the  least  addicted  to  delving  of  any  People  that  in- 
habit so  fine  a  Country  as  Carolina  is.  As  good  if  not  better  Mines 
than  those  of  the  Spaniards  in  America,  lie  full  West  from  us;  and  I 
am  certain,  we  have  Mountainous  Land,  and  as  great  Probability  of 

'Lawson's  Journal,  page  86. 
8Lawson's  Journal,  page  86  ff. 
'Lawson's  Journal,  page  88  ff. 


Graffenefed  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been         41 

having  rich  Minerals  in  Carolina,  as  any  of  those  Parts  that  are  al- 
ready found  to  be  so  rich  therein.  But,  waving  this  subject,  till  some 
other  Opportunity,  I  shall  now  give  you  some  Observations  in  gen- 
eral, concerning  Carolina;  which  are,  first,  that  it  lies  as  convenient  for 
trade  as  any  of  the  Plantations  in  America."  x  ° 

The  Healthfulness  of  the  Country  is  lauded  next.  He  says  that 
gout  is  rare  and  consumption  they  are  wholly  strangers  to. *  1 

"The  trade  with  Virginia  is  good,  for  ships  visiting  there  provision 
themselves  from  the  products  of  Carolina  and  give  bills  of  exchange  for 
England  which  are  as  good  as  Sterling  money,  and  while  Tobacco  may 
be  very  cheap  at  times  provisions  are  always  in  demand.  Besides  the 
Carolinians  can  get  to  market  when  the  northern  colonies  are  frozen 
up.  The  Sand  banks  protect  the  coast  from  enemies,  yet  allow  trad- 
ing vessels  to  approach. 

"If  a  Man  be  a  Botanist,  here  is  a  plentiful  Field  of  Plants  to  divert 
him  in;  if  he  be  a  Gardner,  and  delight  in  that  pleasant  and  happy 
Life,  he  will  meet  with  a  Climate  and  Soil,  that  will  further  and  pro- 
mote his  Designs,  in  as  great  a  Measure,  as  any  Man  can  wish  for; 
and  as  for  the  Constitution  of  this  Government,  it  is  so  mild  and  easy, 
in  respect  to  the  Properties  and  Liberties  of  a  Subject,  that  without 
rehearsing  the  Particulars,  I  say  once  for  all,  it  is  the  mildest  and 
best  established  Government  in  the  World,  and  the  Place  where  any 
Man  may  peaceably  enjoy  his  Justice  and  Equity  which  is  the  Golden 
Rule  that  every  Government  ought  to  be  built  upon,  and  regulated  by. 
Besides,  it  is  worthy  our  Notice,  that  this  Province  has  been  settled, 
and  continued  the  most  free  from  the  Insults  and  Barbarities  of  the 
Indians,  of  any  Colony  that  was  ever  yet  seated  in  America;  which 
must  be  esteemed  as  a  particular  Providence  of  God  handed  down 
from  Heaven,  to  these  People;  especially  when  we  consider,  how  ir- 
regularly they  settled  North  Carolina,  and  yet  how  undisturb'd  they 
have  ever  remain'd,  free  from  any  Foreign  Danger  or  Loss,  even  to 
this  very  Day.  And  what  may  well  be  looked  upon  for  as  great  a 
Miracle,  this  is  a  Place,  where  no  Malefactors  are  found,  deserving 
Death,  or  even  a  Prison  for  Debtors;  there  being  no  more  than  two 
Persons,  that,  so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  learn,  ever  suffer'd  as 
Criminals,  although  it  has  been  a  Settlement  near  sixty  years;  One 
of  whom  was  a  Turk  that  committed  Murder;  the  other,  an  old  wo- 
man, for  Witchcraft.  These,  'tis  true  were  on  the  Stage  and  acted 
many  Years,  before  I  knew  the  Place;  but  as  for  the  last,  I  wish  it  had 
been  undone  to  this  Day;  although  they  give  a  great  many  Arguments 
to  justifie  the  Deed,  which  I  should  rather  they  should  have  a  hand 


10Lawson's  Journal,  page  163. 

uLawson's  Journal,  page  164.    A  summary. 


42  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

in,  than  myself;  feeling  I  could  never  approve  of  taking  Life  away 
upon  such  Accusations,  the  Justice  whereof  I  could  never  yet  under- 
stand. 1 2 

"But  to  return  to  the  Subject  in  Hand;  we  there  make  extraordinary 
good  Bricks  throughout  the  Settlement.  All  sorts  of  Handicrafts,  as 
Carpenters,  Joiners,  Masons,  Plaisterers,  Shooemakers,  Tanners,  Tay- 
lors, Weavers,  and  most  others  may,  with  small  Beginnings,  and  God's 
Blessing,  thrive  very  well  in  this  Place,  and  provide  Estates  for  their 
Children,  Land  being  sold  at  a  much  cheaper  Rate  there,  than  in  any 
other  Place  in  America,  and  may,  as  I  suppose,  be  purchased  of  the 
Lords-Proprietors  here  in  England,  or  of  the  Governor  there  for  the 
time  being,  by  any  that  shall  have  a  mind  to  transport  themselves 
to  that  Country.  The  Farmers  that  go  thither  (for  which  sort  of  men 
it  is  a  very  thriving  place)  should  take  some  particular  Seeds  of  Grass, 
as  Trefoil,  Clover-grass  all  sort,  Sanfoin,  and  Common  Grass  .  .  . 
Hoes  of  all  sorts,  Axes,  Saws,  Wedges,  Augurs,  Nails,  Hammers,  Tools 
for  Brick  and  Stonework. "  1 3 

He  compares  the  price  of  land  which  is  1-50  in  Carolina  of  what  it 
is  in  Virginia  with  a  lower  quit  rent. 

"And  as  there  is  a  free  Exercise  of  all  Persuasions  amongst  Christians, 
the  Lords  Proprietors,  to  encourage  Ministers  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land, have  given  free  Land  towards  the  Maintenance  of  a  Church, 
and  especially,  for  the  Parish  of  S.  Thomas  in  Pampticough,  over 
against  the  Town,  is  already  laid  out  for  a  Glebe  of  two  hundred  and 
twenty-three  Acres  of  rich  well-situated  Land,  that  a  Parsonage  House 
may  be  built  upon. "  1 4 

It  is  noticeable,  in  view  of  what  followed  that  none  of  the  accounts 
referred  to  show  any  apprehension  of  immediate  danger  from  the  In- 
dians, though  Spotswood's  correspondance  and  Byrd's  writings  prove 
that  they  recognized  that  such  a  menace  existed,  and  one  cannot  but 
believe  that  these  accounts  glossed  over  the  danger  in  the  attempt  to 
attract  settlers. 

This  is  sufficient  to  show  why  Graffenried  decided  to  turn  towards 
North  Carolina  when  occasion  afforded  him  the  chance.  As  yet  he 
had  no  other  colonists  engaged  than  his  few  miners  and  their  families. 
It  was  not  long,  though,  before  he  had  prospect  of  a  considerable  in- 
crease in  the  size  and  dignity  of  his  undertaking. 

12Lawson's  Journal,  page  166. 

13Lawson's  Journal,  page  167  ff. 

14Lawson's  Journal,  page  167  ff.    In  part,  a  summary. 


CHAPTER  V 

Graffenried  and  Michel  Unite  Their  Mining  Project  to  the 
Bern-Ritter  Colonization  Company,  of  Which  Michel  is 
Agent — Graffenreid  Made  Landgrave — Negotiations  for 
Land  and  Settlers — 650  Palatines  Secured — They  Start  in 
January,  1710 — Difficulties  in  Getting  the  Bern  Convicts 
Through  Holland — Graffenried  and  Michel  Secure  Min- 
ing Concessions — Discussion  of  the  Contract  with  the 
Georg  Ritter  Company — Assistance  Promised  by  the  Pro- 
prietors— Swiss  Colony  Starts  in  the  Summer  of  1710 

The  early  part  of  the  year  1709  found  Graffenried  in  London, 
waiting  to  see  what  could  be  done  about  his  intended  mines.  To  a 
man  of  active  temperament,  burdened  with  debts,  and  anxious  to  get 
something  started  that  would  enable  him  to  clear  them,  the  delays 
of  this  year  must  have  been  most  exasperating.  His  plans  so  far 
were  only  tentative  and  he  was  waiting  for  any  better  offer  that  might 
be  made  him  by  any  of  his  friends  in  England. 

His  partner,  Franz  Louis  Michel,  as  has  been  stated  in  Chapter  III, 
was  meanwhile  conducting  negotiations  for  the  Ritter  Company.  This 
company  was  also  to  bring  over  religious  convicts  for  the  Canton  of 
Bern;  and  so  had  a  semi-official  character. x  On  the  28th  of  April, 
1709  "Mr.  Mitchells  Proposals  in  the  name  of  some  of  the  Swiss  Can- 
tons of  Bern  were  read  (at  Craven  House)  and  it  was  then  agreed 
that  10,000  Acres  of  Land  on  or  betwixt  News  or  Cape  Fear  or  their 
branches  in  North  Carolina  should  be  set  out  for  the  Proposers  or 
their  heirs  they  paying  to  the  Lords  Proprietors  £10  purchase  money 
for  each  thousand  acres  to  the  Lords  Proprietors  and  their  Heirs 
forever. 

"Agreed  further  that  100,000  Acres  be  reserved  to  the  proposers 
for  12  years  during  which  term  no  other  person  shall  purchase  any  of 
the  same,  which  said  100,000  Acres  are  to  be  set  out  by  the  Surveyor 
General  and  may  be  purchased  by  any  of  the  Proposers  at  the  rate 
above  mentioned  during  the  term  of  seven  years  but  after  that  time 
is  expired  they  are  to  pay  according  to  the  custome  of  that  part  of  the 
Province. 

"And  lastly  that  one  of  their  number  be  made  a  Landgrave  he 
paying  for  5000  acres  the  usuall  purchase  money  for  each  1000  acres 
the  customary  quitrent  for  every  100  acres  to  the  Lords  Proprietors 
for  the  same."  2 

*E.  Mueller,  Bernische  Taeufer,  page  258. 
2Col.  Rec,  vol.  I,  page  707. 


44  JSToeth  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Meanwhile  the  influx  of  Germans  into  England,  treated  of  in  Chap- 
ters I  and  II,  was  beginning.  On  the  28th  of  April,  the  day  that 
Michel's  proposals  were  read,  Luttrell  mentions  that,  "the  elector 
Palatine,  upon  many  protestant  families  leaving  his  domains,  and 
gone  for  England  to  be  transported  to  Pennsylvania,  has  publish'd 
an  order,  making  it  death  and  confiscation  of  goods  for  any  of  his 
subjects  to  quit  their  native  country."3  Some  time  after  this  they 
arrived  in  England.  From  this  passage,  as  well  as  from  the  encour- 
agement the  people  themselves  received,  it  is  clear  that  the  general 
notion  was  that  these  Germans  were  to  be  sent  to  America.  But 
now  a  greater  number  of  people  on  their  hands  than  they  expected, 
there  was  difficulty  in  executing  the  plan.  Schemes  were  proposed; 
some  suggested  Reya  de  la  Plata,  Jamaica,  the  sugar  islands,  the 
Canary  Islands,  New  England,  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  the  Jerseys, 
Maryland,  and  England  itself. 4  The  Proprietors  also  wanted  to 
share  in  any  advantage  that  might  be  reaped  from  the  foreigners; 
and  on  July  11  "detailed  proposals  were  made  for  the  encouragement 
of  the  palatinate's  transportation  into  the  province  of  Carolina. " 6 
What  these  proposals  were  is  given  in  part  by  Luttrell,  July  16,  1709. 
"The  Lords  Proprietors  of  Carolina  have  made  proposals  to  a  com- 
mittee of  council  to  take  all  the  Palatines  here  from  15  to  45  years 
old,  and  send  them  to  their  plantations;  but  her  majestie  to  be  at  the 
charge  of  transporting  them,  which  will  be  above  10£,  a  head."  6 

While  this  was  under  consideration,  the  proprietors,  apparently 
fully  confident  of  the  success  of  their  plan,  wished  the  persons  im- 
mediately concerned  to  know  about  it  and  on  July  28,  they  "ordered, 
that  the  advertisement  printed  in  the  gazette  for  the  palatinates' 
transportation,  be  printed  in  High  Dutch,  for  the  use  of  the  poor 
palatines  and  the  rest  of  the  Germans."  7 

Graffenried  could  hardly  have  been  a  member  of  the  Swiss  coloni- 
zation company  at  the  time  the  proposals  were  made  [April  28]  or 
his  name  would  have  been  given.  He  was  then  in  London,  and  well 
known  from  his  previous  life  in  the  court  circles  of  Charles  II.  The 
proprietors  were,  as  ever,  anxious  to  sell  an  extra  5000  acres  of  land; 
and  if  they  could  persuade  any  of  the  company  to  buy  with  such  an 
inducement  as  a  title  thrown  in,  they  would  gladly  do  so.  It  is  not 
strange,  then,  that  shortly  after  this  Graffenried  did  become  a  mem- 
ber of  the  company,  for  Michel  who  was  interested  with  him  in  the 
mining  project,  was  also  interested  in  the  Bern-Ritter  colonization 
scheme;  and  a  community  of  interests  in  one  direction  would  natur- 

3Luttrell,  vol.  VI,  page  435. 

4Eccl.  Rec,  vol.  3,  page  1790. 

5Hist.  Soc.  S.  Carolina,  vol.  I,  page  179. 

6Luttrell,  vol.  VI,  page  465. 

7Hist.  Soc.  S.  Carolina,  vol.  I,  page  179. 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  Xeav  Been         45 

ally  bring  the  two  men  together  in  any  other  scheme  where  one  was 
involved.  Thus,  before  anything  definite  about  the  Proprietors'  pro- 
posals for  settling  the  Germans  on  their  land  had  been  made  by  the 
committee,  Graffenried  paid  50£  for  5000  acres  [August  4,  1709]  and 
was  made  a  Landgrave. 8  Of  the  5000  acres,  1250  had  belonged  to 
Lawson,  but  what  arrangements  Lawson  had  with  the  Proprietors  is 
nowhere  given.  But  the  important  thing  is  that  from  this  time  on 
Graffenried,  who  had  not  been  mentioned  in  "the  preceding  proposals, 
is  the  most  prominent  member  in  the  company. 

The  committee,  having  considered  the  proposals  made  on  July  11th 
were  still  unable  to  make  any  decision ;  and  on  the  1 1th  of  August  the 
Proprietors  gave  a  few  more  details  of  their  plan.  At  that  time  they 
had  decided  to  give  the  poor  Palatines  who  should  have  a  mind  to 
settle  in  Carolina,  whether  man,  woman,  or  child,  100  acres  of  land 
each,  free  from  quitrent  for  ten  years,  after  which  they  were  to  pay 
one  penny  per  acre  yearly;  or  if  they  should  settle  in  towns,  they  were 
to  have  lands  to  build  upon  for  three  lives,  or  99  years,  with  oppor- 
tunity for  renewal. 9 

These  proposals  from  the  Proprietors  had  not  borne  any  fruit  as 
yet,  when  arrangements  were  made  between  Graffenried,  Michel,  and 
the  Proprietors  to  take  the  place  of  Michel's  arrangement  of  April  28. 
On  the  3rd  of  September,  100,000  acres  were  granted  to  Graffenried  and 
his  heirs,  and  it  was  agreed  to  sell  Michel  3500  acres. 1  °  From  the 
contract  with  Georg  Bitter  and  Company  we  know,  however,  that  the 
10,000,  mentioned  on  page  43,  paragraph  2,  were  for  the  society  and 
Graffenried  himself  owned  but  5,000  acres  in  his  own  private  right. 

On  the  22  of  September,  1709,  a  warrant  was  signed  at  Craven 
House  for  only  2,500  acres  to  Michel, 1 *  and  this  is  the  amount  he  is 
credited  with  in  the  contract.  In  the  French  version  Graffenried 
claims  to  have  paid  for  15,000  acres  on  the  Neuse  and  Trent  Rivers 
and  2,500  on  the  Weetock.  The  delays  Michel's  negotiations  had 
suffered,  and  the  statement  in  the  contract  that  Ritter  had  advanced 
considerable  sums, 1 2  along  with  Graffenried's  statement  above,  make 
it  seem  probable  that  Ritter  advanced  the  money  to  Graffenried  for 
all  but  Graffenried's  own  5,000  acres,  and  that  Graffenried  actually 
paid  it  over  to  the  Duke  of  Beaufort  at  Craven  House.  However 
this  may  be,  he  appears  to  have  been  responsible  for  the  full  17,500 
after  the  settlement  was  made. 

Later  in  the  year  the  propositions  of  the  Proprietors  to  take  charge 
of  the  Palatines  found  a  better  reception,  for  on  the  10th  of  October  it 

8Col.  Rec,  vol.  I,  page  717. 

9Hist.  Soc.  S.  Carolina,  vol.  I,  page  157. 

i°Col.  Rec,  vol.  I,  page  171S. 

"Col.  Rec,  vol.  I,  page  718  ff. 

I2German  Version,  Contract. 


46  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

was  allowed  to  Graffenried  and  Michel  to  take  600  of  them,  making 
about  92  families.  Eleven  days  later  50  more  persons  were  added. x  3 
Graffenried  had  the  choosing  of  these  and  he  picked  out  young, 
healthy,  and  industrious  persons  of  various  trades.  The  only  lack, 
then,  was  a  minister,  and  Graffenried  was  empowered  by  the  Bishop 
of  London  to  exercise  the  two  important  functions  for  a  young  colony, 
marriage  and  baptism. 1 4  The  Queen  promised  5£  10  shillings  for 
each  emigrant  to  pay  for  their  passage  and  gave  each  20  shillings 
worth  of  clothes  as  a  present. 1 5 

The  colonists  were  secured  against  fraud  by  a  bond  for  5,000£ 
which  Graffenried  was  required  to  give  to  the  commissioners  for  the 
faithful  performance  of  his  obligations. 1 6  But  for  some  reason  there 
was  a  long  delay  in  sending  the  colony  after  the  contract  with  the 
committee  had  been  signed,  and  it  was  not  until  January,  1710,  that 
they  finally  departed  for  America. 1 7 

Things  were  not  moving  any  more  rapidly  for  the  Swiss  portion  of 
the  settlers.  The  first  company  of  these,  numbering  about  one  hun- 
dred persons,  left  Bern,  March  8,  1710. 18  To  them  there  was  to  have 
been  added  at  some  stage  of  the  journey,  the  56  convicts,  men  who 
had  been  in  prison  now  two  years  because  of  their  Anabaptist  views. 
Passes  through  England  had  already  been  secured,  but  it  was  not 
until  March  12  that  the  Swiss  Ambassador  to  Holland,  St.  Saphorin, 
was  instructed  to  get  the  consent  and  assistance  of  the  Dutch  author- 
ities in  bringing  the  prisoners  on  their  way. 1 9  On  March  18  the 
little  band  of  convicts  started  by  boat  from  Bern  under  Michel's  care. 
The  States  General  had  not  yet  given  their  consent  and  showed  no 
signs  of  doing  so,  as  they  had  no  sympathy  with  the  Anabaptist  per- 
secutions, for  in  Holland  people  of  this  sect  were  welcomed  on  account 
of  their  industry  and  orderly  lives. 

Difficulties  arose,  however,  to  prevent  the  execution  of  the  design. 
On  the  way  down  the  Rhine  just  one  half  of  the  number  became  too 
sick  to  proceed  further,  and  had  to  be  left  in  the  Palatinate.  The 
most  tactful  diplomacy  the  Ambassador  could  use  failed  to  effect  aid 
from,  the  States  General,  for  by  the  laws  of  Holland  these  prisoners 
on  reaching  Dutch  territory  would  thereby  become  free.  And  the 
Dutch  authorities  determined  to  see  the  law  enforced.  If  these  peo- 
ple of  their  free  will  wished  to  go  to  America,  nothing  would  be  laid 
in  the  way,  but  they  could  not  be  brought  through  Holland  as  pris- 
oners.    An  attempt  to  have  the  English  Ambassador  Townshend  use 

13Ool.  Rec,  vol.  I,  986. 

"German  Version,  French  Version. 

15Col.  Rec,  vol.  I,  page  9S6. 

1  "German  Version,  Report. 

1  'French  Version,  German  Version. 

18German  Version,  Letters. 

l9Bernische  Taeufer,  page  259. 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  ISTew  Bern        47 

his  influence  in  favor  of  the  deportation  failed  also,  for  he  asserted  the 
Queen  wished  to  have  only  voluntary  colonists  in  her  provinces. 

Michel,  who  had  this  expedition  in  charge,  finally  got  his  twenty- 
eight  remaining  prisoners  as  far  as  Nimwegen,  a  town  a  short  distance 
across  the  border  of  Holland,  and  hoped  to  be  able  to  send  them  the 
rest  of  the  way  to  England.  But  the  vigilance  of  the  Dutch  Ana- 
baptists discovered  the  prisoners;  complaint  was  made;  and  they  were 
immediately  released  and  allowed  to  go  back  to  their  friends  in  the 
Palatinate,  or  wherever  they  would,  in  search  of  their  families  from 
whom  they  had  been  so  long  separated. 2  °  From  one  of  the  letters  in 
which  the  writer  claims  to  have  started  from  Bern  March  18 2 1  it 
would  appear  that  one,  at  least,  kept  on  to  America. 

On  May  18,  1710,  while  the  Swiss  were  on  the  way,  Graffenried  and 
Michel  signed  the  contract  with  Georg  Bitter  and  Peter  Isot,  by 
which  they  became,  legally,  members  of  the  Georg  Ritter  Company. 
The  foundation  of  the  enterprise  was  the  17,000  acres  actually  pur- 
chased and  the  twelve  years'  option  on  the  100,000  acres. 2  2  They 
also  had  permission  to  take  up  land  above  the  falls  of  the  Potomac, 
which  would,  however,  be  held  of  the  Crown,  subject  to  the  Governor 
of  Virginia.  The  amount  actually  paid  for  land  was  175£.  Besides 
these  land  grants  they  had  mining  rights  in  Carolina,  Virginia,  Mary- 
land, and  Pennsylvania. 2  3  Those  rights  in  Carolina  are  defined  as 
follows : 

"Agreed  that  Baron  de  Graffenried  and  Mr.  Lewis  Michel  shall 
have  a  lease  of  all  royal  mines  and  minerals  in  the  Province  of  Caro- 
lina that  they  shall  discover  and  work  for  a  term  of  30  years,  they 
being  at  the  entire  charge.  The  produce  of  it  to  be  divided  into  eight 
parts  whereof  four  eights  are  to  be  paid  to  the  Lords  Proprietors  the 
other  four  eights  to  the  said  Baron  de  Graffenried  and  Mr.  Lewis 
Michel  for  the  term  of  5  years  after  any  such  Mines  shall  be  found 
and  opened.  But  after  the  aforesaid  term  of  five  years  then  the 
Lords  to  have  five  eights,  the  said  Baron  de  Graffenried  and  Mr. 
Lewis  Michel  three  eights  the  Lords  being  to  pay  the  Crown  the  fourth 
part  according  to  the  Words  of  the  Charter. "  2  4  [Apparently  this  was 
to  be  the  fourth  part  of  the  half  which  for  the  first  five  years  should 
go  to  the  two  operators,  or  one  eighth  of  the  whole.] 

In  their  contracts  with  the  Georg  Bitter  Company,  however,  Michel, 
who  had  done  all  of  the  exploration  and  claimed  to  have  found  mines, 
was  to  have  all  the  product  for  three  years  after  the  opening  of  the 
mines,  except  what  belonged  to  the  Proprietors.     In  the  fourth  year 

20Bemische  Taeufer,  page  25S  ff. 
21German  Version.     Letters. 
22German  Version,  Contract. 
23GermaD  Version,  Contract. 
24Col.  Rec,  vol.  I,  page  728. 


48  Nokth  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Ritter  and  Graffenried  were  to  draw  from  the  produce  according  to 
the  amount  they  had  subscribed,  and  the  surplus,  for  the  seventeen 
years  the  society  was  to  continue,  was  to  go  to  the  members,  and  they 
were  to  pay  Ritter  for  the  capital  he  advanced  out  of  the  production 
of  the  first  year  of  the  mine  in  case  it  turned  out  well. 2  5  The  con- 
tract between  the  Company  and  the  other  provinces  is  not  given;  in 
fact  the  claims  of  the  Crown  were  not  settled  as  far  as  Virginia  was 
concerned,  and  a  year  or  two  later  the  uncertainty  caused  Spotswood 
considerable  anxiety. 2  6 

The  stock  of  the  company  consisted  of  7,200£  divided  into  twenty- 
four  shares  of  300£,  no  one  person  holding  more  than  one  share;  but 
it  was  not  all  paid  in,  for  Michel  was  credited  with  a  share  to  pay 
him  for  his  discoveries  which  he  claimed  to  have  made  and  for  the 
2,500  acres  which  he  turned  into  the  society.  Graffenried  had  a  share 
credited  to  him  for  his  5,000  acres  and  his  labors  with  the  Palatines; 
and  Georg  Ritter  had  a  share  for  expenses  already  incurred,  leaving 
only  6,300£  to  be  paid  in.  Albrecht  von  Graffenried  had  paid  in 
his  share,  but  when  the  contarct  was  signed  others  had  not  contributed 
their  amounts;  and  since  they  had  until  September,  1711,  to  do  so,27 
it  is  impossible  to  tell  how  much  Graffenried  had  on  hand  to  support 
himself  and  his  colonists.  The  report  written  months  afterwards  [in 
May,  1711]  indicates  a  lack  of  2,400£  which  should  have  been  raised 
in  some  way.  At  that  time  he  had  spent  2,228£,  a  part  or  all  of  which 
he  had  borrowed;28  and  the  2,400£  would  have  paid  this  and  left  a 
little  besides,  and  so  very  likely  the  keeping  of  the  contract  would 
have  saved  the  colony. 

The  amount  of  help  he  might  expect  from  the  Proprietors  is  not 
definitely  stated.  But  from  the  following  resolutions  passed  at  Craven 
House  September  3,  1709,  at  the  time  the  10,000  acres  were  bought, 
it  would  appear  that  there  was  a  possibility  of  Graffenried's  being  dis- 
appointed, even  if  the  promise  had  been  kept,  for  "To  the  2nd  Pro- 
posal relating  to  the  poor  Palatines  that  shall  be  transported  into 
North  Carolina,  It  was  resolv'd  that  their  Lordships  will  not  under- 
take to  provide  them  with  all  provisions  they  shall  want  but  they  will 
give  directions  to  their  Receiver  General  to  supply  the  Palatines  with 
such  provisions  as  may  be  spared  from  the  necessary  use  of  the  gov- 
ernment at  the  same  rates  he  received  them  the  sd  Christopher  de 
Graffenried  and  Lewis  Michel  paying  their  Lordships  for  the  same  in 
Sterling  money  in  London  at  the  end  of  two  years  after  the  arrivals 
of  the  Palatines  in  North  Carolina  at  £50  per  Cent  discount."29     In 

25German  Version,  Contract. 

26Spotswood,  vol.  I,  page  161.     June  11,  1712. 

"German  Versionm  Contract. 

"German  Version. 

"Col.  Rec,  vol.  I,  page  718. 


Graffenrfed  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  Xew  Bern         49 

a  letter  by  Urmstone,  quoted  in  part,  in  Chapter  X,  it  is  stated  that 
Graffenried  was  to  expect  1,500£  colonial  money.  This  statement  may 
be  somewhat  exaggerated  as  are  other  statements  in  the  letter;  but  taken 
in  connection  with  the  fact  that  Cary,  as  we  shall  see,  promised  to 
give  him  500£  on  the  proprietors'  account,  it  showed  conclusively 
that  Graffenried  had  reason  to  expect  substantial  assistance  from 
them.  And  yet  as  it  turned  out  (see  Chapters  VIII  and  X)  this  pro- 
vision saved  the  Lords  Proprietors  from  giving  any  assistance  to  the 
colony  and  became  a  powerful  contributing  cause  to  the  ruin  of  the 
enterprise,  a  circumstance  which  Graffenried  could  not  be  expected  to 
have  forseen  from  the  glowing  accounts  he  had  received,  of  the  land 
and  its  government,  in  London. 

After  a  pleasant  voyage  Graffenried  and  his  Switzers  came  in  sight 
of  land  September  10th,  and  the  11th  they  came  ashore. 30  The  news 
which  he  then  received  of  his  first  shiploads  must  have  been  a  ter- 
rible disappointment,  for  despite  the  fact  that  he  had  Had  the  Royal 
Commissioners  inspect  the  ships  and  had  sent  the  emigrants  under  the 
care  of  Surveyor  General  Lawson,  Receiver  General  Gale,  and  another 
official  going  to  Carolina,  many  of  them  had  died  on  the  voyage  be- 
cause of  the  overcrowding  of  the  ships  and  the  salt  food  which  did 
not  agree  with  them. 

3 "German  Version,  Letters;  French  Version. 


CHAPTER  VI 

Discussion  of  the  Transportation  Facilities  Provided  for  the 
Palatines  by  the  Commissioners — The  Colony  Plundered 
by  a  French  Privateer — Graffenried  and  his  Colony  Ar- 
rive September  10;  They  Learn  of  the  Distress  of  the  First 
Shiploads — Graffenried  and  His  Swiss  Start  for  North 
Carolina  as  Soon  as  Possible  After  Landing 

It  was  certainly  not  to  the  credit  of  the  commissioners  that  these 
people  endured  such  hardships.  Graffenried  had  them  make  a  par- 
ticular inspection  before  the  ships  started  to  be  sure  all  was  right, 
for  his  own  experience  in  shipping  was  limited;  but  since  the  same 
crowding  of  the  passengers,  the  same  bad  food,  and  the  same  appall- 
ing mortality  prevailed  on  the  ships  which  were  carrying  the  Pala- 
tines to  New  York,  the  only  conclusion  is  that  the  commissioners 
were  either  shamefully  careless  of  the  lives  of  these  people,  or  totally 
unfitted  by  their  ignorance  to  have  charge  of  the  transportation  of 
so  many.  When  the  proprietors  first  asked  to  have  some  of  the  Pala- 
tines sent  to  their  colonies  at  the  government's  expense,  Luttrell1 
estimated  that  it  would  require  over  10£  for  each  person.  In  the 
case  of  Graffenried's  colonists  this  figure  was  cut  down  to  5£  10  shill- 
ings by  the  commissioners.  Graffenried  himself,  later,  estimated  that 
100  persons  could  be  carried  on  a  ship  of  120  tons  burden  from  Holland 
to  America  for  700£  at  7£  per  person.  Boehme2  in  1711  estimated 
the  cost  of  transportation  from  England  to  America  as  7£  for  adults 
and  half  of  that  for  children. 

The  committee  fixed  on  the  lowest  amount  possible  and  paid  the 
ship  captains  in  advance  for  each  passenger.  The  following  passage 
written  at  the  time  of  the  emigration  to  New  York  shows  how  wretched 
the  management  really  was,  though,  of  course,  the  ship  captains  must 
bear  their  share  in  this  disgrace. 

"%Jlan  t)at  stoctr  ben  $apttcmen,  bte  bte  UberfitJjrung  bafjtn  iibernafymen,  cmf 
ben  $obf  etnen  getoiffen  93etrag  bergiitet,  aber  bet  ber  groften  SWenge  mufsten 
bie  Seute  bermaffen  etngebfercfjt  ttierben,  baft  biele  babon,  nod)  efje  bte  engltfdje 
®iifte  aufcer  ©tdjt  tarn,  fetjr  nnter  ©eftani?  unb  Ungejtefer  gelttten  fjaben, 
gang  abgefeljen  babon,  baft  bte  ju  nnterft  £tegenben  toeber  frtfdje  Suft 
fdjobfen  Fonnten,  nocf)  bad  StageSltdjt  fafjen.  ^amentttdj  ftnb  unter  btefen 
Umftanben  bte  $tnber  jafylretd)  bafjtngeftorben,  boftenbS  ber)  fturmtfcfjer  ©ee. 

'Luttrell,  page  465. 

2Pennsylvanien  im  17.  Jahrhundert,  page  67. 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  Xew  Berx        51 

3o  Don  meljreren  gfmmlten  btetb  niemanb  iibrtg,  toeber  $inber,  nod)  hie  <2(tern 
felbft.  3n  33riefen  bon  ^ortjmoutt),  too  bte  (Sinfcfjiffung  ftatt  fanb,  tft  tm  Stpril 
1710  rjierfyer  nadj  Sonbon  mttgetetft  toorben,  baft  auf  eirtem  emjtgen  ber 
©djtffe  nod)  Dor  ber  SIbfafjrt  a^tjtg  ber  2tu§tt>anberer  geftorben  finb.  ©unbert 
anbere  tctgen  noct)  frcmf  barm  unb  fd)tenen  ben  ©eftorbenen  nadjfolgen  m  molten. 
SDie  Urfadje  ber  ©terblidjfeit  roare  tetls  in  ber  engen  Sinpferdjung,  tetlS  barm 
gu  fudjen,  baft  ber  ©djtffgfyerr  bte  9#enfdjen  ntcfjt  mit  guter  unb  gefunber  sDtarjrung 
Derfefje.  2tber  eben  ber  Xob  ber  2Iu(tt>anberer  bebeute  ®elomn  fiir  ben  Spiffs* 
r)errn,  ba  er  bann  auf  ber  ftafyxt  toentger  Seute  m  Derfbftigen  braudje.,, 3 

"They  had,  to  be  sure,  granted  the  captains  who  undertook  the  transport  a  certain  amount  per  head, 
but  because  of  the  great  number  the  people  had  to  be  packed  in  so  that  many  of  them,  even  before 
they  got  out  of  sight  of  the  English  coast  suffered  from  the  foul  odor  and  vermin,  entirely  apart  from 
the  fact  that  those  lying  below  could  neither  get  fresh  air  nor  see  the  light  of  day.  And  so  under  these 
circumstances  many  children  died,  especially  with  a  stormy  sea.  Indeed,  of  many  families  no  one 
survived,  neither  children  nor  the  parents  themselves.  In  letters  from  Portsmouth,  where  the  em- 
barkation took  place,  it  was  reported  to  London  that  upon  one  single  ship  even  before  the  departure 
eighty  of  the  emigrants  died.  Hundreds  of  the  others  lay  sick  therein  and  seemed  to  want  to  follow 
the  dead.  The  cause  of  the  mortality  could  be  sought  partly  in  the  close  crowding  and  partly  in 
the  fact  that  the  shipmaster  did  not  provide  the  people  with  good  and  wholesome  food.  But  even 
the  death  of  the  emigrants  meant  gain  for  the  shipmaster,  for  then  upon  the  voyage  he  had  to  feed 
less  people." 

Sickness  and  death  was  not  all  the  Palatines  had  to  endure;  for 
just  at  the  mouth  of  the  James  River  in  full  view  of  shore  and  of  an 
English  warship,  they  were  overhauled  by  a  French  privateer  and  one 
of  the  ships  plundered.  The  people  on  board  were  deprived  of  even 
their  clothes,  and  when  they  came  ashore  several  more  died  from 
eating  fruit  and  drinking  water.  In  all,  the  losses  amounted  to  about- 
half  the  number  which  set  out.  Those  who  had  finally  recovered 
and  were  left  alive  had  now  been  in  their  new  home  in  Carolina  sev- 
eral months,  when  Graffenried  and  the  Switzers  landed  on  Septem- 
ber 10th. 

He  had  doubtless  been  informed  immediately  of  the  disasters  which 
had  attended  his  first  shiploads  of  colonists  on  their  voyage  and  after 
landing;  and  their  urgent  letters  were  not  needed  to  make  him  see 
that  his  presence  was  required  in  Carolina  at  once.  As  a  Landgrave 
and  head  of  an  important  colony  he  had  some  obligations  to  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Virginia,  and  therefore  could  not  go  immediately  into  Caro- 
lina, but  had  first  to  call  and  pay  his  respects  to  the  head  of  the  col- 
ony. As  Spotswood  himself  was  not  at  home,  he  called  upon  the 
Lieutenant-Governor,  and  also  met  Edward  Hyde,  who  had  been  sent 
by  the  Proprietors  to  be  governor  of  North  Carolina;  and  through 
them  he  was  made  acquainted  with  the  political  situation  in  Carolina. 
He  made  his  visit  as  short  as  he  decently  could  and  before  long  he 

3Pennsylvanien  im  17.  Jahrundert,  page  66  ff .  The  author  is  here  quoting  a  German  writer,  Hoen, 
but  with  orthographic  changes  and  modern  expressions  in  the  German  where  the  original  is  not  easily 
understood. 


52  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

and  his  people  set  out  over  land  for  the  Chowan  River,  where  they 
expected  to  rind  boats  to  take  them  to  their  tract  on  the  Neuse  and 
Trent. 

Leaving  them  at  this  point  for  a  time  we  must  now  recall  some  of 
the  events  of  the  years  preceding,  in  order  better  to  appreciate 
what  Graffenried  encountered  on  his  arrival  in  America. 


CHAPTER  VII 

The  Earliest  Settlement — Early  Government — Development  of 
Self-government — -Imposition  of  Locke's  Fundamentals — 
Confusions  Resulting  from  Attempts  to  Enforce  Certain 
Provisions  and  Navigation  Laws — Trouble  Growing  out  of 
Test  Oaths — Cary  in  Open  Opposition  to  Edward  Hyde,  the 
Proprietors'  Appointee — Graffenried  Met  by  a  Delegation 
and  Offered  the  Presidency  of  the  Council — He  Refuses  a 
Tempting  Offer  for  the  Sake  of  His  Colony 

The  first  immigrants  into  the  Carolinas  were  wealthy  Virginians 
who  were  attracted  by  the  opportunity  to  better  their  condition,  and 
not  religious  refugees  as  has  generally  been  supposed.  They  pur- 
chased land  of  the  Indians  and  settled  themselves  about  Albemarle 
Sound  as  early  as  1659, 1  without  asking  permission  of  anyone.  In 
1662  Governor  Berkeley  of  Virginia  gave  them  patents  and  required 
of  them  the  quit  rents  usual  in  Virginia,  that  is  one  farthing  per  acre. 
They  did  not  form  compact  towns,  but  each  planter  had  his  own 
wharf  to  which  trading  vessels  came.  No  very  serious  Indian  trou- 
bles drove  them  to  continuously  concerted  action;  and  as  they  had 
no  ministers  for  a  long  time,  although  many  of  them  doubtless  be- 
longed to  the  established  church,  there  grew  up  a  reckless  sort  of 
independence  which  was  strengthened  by  the  arrival  of  new  colonists, 
from  the  attempted  settlements  of  New  Englanders  at  Cape  Fear, 
which  had  failed,  partly  because  the  colonists  had  stubbornly  resisted 
the  purpose  of  the  proprietors  to  appoint  governors  over  them  rather 
than  let  them  elect  their  own. 

These  proprietors  were  eight  favorites  of  Charles  II  whom  he  wished 
to  reward  for  their  assistance  in  helping  him  to  his  throne  after  the 
downfall  of  the  Protectorate.  They  were  given  almost  absolute  power, 
holding  all  the  rights  which  the  Bishop  of  Durham  held.  Besides  they 
had  the  power  to  create  an  order  of  nobility  among  the  inhabitants 
of  their  domains,  but  the  titles  were  not  to  be  the  same  as  those  used  in 
England  and  the  laws  they  should  make  were  not  to  be  opposed  to 
those  of  England.  The  grant  took  in  a  strip  from  ocean  to  ocean 
between  31°  and  36°  north  latitude,  the  same  grant  which  Charles  I 
had  made  to  Robert  Heath  in  1629. 

Later,  in  1665,  the  grant  made  to  Robert  Heath  was  formally  set 
aside  and  the  proprietors  were  given  an  increase,  the  new  grant  ex- 
tending from  29°  to  36°  30',  north  latitude.     They  were  allowed  also 

'Johns  Hopkins  Historical  Studies,  May-June,  1892;  Ashe,  vol.  I,  page  59. 


54  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

discretionary  powers  with  regard  to  freedom  of  conscience,  and  could 
grant  religious  liberty  and  toleration  as  they  chose. 

Another  provision  of  the  charter  is  so  important  in  this  later  history 
that  I  shall  quote  verbatim  so  much  of  it  as  applies.  "And  also  to 
ordain,  make  and  enact,  and  under  their  seals,  to  publish  any  laws 
and  constitutions  whatsoever,  either  appertaining  to  the  publick  state 
of  the  said  whole  province  or  territory,  or  of  any  district  or  particular 
county,  barony  or  colony,  of  or  within  the  same,  or  to  the  private 
utility  of  particular  persons,  according  to  their  best  discretion,  by  and 
with  the  advice,  assent  and  approbation  of  the  freemen  of  the  said  prov- 
ince or  territory,  or  of  the  freemen  of  the  county,  barony  or  colony,  for 
which  such  law  or  constitution  shall  be  made,  or  the  greater  part  of  them, 
or  their  delegation  or  deputies,  whom  for  enacting  of  the  said  laws,  when, 
and  as  often  as  need  shall  require, 2  we  will  that  the  said  Edward  Earle 
of  Clarendon,  George  Duke  of  Albemarle,  William  Earl  of  Craven, 
John  Lord  Berkeley,  Anthony  Lord  Ashley,  Sir  George  Cartaret, 
Sir  John  Colleton,  and  Sir  William  Berkeley,  and  their  heirs  or  assigns, 
shall  from  time  to  time  assemble  in  such  manner  and  form  as  to  them 
shall  seem  best;  etc."3  A  saving  clause  permitted  laws  to  be  passed 
on  an  emergency,  which  had  not  received  the  sanction  of  the  people. 

In  1664  a  man  named  Drummond  was  sent  out  with  six  councilors 
to  be  governor  of  the  province.  With  them  was  sent  the  Concessions, 
under  which  all  this  territory  of  Carolina  was  to  be  governed.  By 
this  document  the  freemen  were  either  to  meet  in  one  body  or  to  elect 
twelve  representatives  to  act  with  the  six  councilors.  The  first  assem- 
bly which  met  not  later  than  1665  was  composed  of  all  the  freemen, 
and  was  in  this  respect  a  democratic  body.  Full  liberty  of  conscience 
was  established  with  this  exception  that  the  General  Assembly  might 
appoint  as  many  ministers  as  it  pleased,  thus  giving  a  preference  to 
the  Church  of  England.  Officers  were  either  to  swear  allegiance  or 
to  sign  a  declaration  in  a  book,  and  no  tax  was  to  be-  levied  without 
the  consent  of  the  Assembly.  The  Assembly  might  choose  a  presi- 
dent in  place  of  an  absent  governor  or  deputy  governor.  Quit  rents 
were  made  a  halfpenny  per  acre.  Until  1667  the  governor,  six  coun- 
cilors, and  the  twelve  deputies  (for  the  meeting  of  all  the  freemen 
was  not  continued)  sat  in  one  body.  In  the  general  meeting  of  1665 
a  petition  had  been  sent  to  the  proprietors  that  the  quit  rent  be 
reduced  to  the  rate  which  prevailed  in  Virginia  of  one  farthing  per 
acre  payable  in  commodities.  In  1668  this  was  granted  in  an  instru- 
ment called  ever  since  the  "Great  Deed,"  and  any  encroachments 
upon  its  provisions  by  the  proprietors  were  bitterly  resented. 

2The  italics  are  mine,  V.  H.  T. 
3Carrol's  Collections,  vol.  II,  page  43  ff. 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  JSTew  Bern         55 

After  these  years  of  self-government  there  came  an  unwelcome 
change,  which  in  Carolina  marks  the  beginning  of  that  unrest  which 
finally  ended  with  the  Revolution,  for  never  after  this  was  there  any 
extended  period  of  satisfaction  with  the  government  from  England, 
whether  administered  by  the  proprietors  or  the  royal  governors.  One 
of  the  proprietors,  the  Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  had  his  friend,  the  philoso- 
pher John  Locke,  draw  up  a  system  of  government  for  the  colony; 
and  in  1669,  what  was  considered  the  most  perfect  system  ever  de- 
vised was  sent  out  to  be  tried  on  the  few  scattered  settlers  in  this 
vast  woods.  No  stretch  of  the  imagination  can  make  this  seem  like 
emergency  legislation,  and  there  is  not  the  slightest  ground  for  think- 
ing the  proprietors  considered  it  as  such;  the  freemen  never  unquali- 
fiedly sanctioned  it;  and  therefore,  by  the  provision  of  the  charter 
above  quoted,  this  Grand  Model  of  government  was  not  legally  binding 
upon  the  people.  The  resistance,  however,  was  not  entirely  consistent . 
For  example,  they  objected  to  the  requirement  of  an  oath  to  support 
the  constitution,  and  in  this  degree,  they  may  be  said  to  have  ob- 
jected to  the  whole  plan;  but  nevertheless  they  accepted  the  provision 
for  regularly  holding  elections  for  their  representatives,  and  for  having 
meetings  every  two  years  whether  the  governor  called  one  or  not. 
There  is  no  evidence  that  they  were  opposed  to  the  theoretical 
founding  of  high  sounding  courts,  or  an  actual  establishing  of  a 
hereditary  nobility.  Their  great  complaint  was  against  a  raise  of  the 
quit  rents  from  a  farthing  to  a  penny  per  acre,  payable  in  silver. 

Further  trouble  was  caused  by  attempts  to  enforce  the  navigation 
laws.  In  1673  Carteret  tired  of  trying  to  enforce  the  enactments, 
resigned  the  governorship,  and  from  that  time  till  1707  there  were 
six  open  revolts  leading  to  the  deposition  or  suspension  of  governors 
and  collectors.  The  people  had  never  been  trained  in  the  obedience 
presupposed  in  the  constitutions,  and  resisted  every  attempt  to  invade 
their  previous  liberties. 

To  these  economic  and  political  disturbances  were  added  religious 
difficulties.  The  proprietors  had  allowed  people  of  dissenting  opinions 
to  settle  in  their  dominions  and  practice  their  religious  worship  as 
they  wished,  so  long  as  they  refrained  from  disturbing  others.  But 
the  idea,  nevertheless,  had  always  been  to  establish  the  Church  of 
England  in  the  colonies  in  Carolina.  The  first  missionaries  sent  out 
by  the  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  were  unfortunate 
choices.  They  antagonized  many  of  their  own  faith  as  well  as  the 
dissenters,  for  the  very  idea  of  having  a  church  supported  by  the 
state  was  repugnant  to  many  of  them.  After  the  visit  of  Edmundson 
and  Fox  in  1672  the  Quakers,  too,  had  become  rather  numerous;  and, 
of  course,  they  objected  to  being  compelled  to  pay  for  the  support 


56  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

of  other  ministers  than  their  own,  and  in  particular,  to  the  support 
of  Church  of  England  ministers. 

In  1698,  by  act  of  Parliament,  oaths  of  office  were  required  of  the 
governors  of  colonies;  and  in  1701,  Governor  Walker  had  the 
Assembly  pass  an  act  to  establish  parishes  and  churches  and  maintain 
ministers.  The  Quakers,  Presbyterians,  and  some  members  of  the 
Established  Church  objected  very  strongly  to  this.  But  the  trouble 
calmed  down  without  being  finally  settled  when  the  bill  was  vetoed 
by  the  proprietors  because  they  considered  it  inadequate.  In  1704 
Daniel  became  governor,  and  he  required  the  oath  of  allegiance  to 
Queen  Anne,  in  accordance  with  an  act  of  Parliament,  and  denied 
the  right  of  any  to  sign  a  declaration  in  a  book,  in  lieu  of  the  oath, 
a  privilege  which  had  been  expressly  granted  in  the  instructions  of 
1670. 4  The  governor  was  technically  in  the  right  in  his  demand, 
for  such  oaths  were  required  very  strictly  in  England  at  this  time 
and  for  years  afterwards;  but  the  laws  had  always  been  dead  letters 
in  Carolina,  and  might  just  as  well  have  been  treated  as  such  at  this 
time  if  Governor  Daniel  had  desired  to  have  it  so.  The  measure 
seems  to  have  been  aimed  at  the  Quakers,  since  this  effectually  ex- 
cluded them  from  the  Assembly,  weakened  the  opposition  to  the  strict 
Church  party  to  this  degree  and  allowed  the  establishing  of  the  Church 
of  England  by  law,  as  Lord  Granville,  the  most  influential  of  the 
proprietors,  desired.  This  was  so  distasteful  to  the  Presbyterians  and 
other  dissenters  who  might  ordinarily  be  expected  to  favor  the  exclu- 
sion of  the  Quakers,  that  they  united  with  them  and  secured  Daniel's 
removal  by  order  of  the  proprietors.  This  compliance  of  the  pro- 
prietors shows  that  there  was  no  need  of  applying  the  act  of  Parliament 
regarding  oaths  very  rigidly  in  the  colonies. 

Thomas  Cary,  who  before  this  had  been  a  merchant  in  South  Caro- 
lina, was  next  appointed.  He  shared  the  general  feeling  against  the 
Quakers,  and  not  only  had  them  excluded  by  this  same  test  oath, 
but  also  imposed  a  fine  upon  those  who  should  enter  upon  an  office 
without  first  taking  the  oath.  He  also  secured  the  passage  of  another 
law  by  which  the  election  of  any  one  who  promoted  his  own  candidacy 
was  declared  void.  By  the  application  of  this  measure  he  could  keep 
out  anyone  he  chose,  by  merely  having  it  shown  that  the  person  in 
question  had  in  some  way  promoted  his  own  interests  in  the  election. 
These  enactments  gave  him  control  over  Presbyterians  as  well  as 
Quakers,  but  the  measures  were  too  thorough,  and  Mr.  John  Porter 
was  sent  to  England  to  petition  the  proprietors  for  relief;  and  in  1707 
he  returned  bringing  an  instrument  by  which  the  laws  regarding  oaths 
were  suspended  and  Cary  removed  from  the  government.     At  the 

4Col.  Rec,  vol  I,  page  181. 


Geaffeneied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been         57 

time  of  his  arrival,  however,  Cary  was  absent,  and  William  Glover, 
President  of  the  Council,  was  acting  in  his  place.  Porter,  therefore,  did 
not  at  once  enforce  his  new  instrument;  but  left  Glover  in  power, 
and  held  in  abeyance  the  action  against  Cary.  Yet,  since  Glover 
was  still  keeping  the  Quakers  out  by  the  test  oaths,  discontent  grew 
until  Cary,  Porter,  Pollock  and  Foster,  heads  of  various  factions,  in 
1708  unitedly  issued  a  proclamation  to  the  people  to  obey  the  existing 
government.  But  the  coming  of  two  Church  of  England  missionaries, 
Adams  and  Gordon,  at  this  time,  was  the  signal  for  another  outbreak 
on  the  part  of  the  different  dissenting  bodies,  who  saw  in  the  actions 
of  the  government  a  menace  to  their  religious  liberty,  and  an  attempt 
to  saddle  the  established  church  on  the  colony. 

Porter  next  broke  with  Glover,  and  Cary  was  elected.  Since  Lord 
Granville  was  now  dead,  there  was  no  need  for  Cary  to  still  hold  high 
church  views;  and  while  there  is  no  record  of  such  an  agreement,  it 
appears  that  Cary  promised  to  give  up  the  requirement  of  the  test 
oaths  and  other  restrictions.  And  it  was  probably  for  this  reason 
that  he  was  chosen  president  of  the  council.  Glover  also  claimed  to 
be  president  since  his  incumbency  had  not  been  disturbed  by  Porter's 
instructions  from  the  proprietors,  while  they  had  said  specifically  that 
Cary  should  be  removed.  Glover  certainly  had  some  right  on  his 
side  as  well  as  did  Cary,  for  by  the  Constitutions  and  by  precedent 
the  president  of  the  council  was  to  be  governor  in  the  absence  of  a 
governor  or  his  deputy,  approved  by  the  proprietors.  Thus  we  find 
two  governors,  and  the  country  in  turmoil.  The  principals  agreed 
to  leave  the  decision  to  an  assembly,  and  each  issued  writs  for  an  elec- 
tion. Cary  had  the  majority  of  votes  if  the  Quakers  were  admitted. 
Glover,  however,  insisted  upon  the  exclusion  of  the  Quakers,  but 
without  avail,  and  he  with  Pollock  and  Gale,  went  over  into  Virginia, 
leaving  Cary  in  charge.  But  still  a  large  faction,  composed  of  those 
who  had  been  trained  in  public  affairs  during  the  time  that  the  others 
had  been  kept  out  by  the  exclusion  laws,  was  dissatisfied,  and  the 
government  was  not  very  efficient. 

In  1708  Tynte  had  been  appointed  governor  of  South  Carolina 
with  instructions  to  deputize  Edward  Hyde  over  the  northern  colony, 
and  until  Hyde  should  come  Tynte  left  Cary  in  charge.  Unfortu- 
nately for  affairs  in  North  Carolina,  Tynte  died  during  the  summer  of 
1710  without  signing  Hyde's  commission  and  administering  the  oath, 
and  since  under  the  circumstances  Hyde  did  not  care  to  come  into  the 
colony,  he  was  still  in  Virginia  when  Graffenried  landed  with  his 
Switzers  in  September,  1710,  and  after  a  short  delay  started  for  Carolina. 

At  Somerton  a  delegation  of  Quakers  and  other  persons  met  him, 
and  desired  him  by  virtue  of  his  title  of   Landgrave  to  take  the 


58  JNTorth  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

presidency  of  the  council,  which,  in  the  absence  of  the  governor,  as  had 
been  noticed,  carried  with  it  the  executive  function.  If  Graffenried 
had  been  ambitious  for  himself  he  might  well  have  been  tempted  by 
the  offer.  He  was  the  friend  of  Hyde,  whose  appointment  lacked  only 
a  signature  and  an  oath  to  make  it  valid,  and  as  such  might  have  felt 
sure  of  the  support  of  Hyde's  adherents  and  of  many  of  Cary's  dis- 
senters. Moreover,  since  Glover's  departure  for  Virginia,  his  followers 
were  looking  forward  to  Hyde's  coming,  and  these  men,  too,  would 
probably  have  supported  him.  His  favor  with  the  Queen  and  the 
proprietors,  which  must  have  been  well  known  in  the  colony,  since 
he  had  been  made  Landgrave  and  his  Palatines  had  been  provided  for 
over  a  year  before,  might  have  led  him  to  hope  that  a  goodly  number 
from  the  contending  parties  could  be  brought  to  recognize  him  as 
their  executive  officer,  for  Hyde  had  no  patents  and  was,  in  addition, 
afraid  to  trust  himself  in  the  province.  If  Graffenried  had  been 
acquainted  with  the  previous  history  of  the  colony  at  all,  he  would 
have  known  that  there  was  not  much  to  fear  from  the  proprietors, 
so  long  as  he  could  keep  the  factions  united.  Their  weakness  in  deal- 
ing with  their  colonies  was  well  recognized, 5  and  just  as  in  the  case 
of  Cary,  they  could  be  expected  to  leave  the  matter  in  statu  quo  so 
long  as  no  complaint  was  made  to  them.  That  the  factions  were 
tiring  of  the  struggle  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  after  Graffenried 
refused  to  be  led  astray  by  such  brilliant  prospects,  they  united  in 
an  address  to  Hyde  to  take  the  presidency  until  his  commission  should 
arrive.  Cary  himself  was  one  of  the  signers, 6  persuaded,  to  be  sure, 
by  Graffenried. 7  For  Graffenried,  although  his  refusal  was  not 
accepted  by  the  delegation,  had  resolved  to  devote  his  time  and 
energies  to  his  settlement,  and  to  avoid  the  difficulties  of  politics. 

6Col.  Rcc,  vol.  I,  page  725. 
6Col.  Rec,  vol.  I,  page  725. 
'German  Version. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

Graffenried's  Precarious  Position — The  Palatines'  Pitiful  Con- 
dition— Graffenried  Defrauded — No  Help  to  be  Obtained 
from  the  Proprietors — Makes  Peace  with  the  Indians — 
Lawson's  Humane  Sentiments  not  Borne  out  in  His  Treat- 
ment of  the  Indians — Michel  Disturbs  the  Proceedings — 
Graffenried  Compelled  by  Circumstances  as  Well  as  Incli- 
nation to  Join  Hyde's  Faction 

Graffenried's  position  was  now  a  peculiar  one.  On  the  one  hand, 
he  had,  immediately  on  his  arrival,  become  one  of  the  most  influential 
men  in  the  province.  His  title  of  Landgrave,  the  fame  of  his  under- 
taking, and  his  friendship  with  eminent  persons  in  England  made  him 
very  much  respected,  and  yet  of  the  actual  necessaries  of  life  he  had 
almost  nothing  with  which  to  support  his  dignity.  When  he  reached 
the  settlement  he  found  conditions  worse  than  he  expected.  Lawson 
had  not  sold  all  the  land  on  the  point  between  the  Neuse  and  the 
Trent  Rivers  to  Graffenried,  and  in  order  to  further  his  own  interests, 
he  had  settled  those  under  his  charge  on  his  own  land  to  gain  the 
benefit  of  any  clearing  they  might  do.  Thus  when  Graffenried  came, 
the  Palatines  found  their  summer's  work  had  gone  for  nothing.  The 
directors  had  also  exploited  them  by  taking  their  goods  in  return 
for  their  services  in  looking  after  them  on  the  way  over,  and  what 
was  left  after  this  had  gone  to  the  English  settlers  in  return  for  food 
to  keep  them  alive.  Moreover,  the  place  where  Lawson  had  settled 
them  was  on  a  southern  exposure  where  the  heat  was  very  oppressive, 
and  as  a  result,  sickness  was  added  to  starvation.  To  make  matters 
worse,  instead  of  finding  the  land  free  of  Indians  as  he  had  been  led 
to  believe  it  was,  he  discovered  that  King  Taylor  with  a  small  tribe 
of  twenty  families  was  still  living  there,  and  that  they  were  none  too 
well  pleased  to  have  their  lands  taken  up  in  this  way,  for  they  had 
never  as  yet  been  paid  for  the  tract.  If  in  this  situation  the  Germans 
did  not  supply  their  wants  by  hunting,  supposing  they  had  the  strength 
and  equipment,  one  cannot  blame  them.  As  for  living  on  fish,  oysters, 
and  crabs,  such  a  diet  in  the  heat  of  summer  after  they  had  been 
weakened  by  their  illness  on  the  long  voyage  across  the  Atlantic  and 
after  landing  in  Virginia  would  have  been  almost  impossible. 

But  Graffenried's  coming  changed  all  this,  for  he  brought  supplies 
for  their  present  needs,  and  began  immediately  to  see  what  could  be 
done  on  the  account  of  the  Lords  Proprietors  with  the  province. 
His  treatment  of  the  Indians  on  this  and  later  occasions  is  more  a 


60  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

credit  to  his  heart  than  to  his  business  sagacity,  perhaps,  if  one  may 
judge  his  actions  by  the  standard  set  by  most  of  the  whites  who  have 
had  dealings  with  the  Indians.  The  result  justified  him  in  his  peculiar 
notions,  however,  when  it  came  to  be  a  life  and  death  matter  with 
him.  He  had  previously  paid  for  the  particular  piece  of  ground 
where  the  settlement  was  then  being  made,  supposing  that  the  original 
owners  had  been  satisfied  for  it  and  had  moved  off  leaving  it  per- 
fectly free  for  white  settlers.  Likewise  it  was  scarcely  to  be  expected 
that  Lawson  would  work  a  fraud  on  him  and  an  injustice  to  the 
Indians  after  such  generous  expressions  as  the  following,  chosen  from 
several  such  to  be  found  in  his  book: 

"These  are  them  that  wear  the  English  Dress.  Whether  they  have 
Cattle  now  or  no,  I  am  not  certain;  but  I  am  of  the  Opinion  that  such 
Inclinations  in  the  Savages  should  meet  with  Encouragement,  and 
every  Englishman  ought  to  do  them  Justice  and  not  defraud  them 
of  their  Land,  which  has  been  allotted  them  formerly  by  the  Govern- 
ment; for  if  we  do  not  shew  them  Examples  of  Justice  and  Vertue, 
we  can  never  bring  them  to  believe  us  to  be  a  worthier  Race  of  Men 
than  themselves. 

"They  are  really  better  to  us  than  we  are  to  them;  they  always 
give  us  Victuals  at  their  Quarters,  and  take  Care  we  are  armed 
against  Hunger  and  Thirst;  we  do  not  so  by  them  (generally  speak- 
ing) but  let  them  walk  by  our  Doors  hungry,  and  do  not  often  relieve 
them.  We  look  upon  them  with  Scorn  and  Disdain  and  think  them 
little  better  than  Beasts  in  humane  Shape,  though  if  well  examined, 
we  shall  find  that  for  all  our  Religion  and  Education,  we  possess  more 
moral  Deformities  and  Evils  than  these  Savages  do,  or  are  acquainted 
withal."  1 

It  appears,  though,  that  an  opportunity  to  enrich  himself  overcame 
his  scruples  and  he  did  as  others  had  done  before  him,  disposed 
of  land  which  by  rights  was  not  yet  his  to  dispose  of.  When  Graffen- 
ried  came  and  found  the  savages  still  claimed  the  land,  rightfully 
as  he  looked  at  it,  Lawson's  advice  to  chase  them  off  did  not  appeal 
to  him,  although  it  would  have  been  possible,  perhaps,  to  do  so. 
Rather,  he  paid  them  for  the  tract  and  established  friendly  relations 
with  them.  Then  finding  that  his  people  and  the  Indians  were  not 
likely  to  live  together  harmoniously,  he  had  a  very  solemn  pow-wow 
with  the  red-men,  paid  them  again  for  the  land  where  the  first  settle- 
ment had  been  made,  probably  bought  what  other  land  he  needed 
to  parcel  out  to  his  settlers  and  made  the  Indians  satisfied  to  move 
out  of  the  neighborhood  of  his  people.  His  influence  over  the  Indians 
and  their  confidence  in  him  comes  out  indirectly  in  this  conference. 

lLawson's  Journal,  pages  192  5. 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  jSTew  Bern         61 

The  Indians,  seventeen  heads  of  families  and  their  chief,  took  their 
places  in  a  circle  on  the  ground,  dressed  in  their  finery,  the  chief 
looking  to  Graff enried  more  like  an  ape  than  a  man.  Graff enried 
sat  on  a  chair  and  also  wore  whatever  ornaments  he  had  that  would 
glitter  most.  He  could  not  help  but  be  convinced  that  their  arguments 
for  staying  were  better  than  any  he  could  present  to  induce  them 
to  leave,  but  yet  they  finally  agreed  to  go.  Michel,  his  business  part- 
ner, was  not  far  away  during  the  conference,  making  himself  drunk 
with  some  English  friends.  In  this  condition  he  suddenly  broke  in 
on  the  assembly,  snatched  off  the  king's  headdress  and  threw  it  as 
far  as  he  could,  then  seizing  the  orator  beat  him  and  dragged  him 
out  of  the  circle.  Graff  enried  had  difficulty  restoring  order  and  peace; 
finally,  however,  Michel  was  taken  away  and  put  in  charge  of  his 
friends,  and  the  negotiations  went  on  to  a  happy  termination  for 
Graffenried.  That  night,  Michel,  still  under  the  influence  of  liquor, 
broke  into  the  Indian  camp  while  Graffenried  was  asleep,  and  again 
beat  and  insulted  the  orator;  and  again  Graffenried  had  to  be  peace- 
maker. 2  The  fact  that  he  succeeded  at  all  is  sufficient  evidence  of 
the  regard  in  which  he  was  held  by  the  savages. 

The  need  of  separating  the  Indians  from  the  settlers  is  illustrated 
by  the  story  he  tells  of  one  of  his  workmen.  This  man,  a  Berner, 
coming  home  from  wood  chopping  happened  to  pass  by  an  idol  repre- 
senting the  evil  divinity.  This  image  was  painted  red  and  black, 
the  colors  of  the  wood  chopper's  native  city.  He  could  not  endure 
seeing  these  colors  misused  in  such  a  manner,  and  destroyed  the  ugly 
representation  of  the  Devil  with  his  ax.  On  reaching  home  he  boasted 
that  he  had  split  the  Devil  with  one  blow. 3  The  Indians  were  horri- 
fied at  such  a  sacrilege  and  peace  was  with  difficulty  restored.  Never- 
theless they  were  finally  persuaded  to  forego  hostilities  when  Graffen- 
ried promised  to  see  that  no  further  injury  was  done  them.  Partly 
for  their  sake  he  sent  Michel  on  surveying  expeditions  and  into  Penn- 
sylvania to  look  for  silver. 4  The  settlers,  thus,  could  not  appreciate 
the  Indians'  point  of  view  although  they  speak  kindly  of  them  in  their 
letters,  wherever  they  mention  them  at  all,  and  so,  it  was  better  to 
keep  them  apart. 5 

Having  reached  the  province  and  provided  for  the  immediate  needs 
of  his  people,  Graffenried  now  felt  his  next  duty  to  be  the  securing 
of  the  continuation  of  supplies.  As  a  landgrave  he  would  be  com- 
pelled to  take  sides  in  the  political  quarrel  in  the  colony,  and  the 
question  was  with  whom  should  he  cast  in  his  fortune.     He  and  his 

2French  Version. 

3French  and  German  Versions. 

4French  Version. 

5German  Version,  Letters. 


62  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

colony  were  dependent  upon  the  favor  of  the  Proprietors  for  their 
very  existence,  and  he  could  not  hope  for  their  favor  while  supporting 
one  who  was  defying  their  authority.  Yet  the  principles  for  which 
the  dissenting  faction  had  contended  in  the  beginning,  before  Cary 
took  sides  with  them — freedom  from  the  domination  of  the  Church 
of  England — must  have  appealed  to  him,  even  though  he  and  his 
colonists  were  under  the  spiritual  protection  of  the  Bishop  of  London 
and  had  become  members  of  that  church. 6  Moreover,  among  650 
Palatines  there  must  have  been  a  goodly  number  of  Anabaptists,  and 
some  of  the  letters  of  his  settlers  which  he  copied  for  the  German 
version  seem  to  have  been  written  by  people  of  this  sect.  One  of 
their  fundamental  tenets  was  freedom  of  conscience,  and  both  in 
framing  the  contract  for  the  society  and  in  the  agreement  with  the 
settlers,  Graffenried  and  the  company  did  not  depend  upon  the  charter 
of  Carolina  nor  upon  the  Fundamental  Constitutions  alone,  but  made 
special  provision  for  religious  liberty.  The  distractions  produced  in  the 
province  in  the  efforts  to  secure  it,  however,  could  not  have  impressed 
the  colonists  favorably,  and  as  a  matter  of  self-defense  Graffenried 
had  to  espouse  Hyde's  cause.  And  yet  Hyde  was  not  technically 
governor,  lacking  Tynte's  signature,  and  was  afraid  to  come  into  the 
province. 

The  very  numbers  of  people  Graffenried  brought  with  him  was  a 
disadvantage,  because  whichever  side  he  joined,  he  would  be  sure 
to  gain  the  ill-will  of  the  opposition.  But  as  Cary,  who  had  been 
deposed  once,  was  governing  a  second  time  with  a  legality  which 
was  questioned  by  the  first  people  with  whom  Graffenried  had  become 
acquainted, 7  and  as  it  was  the  will  of  the  Lords  Proprietors  that  Hyde 
should  be  governor,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  declare  himself  against 
Cary.  And  again  the  situation  was  complicated,  for  Cary  had  in 
his  possession  all  the  funds  of  the  province,  and  it  was  necessary  for 
Graffenried  to  look  to  him  for  what  the  Proprietors  had  promised 
on  their  account  with  the  province.  When  the  demand  was  made 
of  him,  he  promised  well,  but  kept  evading  fulfillment  until  Graffen- 
ried lost  hope  at  last  and  sent  to  Virginia  where  he  had  made  arrange- 
ments for  flour  before  leaving  England.  Only  thus  were  the  people 
enabled  to  proceed  with  the  building  of  their  town. 

6Col.  Rec,  vol.  I,  pp.  756,  734.    French  Version. 
'Col.  Rec,  vol.  I,  page  731. 


CHAPTER  IX 

Founding  of  the  City — Leet  Court  System — Articles  in  the 
Fundamentals  Relating  to  Leet  Courts — Discussion  of 
Baronies  and  Manors,  Showing  Irregularities  in  Appoint- 
ments— Articles  in  Fundamentals  Referring  to  Baronies, 
Manors,  etc. — Ideal  Once  Given  up  Revived  in  Modified 
Form  for  Graffenried's  Colony — Reasons  for  This— Con- 
tracts with  Proprietors  and  Colonists — Evidences  from 
Manuscripts — Evidences  of  a  Paternal  Government — 
Evidences  of  Popular  Assemblies 

The  little  city  was  placed  on  a  point  of  land  between  the  Neuse 
River  and  the  Trent,  and  was  laid  out  in  the  form  of  a  cross,  one  arm 
extending  from  river  to  river,  and  the  other,  from  the  point,  back 
indefinitely.  At  a  reasonable  distance  Graffenried  built  a  line  of 
fortifications  from  one  river  to  the  other  and  had  his  coast  line  well 
defended  also.  These  fortifications  were  doubtless  frail  enough,  but 
would  have  been  of  service  in  case  of  an  Indian  attack  if  all  the  people 
were  inside  and  acted  in  concert.  He  planned  to  have  a  church  at 
the  four  corners.  Market  was  to  be  held  once  a  week,  and  a  fair 
yearly.  His  best  contribution  was  his  water  mill  for  grinding  grain. 
There  was  only  one  other  mill  in  the  whole  province  and  it  was  a 
poor  one,  and  the  only  way  the  people  had  of  getting  flour  or  meal  was 
to  beat  their  grain  in  a  wooden  mortar  with  a  wooden  pestle  and  sift 
it  through  a  basket.  When  the  little  town  was  completed,  a  solemn 
assembly  gave  it  the  name  of  New  Bern.  It  had  such  a  favorable 
beginning  that  people  in  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania  bought  lots  there, 
and  Graffenried  could  say  that  his  town  made  more  progress  in  a  year 
than  some  other  towns  had  made  in  several. l  A  plan  to  live  at  one 
common  expense,  but  in  separate  households  was  formulated,  but 
was  given  up  as  impracticable. 2 

The  form  of  government  at  New  Bern  is  nowhere  definitely  given, 
yet  we  can  get  some  general  idea  of  it  from  the  few  references  in  the 
writings  Graffenried  left.  One  is  tempted  to  see  in  it  the  attempt 
to  introduce  the  leet  court  system  of  the  Fundamental  Constitution, 
though  in  a  modified  form,  despite  the  fact  that  the  revised  funda- 
mentals of  1698  had  omitted  the  provision  relating  to  such  courts. 
If  this  is  the  case,  we  have  the  only  such  attempt  so  far  as  I  am  able 
to  discover,  to  put  the  system  into  practice  in  the  province.     The 

'German  Version;  French  Version. 
2German  Version,  Report. 


64  North:  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

omission  of  many  of  the  articles  in  the  revised  Constitution  need  not 
imply  a  change  of  conviction  on  the  part  of  the  proprietors,  but  only 
a  concession  to  the  conditions  in  America.  In  Graffenried's  case, 
also,  such  a  system  would,  perhaps,  seem  more  practicable  and  thus 
the  old  idea  would,  naturally,  be  revived. 

The  following  articles  of  the  Fundamentals  refer  to  this  sort  of 
serfdom,  and  show  the  ideals  which  the  proprietors  had. 

"16th.  In  every  signiory,  barony,  and  manor,  the  respective  Lord 
shall  have  power  in  his  own  name  to  hold  court  leet  there,  for  trying 
of  all  causes,  both  civil  and  criminal;  but  where  it  shall  concern  any 
person  being  no  inhabitant,  vassal,  or  leet  man,  of  the  said  signiory, 
barony  or  manor,  he  upon  paying  down  of  forty  shillings,  for  the 
Lords  Proprietors'  use,  shall  have  an  appeal  from  the  signiory,  or 
barony  court,  to  the  county  court,  and  from  the  manor  court  to  the 
precinct  court. 

"19th.  Any  Lord  of  a  manor,  may  alienate,  sell,  or  dispose  to  any 
other  person  and  his  heirs  forever,  his  manor  all  intirely  together, 
with  all  the  priviledges  and  leet  men,  thereunto  belonging,  so  far 
forth  as  any  colony  lands;  but  no  grant  of  any  part  thereof,  either 
in  fee  or  for  any  longer  term  than  three  lives,  or  for  one  and  twenty 
years,  shall  be  good  against  the  next  heir. 

"22d.  In  every  signiory,  barony  and  manor,  all  the  leet  men  shall 
be  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  respective  Lords  of  the  said  signiory, 
barony  or  manor,  without  appeal  from  him.  Nor  shall  any  leet  man, 
or  leet  woman  have  liberty  to  go  off  from  the  land  of  their  particular 
Lord  and  live  anywhere  else  without  license  obtained  from  their  said 
Lord,  under  hand  and  seal. 

"23d.  All  the  children  of  leet  men,  shall  be  leet  men,  and  so  to 
all  generations. 

"24th.  No  man  shall  be  capable  of  having  a  court  leet,  or  leet  men, 
but  a  Proprietor,  Landgrave,  Casique,  or  Lord  of  a  manor. 

"25th.  Whoever  shall  voluntarily  enter  himself  a  leet  man,  in  the 
registry  of  the  county  court,  shall  be  a  leet  man. 

"26th.  Whoever  is  Lord  of  Leet  men,  shall  upon  the  marriage  of 
a  leet  man,  or  leet  woman  of  his,  give  them  ten  acres  of  land  for  their 
lives,  they  paying  to  him  therefore,  not  more  than  one  eighth  part 
of  all  the  yearly  produce  and  growth  of  the  said  ten  acres. 3 

In  the  application  of  their  "unalterable  Constitutions"  relative  to 
the  German  colony,  as  in  other  matters,  the  proprietors  allowed  them- 
selves a  considerable  latitude,  and  so  we  find  several  variations  from 
their  ideals  expressed  in  the  articles  quoted  above.  In  the  first  place, 
the  appointment  of  landgraves  had  always  been  irregular.     According 

3Col.  Rec,  vol.  I,  page  187  ff. 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern         65 

to  their  charter  they  could  confer  their  title  "upon  such  of  the  in- 
habitants of  the  said  province  as  they  shall  think  do  or  shall  merit 
the  same,"  4  and  yet  of  twenty-five  appointees  eleven  never  lived  in 
America,  and  several  of  those  who  did  live  in  America  were  appointed 
before  they  ever  came  to  this  country. 5  Locke  was'  the  first  to  receive 
the  title,  and  in  his  case  it  appears  to  have  been  merely  honorary, 
and  if  the  four  baronies  of  12,000  acres  each  was  ever  assigned  to  him 
there  is  no  record  of  it  left.  Nevertheless  it  was  intended  at  first 
to  have  the  title  always  associated  with  land  and  in  the  amounts 
presented  in  the  articles,  as  an  act  passed  by  the  Assembly  of  Albe- 
marle and  approved  by  the  proprietors  in  1669  shows.  By  this  act 
it  is  decreed  that  "noe  person  or  persons  whatsoever  he  be  within 
this  County  under  the  degree  of  Proprietor,  Landgrave  or  Cassique 
shall  have  Liberty  for  the  space  of  five  yeares  next  ensueing  to  sur- 
vey or  lay  out  above  six  hundred  and  sixty  acres  of  Land  in  one  devi- 
dend  that  soe  the  County  may  be  the  speedier  seated,  without  express 
leave  obtained  from  the  Lords  Proprietors. 

"And  it  is  hereby  further  enacted  that  there  shall  not  be  granted 
in  any  warrent  any  quantity  of  Land  but  what  is  allowed  according 
to  the  Quality  of  the  right  and  is  exprest  in  the  Proprietors  Instruc- 
tions, concessions  or  Fundamental  Constitutions  or  forms  of  Govern- 
ment." 6 

This  intention  on  the  part  of  the  assembly  was  not  always  carried 
out,  for  it  was  ordered  by  the  Proprietors  near  the  beginning  of  this 
new  form  of  government  that  the  Proprietors  should  have  but  three 
signiories,  and  each  landgrave  and  cacique  but  one  barony. 7  Never- 
theless, John  Price, 8  another  of  those  who  never  lived  in  America, 
was  made  a  landgrave  in  1687  and  "four  baronies  of  12,000  acres" 
were  annexed  to  the  title.  In  1698  a  new  plan  was  hit  upon, 9  and 
instead  of  conferring  the  title  and  the  domains  which  belonged  to  it 
as  a  mark  of  the  high  regard  in  which  the  person  was  held  by  the  Pro- 
prietors, blanks  were  sent  out  for  six  landgraves  and  eight  caciques. 
These  were  to  be  sold  to  whomsoever  would  buy,  provided  they  were 
considered  worthy  by  Major  Robert  Daniel  and  Landgrave  Morton, 
who  had  the  disposal  of  them.  The  sale  was  not  very  rapid,  for  only 
two  purchased.  One  of  these,  Captain  Edmund  Bellinger,  was  in 
England  at  the  time  of  the  purchase  but  paid  in  America,  and  John 
Bayley  took  another  but  paid  in  Ireland.  After  this  another  change 
was  allowed,  for  in  1709  Abel  Ketelby,  who  also  became  a  nonresident 


*Col.  Rec,  vol.  I,  page  29. 
6McCrady,  page  717. 
eCol.  Rec,  vol.  I,  page  186. 
'McCrady,  page  141. 
8McCrady,  page  719. 
9McCrady,  page  292. 


66  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

landgrave,  purchased  5,000  acres. x  °  And  after  this  fashion  the  title 
had  lost  in  dignity  until  it  was  offered  for  sale  with  few  takers,  while 
the  amount  of  land  which  went  with  it  was  reduced  from  a  vast  tract 
to  a  moderate-sized  manor,  the  lords  of  which  strips  were  originally  in- 
tended to  be  of  the  lowest  order  of  nobility. 

Graffenried's  appointment  was  no  exception  to  the  others  in  irregu- 
larities. He  was  a  foreigner,  but  probably  naturalized, x  l  for  he  was 
in  England  when  the  naturalization  laws  were  made  and  in  his  Memorial 
he  advises  it.  He  was  required  to  buy  and  actually  did  buy  but 
5,000  acres  to  secure  the  title,  and  the  10,000  additional  which  he 
purchased  for  the  company  and  Michel's  2,500  acres  over  which  he 
appears  to  have  had  the  disposal  for  the  company  had  nothing  to  do 
with  the  bestowal  of  the  highest  dignity  in  the  power  of  the  Pro- 
prietors. 

Fortunately,  the  Carolinians  seem  not  to  have  been  disturbed  by  all 
these  irregularities  in  his  appointment  and  he  thought  the  title  an 
advantage  to  him,  as  it  seemed  to  help  him  keep  the  respect  of  his 
own  settlers  and  the  other  colonists. 

The  following  articles  relate  to  the  order  of  nobility  which  was  to 
be  established. 

"4th.  Each  signory,  barony,  and  colony,  shall  consist  of  twelve 
thousand  acres,  the  eight  signories  being  the  share  of  the  eight  pro- 
prietors, and  the  eight  baronies  of  the  nobility;  both  which  shares, 
being  each  of  them  one  fifth  of  the  whole,  are  to  be  perpetually  annexed, 
the  one  to  the  proprietors  and  the  other  to  the  hereditary  nobility; 
leaving  the  colonies,  being  three  fifths,  amongst  the  people;  so  that 
in  setting  out  and  planting  the  lands,  the  balance  of  the  government 
may  be  preserved. 

"9th.  There  shall  be  just  as  many  Landgraves  as  there  are  counties, 
and  twice  as  many  Casiques,  and  no  more.  These  shall  be  the  heredi- 
tary nobility  of  the  Province,  and  by  right  of  their  dignity  be  mem- 
bers of  parliament.  Each  Landgrave  shall  have  four  baronies,  and 
each  Casique  two  baronies,  hereditarily  and  unalterably  annexed  to 
and  settled  upon  the  said  dignity. 

"17th.  Every  manor  shall  consist  of  not  less  than  three  thousand, 
and  not  above  twelve  thousand  acres  in  one  piece  and  colony;  but 
any  three  thousand  acres  or  more  in  one  piece  and  the  possession  of 
one  man,  shall  not  be  a  manor,  unless  it  be  constituted  a  manor  by 
the  grant  of  the  Palatine's  court. 

"21st.  Every  Lord  of  a  manor,  within  his  own  manor,  shall  have 
all  the  powers,  jurisdictions  and  privileges  which  a  Landgrave  or 
Casique  hath  in  his  baronies."  x  2 

i°Col.  Rec,  vol.  I,  page  705. 
"German  Version,  Memorial. 
12Col.  Rec.,  vol.  I,  page  187. 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  'New  Bern         67 

In  the  provisions  for  a  continuance  of  the  proprietary  government 
with  its  almost  regal  powers  in  the  hands  of  a  hereditary  and  self- 
perpetuating  body  of  eight  persons;  and  a  limited  proportion  of  land- 
graves and  casiques,  with  lords  of  manors  below  them,  and  last  of 
all  leet  men — four  classes  likewise  hereditary — the  proprietors  at- 
tempted to  establish  a  feudal  system  more  perfect  in  its  working  than 
any  in  Europe.  For  the  systems  with  which  they  were  familiar  were 
the  results  of  development  or  accident,  while  this  was  to  be  carefully 
thought  out  and  the  results  calculated  beforehand  with  almost  mathe- 
matical accuracy,  and  applied  arbitrarily  to  a  new  state  which  was 
just  forming. 

In  the  new  nobility  the  amount  of  land  belonging  to  a  certain  title 
had  been  fixed  with  the  exception  of  manors,  the  size  of  which  might 
vary  from  3,000  to  12,000  acres.  The  obligations  of  the  leet  men, 
whether  subject  to  lords  of  manors,  caciques,  or  landgraves,  were  to 
be  the  same  in  all  parts  of  the  province.  As  has  been  shown,  the 
theory  could  not  be  put  into  practice  as  originally  intended  in  the  case 
of  the  nobility,  and  it  turned  out  to  be  even  more  impracticable  to 
put  the  articles  relating  to  leetmen  into  operation.  There  is  not 
the  slightest  evidence  that  the  offer  of  ten  acres  with  its  feudal  acknowl- 
edgment, which  might  amount  to  an  eighth  of  the  proceeds  there- 
from yearly,  tempted  any  one  to  put  himself  and  his  children  into  bond- 
age to  an  overlord,  when  land  was  in  abundance  near  by  and  free  from 
burdensome  obligations.  It  was  so  manifestly  impossible  to  carry  out 
these  promises,  that  in  the  instructions  to  Colonel  Philip  Ludwell 
sent  out  in  1791,  which  were  in  reality  a  revision  of  the  Fundamentals 
from  120  to  43  articles, x  3  there  is  no  mention  of  leetmen  or  leetcourts, 
although  landgraves  and  caciques  are  mentioned  as  if  they  were  still 
to  exist  as  before.  In  place  of  leetcourts  there  were  to  be  representa- 
tives chosen  by  the  freemen,  and  the  criminal  courts  were  to  be 
administered  by  the  governor  or  by  commissioners  appointed  by  him. 

But  when  Graffenried  brought  out  his  colony,  the  old  idea  seems  to 
have  been  revived  for  him  and  his  settlers,  for  he  would  hardly  have 
made  an  arrangement  which  removed  his  colonists  from  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  officers  of  the  province  without  the  advice  of  the  proprietors. 
The  conditions  under  which  the  settlement  was  being  made  would 
favor  such  a  government  as  they  had  originally  planned,  but  would 
not  make  it  essential.  His  people  were  coming  out  together,  all  spoke 
the  same  langauge  and  would  naturally  be  somewhat  cut  off  from  the 
rest  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  province  because  of  this;  but  since  the 
French  colonists, *  4  though  living  somewhat  segregated  from  the  rest, 
held  their  lands  just  as  did  the  English  settlers  and  were  subject  to  the 

13Col.  Rec,  vol.  I,  pa?e  373  ff. 
"McCrady,  page  319  ff. 


68  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

same  government,  Graffenried's  arrangement  was  not  made  necessary 
by  the  fact  that  his  people  spoke  a  different  language  from  those 
about  them.  By  his  contract  with  the  Swiss  and  Palatines  they  were 
to  pay  a  higher  quit-rent  than  was  charged  elsewhere  in  the  province, 
but  in  return  for  it  they  were  to  receive  material  help  in  getting  set- 
tled, which  would  offset  the  disadvantage  of  the  higher  rate.  The 
proprietors  had  trouble  over  quit-rents  continually.  Penn  in  Penn- 
sjdvania  complained  that  the  people  did  not  appreciate  what  he  was 
doing  for  them  and  that  his  revenues  were  not  as  large  as  they  should 
be,  and  it  was  perhaps  in  hopes  that  if  the  people  could  be  brought 
into  a  modified  feudal  relation  with  the  proprietors  there  would  be 
less  trouble  over  quit-rents  than  if  they  were  allowed  to  live  as  free 
as  the  English  colonists,  a  condition  which  could  be  more  easily  main- 
tained with  a  group  of  people  speaking  a  different  language  from  the 
main  body  of  inhabitants. 

The  agreement  which  Graffenried  and  Michel  entered  into  with  the 
Commissioners  has  only  an  indication  of  some  such  arrangement  in 
the  words,  "that  some  number  of  the  said  poor  Palatines  may  be 
disposed  of  and  settled  in  the  said  tract  in  North  Carolina  aforesaid, 
as  well  for  the  benefit  of  the  said  Christopher  de  Graffenried  and  Lewis 
Michel  as  for  the  relief  and  support  of  the  poor  Palatines."  15 

In  the  abstract  of  the  treaty  1 6  with  the  proprietors  we  find,  further- 
more, that  Graffenried  was  to  be  the  judge  of  all  disputes  arising  among 
the  Germans,  but  in  cases  where  the  English  were  involved  the  juris- 
diction was  in  the  hands  of  the  courts.  But  all  cases  of  capital  crimes 
were  reserved  for  the  proprietors  themselves.    This  is  not  as  complete 

"Col.  Rec,  vol.  I,  page  987  ff.    The  italics  are  mine.     V.  H.  T. 

161.  Us  m'ont  vendu  15000  arpents  terre  choisie  que  j'ay  fait  arpenter  Sur  la  Riviere  de  News  et 
Trent  et  2500  acres  Sur  Weetock  River,  a  10  livres  Sterlins  le  1000,  ou  une  livre  Sterl:  p  cent  acres,  et 
6  Sols  par  100  arpendts.  cen  ce  fonciere,  ce  qui  fait  la  Somme  de  175£  Sterl:  ce  que  j'ay  d'abord  paye 
content.  2.  II  y  a  eu  une  reserve  de  100  mille  acres  a  ehoisir  entre  ces  Rivieres  cy  nomees  et  Clarendon 
R.  pour  le  meme  prix,  et  pour  cela  j'ay  eu  7  ans  de  terme  pour  faire  le  premier  payement  et  des  la  7e: 
jusques  a  la  12e:  le  tout  devoit  etre  paye\  3e.  Les  differents  qu'auroient  mon  Peuple  avec  les  Anglois 
ce  devoient  terminer  devant  les  juges  Anglois  mais  ce  que  mes  Colonists  auroient  de  dificulte'  entre 
Eux  cela  ce  termineroit  entre  Eux  ou  par  devant  moy:  La  haute  Jurisdiction  au  faits  criminels  a  mort 
reservez  zux  Seigrs.  Prop:  ie.  Liberte  de  Religion,  et  d'avoir  un  ministre  de  notre  Pays  quipour- 
roit  precher  en  notre  langue — .  5e.  Droit  de  Ville  et  marche  ou  faire  a  Neuberne.  6e.  francs  de 
toutee  taille  et  impots  dimes  et  Cences  hormi  les  6  Sols  p  100  acres  annullement  come  susdit.  7e.  Les 
Seigrs  Prop:  ou  la  Province  par  leurs  ordres  me  devoint  fournir  pour  2  ou  3  ans  de  provision  de  viv- 
res  et  betail  pour  moy  et  toutte  la  Colonie  moyenant  restitution  apres  le  terme  prescrit. 

"1st.  They  sold  me  15,000  acres  of  choice  land  which  I  had  surveyed  upon  the  Ri  ver  Neuse  and  the 
River  Trent  and  2,500  acres  upon  the  Weetock  River  at  10  pounds  sterling  per  1,000,  or  one  pound 
sterling  per  hundred  acres,  and  six  pence  per  100  acres,  quit-rent  rent,  which  makes  the  sum  of  175£ 
sterling  which  I  payed  down.  2d.  There  was  a  reserve  of  100  thousand  acres  to  choose  between  these 
rivers  here  named  and  Clarendon  River  for  the  same  price,  and  for  that  I  had  a  period  of  seven  years 
for  the  first  payment  and  between  the  7th  and  12th  the  whole  was  to  be  paid.  3d.  The  differences 
which  my  people  might  have  with  the  English  were  to  be  settled  before  the  English  judges,  but  the 
difficulties  which  my  colonist  s  might  have  among  themselves  were  to  be  settled  either  among  them- 
selves or  before  me,  the  final  jurisdiction  in  capital  crimes  reserved  to  the  Lords  Proprietors.  4th.  Re- 
ligious liberty  and  the  right  to  have  a  minister  of  our  own  country  to  preach  in  our  language. 
5th.  Rights  of  city  and  market  or  fair  at  New  Bern.  6th.  Freedom  from  all  taxes  and  imposts, 
tithes  and  hundredths  except  the  6  pence  per  100  acres  annually  as  above  said.  7th.  The  Lords  Pro- 
prietors or  the  province  by  their  orders  were  to  furnish  me  and  all  my  colony  with  food  and  live 
stock  for  2  or  3  years  with  reimbursement  after  the  prescribed  time." 


Graffenrfed  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  !NVvy  Bern         69 

a  jurisdiction  as  the  Fundamental  Constitutions  had  originally  given 
to  Landgraves  and  others  who  should  have  leetmen;  but  it  neverthe- 
less put  a  very  considerable  authority  into  Graffenried's  hands  and 
where  his  own  settlers  alone  were  concerned  in  any  but  capital  crimes 
is  just  as  great.  That  he  actually  exercised  authority  is  proved  by 
the  fact  that  he  incurred  the  enmity  of  the  Palatine  blacksmith  by 
sentencing  him  to  a  day's  log  sawing  for  using  foul  language. 

In  the  abstract  of  his  treaty 1 7  with  the  Palatines  he  was  to  give 
each  family  300  acres  of  land,  for  which  they  should  pay  a  quit  rent 
of  two-pence  per  acre,  while  he  took  for  himself  the  payment  of  the 
Lords  Proprietors'  six  pence  per  100  acres.  Thus,  as  has  been  said 
before,  the  colonists  paid  a  higher  rent  than  was  customary  in  the 
other  provinces  and  dealt  with  Graffenried  and  not  with  the  officers 
of  the  province  who  usually  attended  to  the  collection  of  quit-rents. 
The  Swiss  who  wrote  the  letters  home,  when  referring  to  their  farms, 
used  the  word  "Lechen"  (Lehen)  which  carries  with  it  the  idea  of  an 
estate  held  of  another,  while  "Gut,"  which  is  used  but  once,  usually 
has  the  meaning  of  a  freehold,  but  not  necessarily  so.  The  frequency 
of  the  use  of  Lechen  indicates  that  the  colonists  themselves  recog- 
nized a  sort  of  feudal  relationship.  His  own  language  in  character- 
izing the  actions  of  his  colonists  in  following  Brice,  when  he  speaks 
of  them  as  abtruennig  (disloyal),  verraeterisch  (traitorous)  would 
not  have  been  used  except  in  the  case  of  subjects;  and  later  when  the 
distress  became  more  pressing  he  exercised  one  of  the  rights  expressly 
given  in  the  Constitution  to  landgraves,  caciques,  and  lords  of  manor, 
when  he  gave  his  people  permission  to  leave  their  farms.  In  this 
case  he  gave  them  leave  to  go  away  for  two  years  to  look  for  work, 
the  implication  being  at  the  end  of  that  time  they  should  come  back. 
Referring  again  to  the  articles  on  leetmen,  we  find  that  they  were  not 
allowed  to  leave  their  land  without  the  express  permission  of  their  lord. 
And  lastly,  his  agreement  with  the  colonists  says  that  they  owed  him 
fidelity,  obedience  and  respect,  and  that  he  owed  them  protection — 
certainly    a   rather   feudal-like   expression.     This    is  the  relationship 

17J'avois  aussi  un  Traitte  partioulier  et  bien  exact  avec  les  Palatins  lequell  fust  projeote  examine 
et  arrete,  devant  et  par  la  Commission  Royale  trop  ample  a  inserrer  icy,  seulement  en  Substance  ce 
qui  suit  le.  mes  Colonistes  me  devoient  fidelite  obeysance  et  Respect,  et  moi  la  Protection,  au  2e. 
Je  devois  fournir  chaque  famille  de  provision  pour  la  premiere  annee,  d'une  Vache  de  deux  Coehons 
et  de  quelques  utensils,  moyenant  restitution  apres  3  ans.  3e.  Je  devois  doner  a  chaque  famille  300 
arp:  de  Terre  et  ils  devoient  me  livrer  pour  Cence  fonciere  2  Sols  par  acre,  en  contre  ie  devois  Sup- 
porter les  6  sols  p  100  acres  de  reconnoissance  envers  le3  Seigrs.    Prop,    come  desia  Susdit. 

"I  also  had  a  private  and  very  exact  treaty  with  the  Palatines  which  was  projected,  examined 
and  agreed  upon  before  and  by  the  Royal  Commission,  too  ample  to  be  inserted  here  more  than  in 
substance,  as  follows.  1st.  My  colonists  owed  me  fidelity,  obedience  and  respect,  and  I  owed  them 
protection.  2d.  I  was  to  furnish  each  family  for  the  first  year  a  cow  and  two  swine  and  some 
utensils,  reimbursement  to  be  made  after  3  years.  3d.  I  was  to  give  to  each  family  300  acres  of  land 
and  they  were  to  give  me  for  quit-rent  two  pence  per  acre,  and  I  on  the  other  hand  was  to  be  respon- 
sible for  the  6  pence  per  100  acres  acknowledgment  toward  the  Lords  Proprietors  as  already  men- 
tioned above." 


70  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

planned  for  at  least  one  generation.  How  far  the  system  might  have 
been  planned  to  extend  cannot  be  determined.  We  only  know  that  the 
landgraveship  was  hereditary,  and,  that  these  estates  may  have  been 
planned  to  descend  likewise  in  the  same  family  from  father  to  son. 
From  these  considerations,  then,  it  seems  to  me  that  this  colony  was 
the  nearest  approach  to  Locke's  ideal  ever  established  in  this  coun- 
try— the  only  one  founded  on  the  Grand  Model. 

In  the  report  to  the  Georg  Ritter  Company,  also,  it  is  expressly 
stated  that  purchasers  of  land  shall  have  the  right  to  sell  their  hold- 
ings; but  under  the  proprietary  government  buying  and  selling  of 
land  did  not  alter  the  fact  that  each  acre  of  ground  owed  its  half  penny 
quit-rent  to  the  proprietors,  and  it  is  to  be  supposed  that  if  any  one 
should  buy  one  of  these  farms  owned  by  a  Palatine,  he  would  assume 
the  responisbilities  of  rent,  obedience,  and  respect  to  the  landgrave. 
In  the  end  when  the  scheme  failed,  we  find  that  Graffenried  made 
over  the  whole  tract  to  Colonel  Pollock  and  the  people  lost  their  hold- 
ings; a  result  which  could  not  have  happened  had  they  held  of  the 
proprietors  as  others  did,  for  the  system  of  registration  of  deeds  was 
very  perfect  in  Carolina  at  this  time,  and  there  couM  have  been  no 
mistake  about  ownership. 

It  would  be  too  much  to  expect  Graffenried,  a  member  of  one  of  the 
few  patrician  families  of  Bern,  an  ex-bailiff  of  an  important  city,  com- 
ing to  America  as  the  head  of  the  colonizing  project,  to  show  an  en- 
tirely democratic  spirit  or  to  be  very  favorable  to  such  democracy  as 
he  saw  in  those  around  him.  The  disorders  attendant  upon  Cary's 
and  Glover's  rivalry;  and  Cary's  refusal  to  submit  to  Governor  Hyde, 
were  menacing  the  very  existence  of  the  colony,  and  one  might  expect 
a  stronger  expression  of  what  must  have  been  his  sentiments,  when, 
in  speaking  of  the  help  asked  for  from  Spotswood,  he  says,  "Seeing 
that  these  Virginians  were  not  disposed  to  help  us,  perhaps  themselves 
having  a  little  of  that  free  and  democratic  spirit."18  All  the  assist- 
ance from  the  proprietors  and  from  the  company  in  Bern  on  which 
the  continuance  of  the  colony  depended,  were  to  come  through  him, 
and  it  is  natural  that  we  should  find  evidences  of  a  paternal  govern- 
ment in  the  little  colony  at  New  Bern.  Nevertheless,  patrician  though 
he  was,  Graffenried  had  the  welfare  of  the  colony  at  heart.  The  let- 
ters from  the  settlers  express  satisfaction  with  his  administration  and 
he  seems  to  have  regarded  the  title  as  of  value  only  as  it  made  the 
Carolinians  respect  him,  and  so  benefited  his  colony  and  company. *  9 

It  is  unfortunate  that  the  colony  was  broken  up  so  early  in  its  his- 
tory, before  the  system  of  government  had  had  time  to  become  some- 

18French  Version. 
19German  Version. 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  JSTew  Bern         71 

thing  more  than  a  mere  paper  scheme  of  the  proprietors,  and  before 
it  had  time  to  develop,  as  it  most  certainly  would  have  done,  into 
something  suited  to  the  needs  of  the  people.  It  has  been  seen  that 
the  modified  system  of  leetmen  actually  put  into  operation  was  much 
more  workable  than  the  scheme  as  laid  out  in  the  Unalterable  Con- 
stitutions. When  we  remember  that  besides  the  Palatines  who  were 
seeking  liberty  as  well  as  freedom  of  conscience,  there  were  some  Swiss 
country  people  who  had  belonged  to  the  religious  brotherhood  where 
they  had  a  voice  in  matters  that  concerned  the  community,  that  in 
Switzerland  in  general  there  had  always  been  a  tradition  of  liberty, 
that  in  Bern,  from  whence  most  of  them  had  come,  popular  assem- 
blies had  been  held  as  late  as  1653,  and  that  shortly  after  this,  as- 
semblies were  to  be  tried  again  (1713)  showing  that  the  sentiment  was 
still  strong  among  the  common  people, 2  °  it  is  not  surprising  to  see  in- 
dications of  such  an  assembly  in  New  Bern,  when  the  town  was  to  be 
named. 2 1  On  later  occasions  his  people  showed  a  spirit  which,  while 
distressing  to  Graff enried  and  perhaps  of  actual  harm  to  themselves, 
proves  very  conclusively  that  where  they  considered  it  necessary  they 
showed  their  '  idependence  by  leaving  Graff  enried  without  permission, 
and  seeking  /ith  Brice  the  protection  the  Baron  appeared  unable  to 
afford.  Whatever  may  have  been  planned,  it  is  reasonably  sure  that 
a  feudal  government  would  not  have  endured  long  with  these  liberty 
loving  Germans  and  Swiss.  As  it  is,  there  appears  to  have  been  a 
paternal  government  with  indications  of  concerted  and  independent 
action  of  the  people. 

2 "Cambridge  History,  vol.  VI,  page  623  ff. 

2 The  sentence,  French  Version,  in  which  this  occasion  is  mentioned  reads  as  follows: 

II  s'agissoit  de  doner  un  nom  a  la  ville  ce  que  nous  fumes  en  grande  Solemnity,  et  nous  joignimes 
au  nom  de  Neuws  celuy  de  Berne, ainsi  la  ville  fust  baptisee  Neuberne. 

Compare  with  the  above  the  following  passages: 

...  et  je  fis  meme  une  espece  d'aillance  avec  ce  Roitelet  nom6  Taylor  et  Son  Monde,  cela  ce  fist 
Solennellmt. 

.    .    .     Us  commencerent  de  gouter  mes  raisons  et  on  tient  pour  cela  une  assemblee  Solenelle. 

Die  Indianer  nun  betrefend,  so  sind  sie  nicht  zu  beforchten,  so  man  einen  Bund  mit  Ihnen  macht, 
welches  schon  Sollenisch. 

"It  was  a  question  of  giving  a  name  to  the  city,  which  we  did  in  great  solemnity;  and  we  joined 
to  the  name  of  Neuws  that  of  Berne,  and  so  the  city  was  christened  Xewbern. 

"  .  .  .  and  I  even  made  a  sort  of  alliance  with  this  kinglet  named  Taylor  and  his  people. 
This  was  done  solemnly. 

"...  They  commenced  to  appreciate  my  reasons,  and  there  was  held  for  that  purpose  a 
solemn  assembly. 

"As  far  as  the  Indians  are  concerned,  they  are  not  to  be  feared  if  one  makes  a  league  with  them,. 
which  we  have  already  solemnly  done." 

This  use  of  some  form  of  the  word  meaning  solemn  in  the  last  three  cases,  evidently  referring  to  an 
assembly  for  free  discussion,  argues  that  it  is  used  in  the  first  case  with  the  same  connotation,  espe- 
cially since  he  does  Dot  use  the  word  elsewhere  in  the  manuscripts. 


CHAPTER  X 

Hyde  Comes  to  North  Carolina  in  January,  1711 — Graffenried 
Made  a  Colonel-^-Hopes  to  Receive  Assistance  from  the 
Province — Cary  Preparing  for  Open  Rebellion — Condition 
of  the  Town — Graffenried  Sends  a  Report  to  Bern — Ap- 
pearance of  Prosperity  Deceptive — Letter  by  Urmstone 
Shows  the  Condition  to  be  as  Graffenried  Describes — 
Gary's  Attack  and  Retreat — Peace  of  Short  Duration — 
The  Governor  of  Virginia  Sends  Help — Effect  of  the  War 
on  the  German  Colony — An  Exploring  Trip— Lawson  and 
Graffenried  Captured  by  the  Indians 

Taking  up  the  story  again  from  where  it  was  left  in  Part  II,  chapter 
VIII:  Hyde  entered  upon  his  duties  some  time  in  January,  1711, 1 
and  shortly  after  sent  Graffenried  a  Colonel's  commission  along  with 
a  summons  to  attend  the  assembly.  Graffenried  could  ill  afford  the 
time  from  his  own  affairs,  but  hoped  the  opportunity  had  now  come 
to  obtain  the  needed  assistance  for  his  people.  The  Governor's  will 
in  the  matter  was  good,  but  the  treasury  was  empty,  for  Cary  still 
held  the  funds  of  the  province,  and  was,  moreover,  making  prepara- 
tion for  active  resistance.  Graffenried  now  had  to  take  one  side  or 
the  other,  for  the  situation  was  growing  more  tense,  and  the  question 
of  colonial  support  for  the  Palatines  had  to  be  brought  to  an  issue 
and  decided  as  soon  as  possible.  His  only  hope  was  in  Hyde,  for 
Cary's  promises  had  proved  unreliable;  and  he  threw  himself  into 
Hyde's  cause  with  all  his  might,  although  he  and  his  people  would 
have  preferred  to  stay  out  of  the  trouble.  In  the  report 2  to  the  Georg 
Ritter  Company  he  says  that  he  and  his  people  took  Hyde's  part, 
but  in  the  accounts  he  says  that  they  remained  neutral,  because  they 
were  intimidated  by  Cary.  Most  likely  Hyde  had  their  sympathy 
and  half  hearted  support,  but  they  took  no  active  part  in  the  "war." 
Some  time  during  the  spring  the  Hyde  and  Graffenried  forces  took 
Cary  into  custody,  but  he  made  his  escape. 

Meanwhile  the  colony  was  prospering,  the  settlers  were  contented 
and  there  were  excellent  prospects,  for  people  as  far  away  as  Penn- 
sylvania had  taken  lots. 3  Graffenried  had  expended  2,228£  in  pro- 
visions of  one  sort  or  another,  though  not  in  the  amount  specified  in 
the  contract  with  the  commissioners,  regarding  cattle  for  the  Pala- 
tines.    However,  the  settlers  were  apparently  satisfied  and  there  was 

•Col.  Rec,  vol.  I,  page  751. 
2German  Version,  Report. 
8German  Version,  Report. 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern         73 

still  time  to  supply  them  completely.  There  were  two  boats  4  belong- 
ing to  the  colony  which  he  and  Michel  had  bought  to  save  transporta- 
tion charges.  Their  town  had  one  of  the  few  schoolmasters  in  the 
province,  for  Graffenried  had  provided  for  this  need  before  leaving 
London,  and  the  trades  were  also  well  represented.  Graffenried  took 
charge  of  the  ordinary  religious  services,  which  consisted  in  reading 
of  prayers  in  the  houses  of  his  colonists,  using  the  Episcopal  forms, 
and  vary  rarely  a  sermon  was  preached  to  them  by  the  Church  of 
England  missionary.  During  the  lull  in  the  Cary  troubles,  while  he 
was  preparing  for  his  next  attempt  on  the  government,  Graffenried 
used  the  occasion  of  one  of  his  settler's  going  home  to  write  to  his 
Company  a  circumstantial  account  of  the  situtation,  and  several  of 
his  settlers,  likewise  wrote  to  their  friends  or  relatives,  and  from  these 
letters  one  can  gather  that  the  future  was  full  of  hope,  and  they  had 
no  doubt  of  Graffenried's  ability  to  continue  to  supply  them  what 
was  needed,  or  even  to  take  charge  of  more  who  might  wish  to  come. 

But  in  spite  of  the  appearance  of  prosperity,  ruin  was  imminent, 
though  of  all  the  Newbern  colony  Graffenried  alone  gives  evidence  of 
seeing  it.  Persons  on  the  outside  soon  began  to  notice  that  something 
was  wrong,  for  his  difficulties  were  known  to  Missionary  Urmstone 
who  mentions  them  in  his  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Society  for  the 
Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts.  This  letter  though  evi- 
dently intended  to  discredit  the  Quaker  Proprietor,  Danson,  and  ex- 
aggerated, at  any  rate,  as  to  the  number  of  Palatines  who  had  come 
to  the  colony,  must  have  had  some  foundation  in  fact.  The  letter 
was  written  July  17,  1711,  and  the  following  postscript  was  added,  one 
item  of  which  has  been  alluded  to  before. 

"P.  S.  As  for  the  Rebels,  I  am  not  much  concerned,  but  'tis  griev- 
ous to  here  the  complaints  of  the  poor  men  &  families,  who  have  been 
so  long  in  arms  that  they  have  lost  their  crops  &  will  want  bread, 
the  ravage  &  plunder  of  the  enemies  have  committed  has  ruined 
others, — another  instance  of  the  Quakers  Knavery  I  cannot  omit  which 
concerns  you  to  Knowe  as  having  been  commissioner  for  the  Palatines. 
Baron  Graffenried  with  his  people  must  have  starved,  if  not  supplied 
by  others  here,  He  had  an  order  from  the  proprietors,  i.  e.  Danson, 
for  the  rest  never  concern  themselves,  to  receive  1,500£  here  for  which 
he  was  to  pay  1,000£  sterling;  a  great  cheat,  for  £1,000  sterling  is 
worth  £3,000  here  in  our  pay.  Danson  in  his  Letter  to  his  friends 
here  bragged  they  should  get  an  Estate  by  these  Foreigners.  Cary 
the  late  ursurper  of  this  government,  &  now  head  of  the  Rebel  was 
to  pay  it  out  of  the  proprietors  dues  which  he  had  received  he  was 
arrested  &  made  his  escape  what  reason  then  have  they  to  protect  him 

'French  Version. 


74  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

to  prevent  others  from  supplying  the  Baron  in  his  great  distress. 
Roach  &  the  Quakers  reported  that  the  Baron  had  no  credit  in  Eng- 
land, nor  had  he  any  money  anywhere,  through  ill  usage  in  their 
way  hither  &  since  their  arrival  of  900  palatines  there  are  but  300 
nowe  alive,  &  those  ready  to  starve,  through  the  instigation  of  the 
English,  who  live  near  them  the  neighboring  Indians  are  very  trou- 
blesome to  them  in  the  beginning  of  this  present  Rebellion  the  Baron 
with  the  Swiss  &  palatines  would  have  joined  the  Governor  but  were 
threatened  with  fire  &  sword,  the  Engld  &  Indians  designed  to  de- 
stroy them  &  all  they  had  such  encouragement  do  the  proprietors 
give  people  to  come  into  their  colony.  I  have  written  a  very  tart 
letter  to  Sir  John  Colleton  a  proprietor  concerning  all  matters  whether 
pleased  or  displeased,  it  matters  not  the  proprietors  promised  me  all 
friendship  &  favor,  but  as  yet  never  shewed  me  any  &  I  believe 
never  will."  5 

With  Cary  and  a  considerable  faction  in  active  opposition  to  the 
government,  something  had  to  be  done  immediately  in  self  defense, 
and  a  council  was  held  at  Colonel  Pollock's.  This  was  Cary's  chance, 
if  he  ever  had  one,  to  succeed,  and  on  June  30, 6  while  the  Governor, 
Graffenried,  and  Colonel  Pollock  were  in  session,  consulting  how  to 
meet  the  emergency,  the  rebels  as  they  are  always  called,  came  up  in 
their  brigantine  and  fired  a  shot  which  damaged  the  roof.  The  Col- 
onel returned  an  answer  and  followed  it  with  another.  The  ship  then 
withdrew,  having  suffered  an  injury  to  one  of  her  masts,  and  sent  out 
a  landing  party,  thinking  the  defenders  were  but  few  in  number.  But 
when  they  saw  the  yellow  livery  of  Graffenried's  servant  they  thought 
the  whole  Palatine  colony  present  under  arms,  and  this  so  alarmed 
them  that  they  immediately  steered  back  for  the  ship.  The  Colonel 
seized  the  strategic  moment  and  launched  a  boat  in  pursuit.  The 
attacking  party  boarded  their  vessel  again  and  tried  to  escape.  But 
unable  to  outdistance  their  pursuers  the  crew  were  seized  with  a 
panic,  ran  ashore,  and  took  to  the  woods.  This  victory  gave  Hyde 
the  advantage,  for  with  the  brigantine  in  his  power,  the  Governor 
was  able  to  make  terms;  offering  a  free  pardon  to  all  except  the  ring- 
leaders. Graffenried  used  this  opportunity  to  have  the  council  recog- 
nize Hyde — over  a  year  after  his  appointment  and  about  seven  months 
after  his  arrival  in  the  colony. 

The  peace  was  of  short  duration,  however.  Cary  fortified  himself 
on  an  island;  and  efforts  to  dislodge  him  proving  unsuccessful  in  what 
may  be  called  the  second  battle  of  the  war,  Graffenried  was  sent  to 
Virginia  for  help.     After  a  long  and  tedious  journey,  he  arrived  at 

6Col.  Rec,  vol.  I,  page  774. 
eCol.  Rec,  vol.  I,  page  802. 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  ]STew  Been         75 

Williamsburg  and  presented  his  petition.  There  was  still  the  diffi- 
culty that  Hyde  lacked  the  signature  of  the  Governor  of  South  Caro- 
lina and  Spotswood,  therefore,  scarcely  dared  send  troops. 7  But  fi- 
nally in  his  position  as  Admiral  of  the  Virginia  coasts  he  sent  a  vessel 
with  marines.  He  had  hoped  to  send  a  fleet  which  was  then  in  Vir- 
ginia waters  on  their  way  home,  but  the  Commander  refused  to  go. 
The  Governor  also  assembled  militia  troops  on  the  frontier  to  be 
ready  if  anything  serious  should  happen.  On  the  28th  of  July,  1711, 
he  writes  that  the  rebels  were  so  alarmed  that  they  fled  at  the  arrival 
of  the  marines  and  so  a  third  battle  never  took  place. 8  Cary  was 
caught  and  taken  to  England  for  trial,  but  the  matter  was  dropped 
and  nothing  was  ever  done  with  him. 

This  short  and  bloodless  war  marks  the  beginning  of  the  end  for 
Graffenried's  colony.  Up  until  April  and  May  of  the  year  1711,  as  the 
letters  and  the  report  show,  the  colony  prospered  and  the  people  had 
enough  to  live  on  after  the  coming  of  Graffenried  with  the  shipload  of 
Swiss  in  September,  1710.  Immediately  after  the  dispersal  of  the  rebels 
an  assembly  was  held,  and  Hyde  was  received  as  governor.  Graffen- 
ried was  present  and  hoped  to  receive  help,  but  failed  again.  A 
proposition  to  borrow  from  the  province  on  two  or  three  year's  time 
was  also  refused,  for  the  whole  northern  province  of  Carolina  was 
suffering  from  the  confusion,  and  crops  were  bad  because  of  neglect. 
When,  finally,  Graffenried  was  permitted  to  return  from  the  assem- 
bly, having  accomplished  nothing  for  their  relief,  he  found  his  people 
without  food,  many  of  them  sick,  and  several  of  them  dead,  because 
of  their  neglect  of  his  very  sensible  order  to  boil  all  their  drinking 
water.  The  disease  which  took  so  many  of  them  away  at  this  time, 
from  Graffenried's  description,  seems  to  have  been  typhoid  fever,  and 
the  injunction  to  use  plenty  of  boiled  water  was  the  best  remedy  that 
could  have  been  prescribed  for  them. 

In  some  way  or  other  Graffenried  and  his  colony  managed  to  get 
along  till  about  the  first  of  September.  At  that  time,  since  the 
weather  seemed  suitable,  and  the  Indians  well  disposed,  he  had  no 
great  fear  of  making  a  fifteen  days  exploring  expedition  up  the  river 
with  Surveyor  Lawson.  The  plan  was  to  see  how  far  the  river  was 
navigable,  and  to  find  out  if  a  better  road  to  Virginia  might  not  be 
made  on  the  higher  ground  and  thus  save  the  dangerous  voyages  by 
way  of  the  Albemarle  Sound,  which  was  very  treacherous  on  account 
of  the  numerous  shoals  and  shifting  sand  bars.  They  went  in  a  canoe 
with  two  negro  servants  and  two  friendly  Indians,  one  of  whom  rode 
Graffenried's  horse  along  the  bank.     On  the  second  day  from  home 

7Col.  Rec,  vol.  I,  page  779  ff. 
8Col.  Rec,  vol.  I,  page  783. 


76  Worth  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

the  Indian  who  was  riding  the  horse  was  halted  by  one  of  King  Han- 
cock's men,  and  the  whole  party  taken  before  that  chief.  Only  a 
few  days  before  this  Graffenried  had  been  very  hospitably  used,  when 
he  had  lost  his  way  in  the  woods,  for  they  kept  him  over  night  and 
even  took  some  cider  from  a  sick  woman  in  order  to  give  to  him,  and 
the  next  day  guided  him  home.  He  in  turn  had  paid  their  gener- 
osity with  presents,  not  forgetting  a  little  brandy  for  the  invalid,  and 
consequently  he  hardly  expected  this  treatment.  But  since  he  had 
last  seen  them,  the  Indians  had  begun  to  plan  a  revenge  for  some  of 
their  wrongs.  Graffenried  gives  Cary  credit  for  having  before  this 
slandered  him  to  them,  by  making  them  believe  that  he,  Graffenried, 
intended  to  rob  them  of  their  lands.  Other  Carolinians  had  robbed 
them  in  trade  and  disturbed  them  in  their  hunting,  and  the  exploring 
party,  which,  at  least  looked  suspicious  to  them,  had  the  misfortune 
to  come  just  as  the  Indians  were  assembling  for  the  attack. 


CHAPTER  XI 

Documents  to  Prove  That  the  Indians  Had  Cause  for  Resent- 
ment at  Their  Treatment  by  the  English. 

In  view  of  the  idea  people  generally  have  of  the  Indians  as  descend- 
ing without  provocation  upon  helpless  frontier  settlements  and  satis- 
fying an  inhuman  thirst  for  blood  on  innocent  victims,  it  has  seemed 
well  to  quote  a  few  extracts  from  Lawson's  Journal,  Spotswood's 
letters,  the  memoirs  of  Sir  William  Byrd,  and  the  Colonial  Records, 
to  show  that  the  Indians  in  Carolina  had,  at  least,  reason  to  be 
alarmed  at  the  encroachments  on  their  territories,  and  dissatisfied  at 
their  treatment  by  their  English  neighbors. 

"The  next  day,  early,  came  two  Tuskeruru  Indians  to  the  other 
side  of  the  River,  but  could  not  get  over.  They  talked  much  to  us, 
but  we  understood  them  not.  In  the  Afternoon,  Will  (the  Indian 
Guide)  came  with  the  Mare  and  had  some  discourse  with  them;  they 
told  him  the  English,  to  whom  he  was  going,  were  very  wicked 
People;  and,  That  they  threatened  the  Indians  for  hunting  near  their 
Plantations."  1 

"Thus  you  have  an  account  of  the  Latitude,  Soil,  and  Advantages 
of  Cape  Fear,  or  Clarendon-River,  which  was  settled  in  the  Year 
1661,  or  thereabouts;  and  had  it  not  been  for  the  irregular  Practices 
of  some  of  that  Colony  against  the  Indians,  by  sending  away2  some 
of  their  Children,  (as  I  have  been  told)  under  Pretence  of  instructing 
'em  in  Learning  and  the  Principles  of  the  Christian  Religion;  which 
so  disgusted  the  Indians  that  tho'  they  had  then  no  Guns,  yet  they 
never  gave  over,  till  they  rid  themselves  of  the  English  by  their  Bows 
and  Arrows;  with  which  they  did  not  only  take  off  themselves,  but 
also  their  Stocks  of  Cattle.  And  this  was  so  much  the  more  ruinous 
to  them,  in  that  they  could  have  no  Assistance  from  South  Carolina 
which  was  not  then  planted;  and  the  other  Plantations  were  but  in 
their  Infancy.  Were  it  not  for  such  ill  Practices,  I  say,  it  might, 
in  all  Probability  have  been,  at  this  day,  the  best  Settlement  in  their 
Lordships  great  Province  of  Carolina."  3 

The  next  is  an  extract  of  a  letter  from  Governor  Spotswood  to  the 
Lords  Commissioners  for  Trade  and  Plantations,  April  5,  1717. 

"The  Inhabitants  of  our  frontiers  are  composed  generally  of  such 
as  have  been  transported  hither  as  Servants,  and  being  out  of  their 
time,  and  settle  themselves  where  Land  is  to  be  taken  up  and  that 

1Lawson's  Journal,  page  53. 

2He  means  selling  them  into  slavery. 

3Lawson's  Journal,  page  73. 


78  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

will  produce  the  necessarys  of  Life  with  little  Labor.  It  is  pretty 
well  known  what  Morals  such  people  bring  with  them  hither,  which 
are  not  like  to  be  mended  by  their  Scituation,  remote  from  all  places 
of  worship;  they  are  so  little  concerned  about  Religion,  that  the 
Children  of  many  of  the  Inhabitants  of  those  frontier  Settlements 
are  20,  and  some  30  years  of  age  before  they  are  baptized,  and  some 
not  at  all. 

"Those  who  are  nearest  Neighbors  to  the  Indians,  by  whose  prin- 
ciples and  practices  they  are  not  like  to  be  most  improved;  but  this 
is  not  all,  for  these  people,  knowing  the  Indians  to  be  lovers  of  strong 
liquors,  make  no  scruple  of  first  making  them  drunk  and  then  cheat- 
ing them  of  their  skins,  and  even  of  beating  them  in  the  bargain;  on 
the  other  hand,  the  Indians,  being  unacquainted  with  the  methods 
of  obtaining  reparation  by  law,  frequently  revenge  themselves  by 
the  murder  of  the  persons  who  thus  treated  them,  or,  (according  to 
their  notions  of  Satisfaction)  of  the  next  Englishmen  they  could  most 
easily  cutt  off.  And  it  is  a  very  generall  observation,  both  here  and 
the  neighboring  Provinces,  that  no  murders  or  hostility  have  ever 
been  committed  by  the  Indians  unless  where  the  English  have  given 
the  first  provocation."  4 

Colonel  Byrd  has  this  to  say  with  reference  to  the  troubles  under 
consideration:  "There  are  generally  some  Carolina  Traders  that  con- 
stantly live  among  the  Catawbas  and  Pretend  to  Exercise  a  dicta- 
torial Authority  among  them.  These  petty  Rulers  don't  only  teach 
the  honester  Savages  all  sorts  of  Debauchery,  but  are  unfair  in  their 
dealings,  and  use  them  with  all  kinds  of  Oppression.  Nor  has  their 
Behavior  been  at  all  better  to  the  rest  of  the  Indian  Nations,  among 
whom  they  reside,  by  abusing  their  Women  and  Evil-Entreating 
their  Men;  and,  by  the  way,  this  was  the  true  Reason  of  the  fatal 
war  which  the  Nations  roundabout  made  upon  Carolina  in  the  year 
1713. 5 

"Then  it  was  that  the  Neighboring  Indians  grown  weary  of  the 
Tyranny  and  Injustice  with  which  they  had  been  abused  for  many 
Years,  resolved  to  endure  their  bondage  no  longer,  but  enter'd  into 
General  Confederacy  against  their  Oppressors  of  Carolina. 

"The  Indians  open'd  the  War  by  knocking  most  of  those  little 
Tyrants  on  the  Head  that  dwelt  amongst  them  under  pretence  of 
regulating  their  Commerce,  and  from  thence  Carry'd  their  Resentment 
so  far  as  to  endanger  both  North  and  South  Carolina."  6 

An  actual  instance  of  oppression  had  occurred  a  few  years  before. 
In  1707  the  Maherine    Indians  had  been  assigned  lands  for  their  use 

4Spotswood,  vol.  II,  page  227. 

5The  time  of  their  final  defeat.  Their  massacres  were  made  in  the  fall  of  1711  and  the  summer  of 
1712. 

eByrd,  page  239. 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern         79 

by  the  government  of  Virginia;  and  since  they  were  living  in  peace 
with  the  English  in  both  Virginia  and  Carolina,  no  complaints  of 
depredations  were  ever  made  against  them.  Their  lands,  however, 
were  the  subject  of  dispute  between  the  two  provinces,  and  as  the 
line  had  not  been  run  yet  the  quarrel  could  not  be  settled.  Thomas 
Pollock  wanted  these  lands  for  his  own  use  and  attempted  to  drive 
the  Indians  off  with  armed  force.  He  captured  36  of  them,  kept 
them  for  two  days  in  a  fort,  without  water,  in  the  meantime  he  broke 
down  their  cabins  and  threatened  to  destroy  their  corn  crop  if  they 
did  not  move  off  the  reservation.  As  the  Indians  could  have  had 
no  very  clear  notion  of  the  dispute  between  Carolina  and  Virginia, 
and  had  been  promised  the  peaceful  possession  of  their  land  by  the 
Virginia  government,  this  encroachment  by  Pollock  must  have  shaken 
their  faith  in  the  honesty  of  the  white  men.  Even  if  the  lands  lay 
in  territory  south  of  36°  30'  (a  matter  which  was  not  settled  till  years 
after) 7  it  was  unjust  and  impolitic  to  make  them  suffer  for  the  mistake 
of  the  Virginia  government.  The  Virginians  naturally  expected  the 
Indians  to  call  on  other  Indians  to  help  them  retaliate.  In  1710 
complaints  were  sent  by  the  assembly  of  North  Carolina  to  Virginia 
that  these  Maherines  were  committing  depredations. 8  Spotswood  did 
nothing  about  it  and  expressed  no  sympathy  because,  he  says,  the 
whites  had  been  the  aggressors. 9 

7Byrd,  page  3.    The  line  was  run  in  172S. 
8Col.  Rec,  vol.  I,  page  754. 
sCol.  Rec,  vol.  I,  page  667  ff. 


CHAPTER  XII 

Graffenried  a  Prisoner — Lawson  Killed — Graffenried  Kept  a 
Prisoner — The  Indians  Plan  to  Massacre  English  and  Ger- 
mans— Discussion  of  the  Cause  of  the  Massacre — -The 
Blame  Laid  on  the  Late  Rebels — Documents  Proving  That 
Others  Besides  Graffenried  Believed  Them  Guilty — Graf- 
fenried's  Truce — Attack  by  the  English  and  Palatines — 
Graffenried  Agrees  to  a  Ransom  and  is  Allowed  to  Go 
Home— Spotswood  Approves  of  the  Truce — English  and 
Palatines  Disapprove  and  Plot  Against  His  Life 

Had  Graffenried  been  alone  it  would  have  been  better  for  him  on 
this  exploring  expedition,  for  the  Indians  knew  he  had  never  done 
them  any  harm,  but  they  disliked  Lawson  because  of  his  having 
cheated  them. 1  At  first  the  Indians  were  disposed  to  let  both  of 
them  go  when  they  found  who  they  were.  But  at  a  second  examina- 
tion, Lawson  could  not  refrain  from  quarreling  with  one  of  his  captors, 
and  this  destroyed  all  possibility  of  a  release.  The  Indians  in  anger 
prepared  to  execute  both  men.  Bound  hand  and  foot,  the  victims 
sat  on  the  ground  and  watched  the  preparations,  not  the  least  fright- 
ful of  which  was  the  great  heap  of  burning  wood.  Graffenried,  how- 
ever, managed  to  speak  to  one  of  the  Indians  who  understood  a  little 
English,  explained  his  innocence  and  also  threatened  them  with  the 
Queen's  displeasure  and  the  vengeance  she  would  take  if  they  harmed 
him,  but  his  arguments  did  not  seem  to  have  much  effect  at  first; 
so  in  expectation  of  immediate  torture  and  death  he  fortified  himself 
and  his  negro  slave  with  prayer  and  exhortation  and  found  peace  of 
mind  in  these  exercises.  About  three  or  four  o'clock  in  the  morning 
he  was  unbound  and  led  away,  as  he  supposed,  to  his  death,  but  the 
Indian  signified  to  him  that  his  life  was  to  be  spared  and  only  Lawson 
would  have  to  die,  and  so  it  proved.  Just  what  the  manner  of  his 
death  was  Graffenried  never  learned,  for  the  Indians  steadfastly 
refused  to  divulge  it;  but  he  had  heard  them  threaten  to  cut  Lawson's 
throat  with  a  razor. 2     Yet  while  Graffenried's  life  was  spared,  they 

iByrd,  page  228. 

"It  was  on  that  Provocation  they  resented  their  wrongs  a  little  too  severely  upon  Mr.  Lawson,  who 
under  Colour  of  being  Surveyor  gen'l  had  encroached  too  much  upon  their  territories  at  which  they 
were  so  much  enraged  that  they  waylaid  him  and  cut  his  throat  from  ear  to  ear,  but  at  the  same  time 
released  the  Baron  de  Graffenried,  whom  they  had  seized  for  Company,  because  it  appeared  plainly 
he  had  done  them  no  wrong." 

2C0I.  Rec,  vol.  I,  page  836. 

From  a  letter  of  Christopher  Gale,  November  3,  1711: 

"But  the  fate  of  Mr.  Lawson  (if  our  Indian  information  be  true)  was  much  more  tragical,  for  we 
are  informed  that  they  stuck  him  full  of  fine  small  splinters  of  torch  wood  like  hog's  bristles  and  so 
set  thern  gradually  afire." 

The  following  from  Lawson's  Journal  (197)  in  this  connection  has  a  grewsome  interest: 

"Their  cruelty  to  their  Prisoneis  of  War  is  what  they  are  seemingly  guilty  of  an  error  in,  (I  mean 
as  to  a  natural  Failing)  because  they  strive  to  invent  the  most  Inhumane  Butcheries  for  them  that 


GrRAFFENRIED  :    ACCOUNT    OF   THE   FOUNDING    OF   2faiW   BERN  81 

did  not  let  him  go  home  immediately,  but  kept  him  a  prisoner  for 
six  weeks. 

During  this  time  the  indirect  consequences  of  the  civil  difficulties 
were  felt  by  the  Colony.  The  violence  of  the  feeling  in  the  later  Cary 
disturbances  make  it  manifestly  impossible  for  the  partisans  of  either 
side  to  be  fair  to  the  others,  and  unfortunately,  since  the  record  of  the 
quarrel  was  written  by  strong  partisans  of  Hyde,  statements  must  be 
accepted  with  caution.  Graffenried 3  occasionally,  and  Spotswood 4 
repeatedly,  state  that  Cary  and  the  other  opponents  of  Hyde  tried 
to  bring  down  the  Indians  to  aid  them  in  their  resistance.  Such  a 
crime  is  hard  to  believe,  and  Weeks  5  does  not  credit  these  statements, 
because  the  district  of  Bath,  which  was  friendly  to  Cary,  suffered 
as  severely  as  New  Bern,  which  favored  Hyde.  Nevertheless,  the 
Indians  somehow  had  gotten  the  notion  that  Hyde  was  their  enemy, 
and  it  does  not  seem  unlikely  that  Cary  and  others  might  have  gone 
among  them  to  enlist  help.  For  on  July  28,  1711,  Governor  Spotswood 
writes : 

"There  are  several  affidavits  sent  me  to  prove  that  one  Porter  who 
is  one  of  Cary's  pretended  Council  was  with  the  Tuscaruro  Indians 
promising  great  Rewards  to  incite  them  to  cut  off  all  the  Inhabitants 
of  that  part  of  Carolina  that  adhered  to  Mr.  Hyde.  The  Indians 
own  that  the  proposal  was  accepted  by  their  young  men,  but  that 
their  old  men  (who  bare  great  Sway  in  all  their  Councils)  being  by 
their  own  nature  Suspitious  of  some  trick  or  else  directed  by  Superior 
providence,  refused  to  be  concerned  in  that  barbarous  design."  6  Such 
positive  statements  and  the  fact  that  Graffenried' s  death  was  deter- 
mined when  the  Indians  supposed  him  to  be  Governor  Hyde,  and  that 
they  let  him  go  when  they  found  who  he  really  was,  help  to  confirm 
the  report. 7  Moreover,  the  crime,  though  great,  of  using  the  savages 
as  allies  was  duplicated  by  the  English  Government  as  late  as  during 
the  Revolution  and  the  War  of  1812,  so  that  the  mere  repulsiveness 
of  the  thought  does  not  disprove  the  fact. 

Although  at  the  time  of  the  Cary  troubles,  the  Indians  did  not 
make  any  moves  against  the  white  settlers,  such  invitations,  if  one 
may  trust  reports  like  the  above,  certainly  showed  them  the  colony's 

the  Devils  themselves  could  invent,  or  hammer  out  of  Hell;  they  exteeming  Death  no  Punishment, 
but  rather  an  Advantage  to  him,  that  is  exported  out  of  this  into  another  World.  Therefore  they  in- 
flict on  them  Torments  in  which  they  prolong  Life  in  that  miserable  state  as  long  as  they  can,  and 
never  miss  skulping  of  them,  as  they  call  it  which  is,  to  cut  off  the  Skin  from  the  Temples,  and  taking 
the  whole  Head  of  Hair  along  with  it,  as  it  were  a  Night-cap,  Sometimes  they  take  the  Top  of  the  Skull 
along  with  it;  all  which  they  preserve;  and  carefully  keep  by  them,  for  a  Trophy  of  their  Conquest 
over  their  Enemies.  Others  keep  their  Enemies  Teeth,  which  are  taken  in  War,  whilst  others  split 
the  Pitch  pine  into  Splinters  and  stick  them  into  the  Prisoner's  Body  yet  alive.  Thus  they  light  them , 
which  burn  like  so  many  torches;  and  in  this  Manner  they  make  him  dance  around  a  great  Fire,  every 
one  buffeting  and  deriding  him  till  he  expires,  when  every  one  strives  to  get  a  Bone  or  some  Relick  of 
this  unfortunate  Captive." 

3German  Version. 

*Col.  Rec,  vol.  I,  page  776.     Spotswood,  pp.  84,  94,  103. 

"Johns  Hopkins  Studies,  vol.  X,  page  300  ff . 

6Col.  Rec,  page  797;  see  also  page  802  for  statement  by  Hyde. 

'German  Version. 

6 


82  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

weakness.  And  it  is  but  natural  that  they  determined  to  profit  by 
it.  Notwithstanding  their  personal  friendship  for  Graffenried,  they 
were  still  savages  and  acted  the  part  by  massacring  all  the  whites 
in  the  Bath  County  they  could  reach,  whether  Swiss,  Palatines  or 
English. 

Spotswood  thus  describes  one  of  these  massacres:  "On  the  22nd  of 
the  last  month  some  towns  of  the  Tuscaruro  Indians  and  other  Nations 
bordering  on  Carolina,  made  an  incursion  upon  the  head  of  the  Neuse 
and  Pamlico  Rivers,  in  that  province,  without  any  previous  declara- 
tion of  War  or  show  of  discontent,  and  having  divided  themselves 
into  partys  at  Sun  rise  (which  was  the  Signal  for  their  bloody  design) 
began  a  barbarous  Massacre  on  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Frontier  planta- 
tions, killing  without  distinction  of  age  or  Sex,  60  English  and  upwards 
of  that  number  of  Swiss  and  Palatines,  besides  a  great  many  left 
dangerously  wounded.  The  Baron  de  Graffenried,  Chief  of  the  Swiss 
and  Palatines'  Settlement  there,  is  also  fallen  into  their  hands  and 
carryed  away  Prisoner.  Since  which  they  have  continued  their  Rav- 
ages in  burning  those  plantations  and  others  deserted  by  the  Inhabit- 
ants for  fear  of  the  like  Crueltys.  The  Governor,  Mr.  Hyde,  has 
raised  what  men  he  can  to  oppose  the  further  Invasion  of  the 
heathen  and  protect  the  rest  of  the  Country,  but  that  Spirit  of  dis- 
obedience to  which  they  have  long  been  accustomed,  still  prevails 
so  much  that  he  can  hardly  persuade  them  to  unite  for  their  common 
Safety.  I  will  not  affirm  that  the  Invitation  given  those  Savages 
some  time  ago  by  Collo.  Cary  and  his  party  to  cutt  off  their  fellow 
Subjects  has  been  the  only  occasion  of  this  Tragedy,  tho'  that  heavy 
charge  is  proved  by  divers  Testimonys  and  firmly  believed  in  Carolina. 
Yet  it  appears  very  reasonable  to  believe  that  they  have  been  greatly 
encouraged  in  this  attempt  by  the  unnatural  Divisions  and  Animosi- 
ties among  the  Inhabitants,  and  I  very  much  fear  their  mutinous 
and  Cowardly  behavior  in  some  late  Shirmishes  will  Embolden  the 
Indians  to  continue  their  Insolences." 

The  plan  of  this  massacre  was  perfected  while  Graffenried  was 
still  a  prisoner  among  the  Indians.  He  knew  of  their  design  and 
was  in  anxiety  for  his  people,  of  course,  but  although  the  red  men 
promised  that  they  would  spare  such  of  the  Palatines  as  were  in  the 
city,  he  was  not  much  comforted,  for  he  had  no  way  of  warning  his 
people  to  retire  from  their  farms  to  the  village.  In  a  few  days  the 
warriors  with  the  prisoners  and  the  booty  returned.  Among  these 
prisoners  was  a  Palatine  boy,  and  from  him  he  learned  that  many 
of  the  Palatines  as  well  as  English  had  been  slaughtered. 

Graffenried  now  saw  no  hopes  of  getting  back  home  except  by 
making  a  treaty  of  neutrality  between  himself  and  the  Indians.     By 


Graffexried  :  Account  of  the  Eouxdtxg  of  X"ew  Ber>-        83 

this  he  was  to  give  a  ransom  for  his  own  life  and  help  neither  the 
English  nor  the  Indians  during  the  war,  and  in  return  all  his  colonists' 
houses  marked  with  a  big  N  were  to  be  safe  from  harm. 

Another  important  clause  provided  that  the  Indians  should  be 
allowed  to  buy  goods  at  reasonable  rates.  The  colonists  had  not 
gone  into  the  Indian  trade  as  yet,  but  by  the  report,  memorial  and 
letters  8  we  learn  they  were  intending  to  do  so,  and  in  April  had  sent  in 
orders  for  goods,  knives,  brass  rings,  and  pipes,  but  had  not  yet  had 
time  to  get  them  back,  when  Urmstone  writes  July  17  that  the  Indians 
incited  by  jealous  traders,  had  been  annoying  the  colony. 9  One  can- 
not suppose  the  Germans,  knowing  that  the  Indians  were  unfriendly, 
would  go  among  them  later  if  their  goods  should  have  come.  Graffen- 
ried  himself  seems  to  have  felt  that  all  was  not  well  when  Lawson 
persuaded  him  to  go  up  the  river  to  explore;  and  so  the  clause  can 
scarcely  be  directed  against  him  or  his  colony,  but  rather  shows  that 
there  was  dissatisfaction  with  the  professional  traders  and  their  extor- 
tions, against  which  the  Indians  intended  to  secure  themselves  before- 
hand by  a  treaty,  in  case  they  and  the  Germans  should  have  dealings 
together. 

After  Graffenried  had  been  some  time  among  them  Spotswood 
wrote  a  letter  ordering  the  Indians  to  release  their  prisoner,  with  no 
better  result  than  to  anger  them  the  more.  Spotswood  had  gone 
to  a  village  called  Xotaway,  and  Graffenried  meanwhile  was  taken 
to  a  village  called  Tasqui  which  lay  in  the  direction  of  Xotaway;  but 
he  was  disappointed  in  his  hopes  of  meeting  the  Governor,  and  soon 
after  was  taken  to  Catechna  for  security,  because  the  Indians  were 
afraid  of  losing  the  ransom.  While  he  was  here,  the  English  and 
Palatines  made  an  attack  which  angered  the  Indians  very  much  in 
view  of  Graffenried's  treaty,  though,  of  course,  his  people  knew 
nothing  of  such  an  agreement  as  yet.  The  attack,  furthermore, 
hampered  Graffenried's  negotiations  for  liberty,  and  it  was  with  diffi- 
culty that  he  deceived  the  Indians  into  believing  that  his  people  had 
not  been  among  the  assailants.  This  attack  also  alarmed  the  Indians 
to  such  an  extent  that  they  moved  their  wives,  children  and  old  men 
to  their  fortified  stronghold  near  Catechna,  and  the  Carolinians,  unable 
to  capture  the  position,  were  forced  to  retreat  with  some  loss  in  killed 
and  captured.  When  they  had  gone  the  Indians  returned  to  Catechna 
and  Graffenried  was  set  at  liberty  under  promise  of  sending  back 
the  ransom.  After  two  days  hard  traveling  and  sleeping  at  night 
on  the  ground,  in  constant  danger  of  wild  beasts  and  hostile  Indians, 
he  reached  home  about  October  30. 


8German  Version. 
9See  page  81. 


84  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Graff enried  expected,  as  far  as  possible,  to  keep  the  truce  he  had 
made,  and  greatly  angered  1  °  some  of  the  English  and  Palatines  when 
he  refused  to  allow  them  to  kill  the  Indian  who  came  for  the  ransom. 
But  he  also  delayed  giving  the  ransom  in  hopes  of  inducing  the 
Indians  to  free  the  other  prisoners  whom  they  still  held.  He  also 
gave  much  valuable  information  concerning  the  situation  to  the 
English.  It  was  on  this  account,  he  says,  that  a  man  Brice,  who 
had  estranged  many  of  his  people  including  a  Palatine  blacksmith, 
prepared  20  or  23  articles  against  him,  tried  to  arrest  him,  and 
threatened  to  have  him  hanged. 

10Spotswood,  vol.  I,  page  142.     (Extract  of  a  letter)     February  8,  1711: 

"The  Baron  de  Graffenried  being  obliged,  while  he  was  prisoner  among  the  Indians,  to  conclude 
a  neutrality  for  himself  and  his  Palatines  lives  as  yet  undisturbed  by  the  Heathen,  but  is  sufficiently 
persecuted  by  the  people  of  Carolina  for  not  breaking  with  the  Indians,  tho'  they  will  afford  him  neither  pro- 
visions of  War  or  victuals  nor  Assistance  from  them.  He  has  always  declared  his  readiness  to  enter  into 
a  war  as  soon  as  he  should  be  assisted  to  prosecute  it,  but  it  would  be  madness  in  him  to  expose  his 
handful  of  people  to  the  fury  of  the  Indians,  without  some  better  assurance  of  help  than  the  present 
confusions  in  that  province  gives  him  reason  to  hope  for,  and  the  Indians  would  soon  Either  Entirely 
destroy  that  settlement  or  starve  them  out  of  the  place  by  killing  their  stocks  and  hindering  them  from 
planting  corn.  In  the  meantime  the  people  of  Carolina  receive  very  great  advantage  by  this  Neutral- 
ity, for  by  that  means  the  Baron  has  an  opportunity  of  discovering  and  communicating  to  them  all 
the  designs  of  the  Indians,  tho'  he  runs  the  Risque  of  paying  dear  for  it  if  they  ever  come  to  know  it. 
This  makes  him  so  apprehensive  of  his  danger  from  them,  and  so  diffident  of  help  or  even  justice  from 
the  Government  under  which  he  is,  that  he  has  made  some  efforts  to  remove  with  the  Palatines  to  this 
Colony  upon  some  of  her  Majesty's  Lands:  and  since  such  a  number  of  people  as  he  may  bring  with 
him,  with  what  he  proposes  to  invite  over  from  Swisserland  and  Germany,  will  be  of  great  advantage 
to  this  Country  and  prove  a  strong  Barier  against  the  incursions  of  the  Indians  if  they  were  properly 
disposed  above  our  inhabitants.  I  pray  your  Lord'ps'  directions  what  encouragement  ought  to  be 
given  to  this  design,"   .   .   . 

(Italics  are  mine.    V.  H.  T.) 


CHAPTER  XIII 

Discovert  of  the  Plot — Measures  Taken  for  the  Defense  of 
the  Town — Graffenried  Begins  to  Make  Plans  to  Go  to 
Virginia — A  Letter  of  Spotswood  Showing  the  Condition 
of  the  Colonists — Brice's  Thoughtless  Attack  Precipitates 
War — Graffenried's  Part  in  the  War — Barnwell's  Breach 
of  Faith — Indians  Prepare  for  a  New  Massacre — Graffen- 
ried's Condition — Visit  to  Governor  Hyde — Loss  of  a 
Boatload  of  Provisions — Graffenried  Goes  to  Virginia  to 
Plan  for  a  New  Settlement 

Brice  and  his  friends  had  plotted  well,  but  their  cause  was  destined 
to  ruin  by  a  trivial  incident.  While  the  plot  was  being  made,  a  little 
Palatine  boy  was  in  the  room,  unnoticed  by  the  conspirators.  He 
knew  something  was  wrong  and  told  his  mother.  She,  being  friendly 
to  the  Baron,  got  word  to  him;  and  when  Brice  and  his  friends  came 
to  get  him  they  found  themselves  in  a  trap.  But  because  of  lack  of 
direct  evidence  against  them,  Graffenried  had  to  let  them  go.  At  a 
meeting  of  the  assembly  Graffenried  justified  himself  in  an  impassioned 
speech,  answering  the  series  of  complaints  which  had  been  made 
against  him,  but  could  get  no  satisfactory  decision.  The  truce  with 
the  Indians  was  acceptable  to  no  one,  because  the  people,  Germans 
and  English,  were  angered  against  the  Indians  and  anxious  for  a 
revenge.  It  appears  that  Graffenried  would  have  had  the  truce 
include  the  whole  province,  but  no  one  would  hear  to  such  a  proposi- 
tion in  their  eagerness  for  retaliation.  The  situation  among  the 
Palatines,  too,  was  far  from  favorable,  for  after  the  first  massacre 
Brice  had  drawn  off  with  him  a  large  number  of  the  settlers;  and 
this  not  only  left  the  outlying  homes  of  the  disaffected  ones  unpro- 
tected, but  also  materially  reduced  the  defending  force  of  the  town. 
With  the  situation  as  it  was  on  his  return,  Graffenried  was  too  prudent 
to  trust  to  the  truce,  and  immediately  began  to  fortify  his  town  and 
to  collect  supplies  and  munitions  of  war. 

In  the  meantime  although  no  large  marauding  parties  took  the 
warpath,  many  smaller  bands  of  Indians  harassed  the  outlying  dis- 
tricts, and  kept  the  colonists  in  suspense  for  fear  of  an  extensive  and 
concerted  attack.  Just  at  this  unfortunate  moment  the  new  disturb- 
ing element  again  asserted  itself.  Brice  and  his  followers  began  a 
campaign,  with  most  of  the  able-bodied  men  in  the  Palatine  settle- 
ment in  their  following.  The  exact  time  of  this  unofficial  expedition 
is  uncertain,  but  it  was  probably  just  before  the  general  attack  in 


86  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

January.  Their  most  atrocious  act  of  violence  was  the  roasting  alive 
of  an  innocent  Indian  chief,  which,  while  not  particularly  barbaric 
compared  with  the  Indian  massacres  of  the  autumn  before,  was  suf- 
ficient to  arouse  the  savage  wrath.  Moreover,  the  campaign  had  other 
and  more  far-reaching  effects.  The  Indians,  not  only  attacked  and 
destroyed  more  outlying  homes,  but  chiefly  they  lost  confidence  in 
Graff enried,  who  previously  had  been  the  one  man  who  could  act 
as  a  mediator  between  them  and  the  whites. 

But  Graff  enried  was  in  sore  straits  in  other  ways.  Added  to  the  dan- 
ger of  sure  attack  and  possible  siege  was  the  danger  of  starvation, 
for  the  stores  were  running  short.  One  alternative  was  thought  of 
only  to  be  abandoned— it  was  to  send  away  all  the  families  whose 
men  had  followed  Brice;  but  they  begged  so  hard  to  be  allowed  to 
remain,  promising  valiant  aid  in  case  of  need,  that  Graffenried  was 
touched  and  acquiesced.  But  neither  courage  nor  the  promise  of  cour- 
age availed  to  create  foodstuffs,  and  starvation  became  imminent.  Pos- 
sibilities of  making  a  new  settlement  in  Virginia  were  discussed,  but 
all  such  plans  were  for  the  time  being  abandoned  for  they  still  hoped 
to  save  the  settlement  at  New  Bern.  With  insufficient  food  supplies 
and  ammunition  for  an  extended  campaign,  without  forts  or  stockades 
of  sufficient  strength  to  resist  attack,  the  province  awaited  war  with 
a  cunning,  cruel,  and  savage  people.  It  was  an  awful  time.  The 
situation  is  nowhere  better  described  than  in  the  following  extract 
of  a  letter  written  by  Spotswood  on  December  28,  1711:  "The 
shortness  of  their  crops,  occasioned  by  their  Civil  Dissensions  last 
Summer  and  an  unusual  Drowth  that  succeeded,  together  with  the 
Ravages  made  by  the  Indians  among  their  Corn  and  Stocks,  gives 
a  dreadful  prospect  of  a  Famine,  Insomuch  that  the  Baron  de  Graffen- 
ried writes  he  shall  be  constrained  to  abandon  the  Swiss  and  Palatines' 
Settlement,  without  speedy  Succours,  the  people  being  already  in  such 
despair  that  they  have  burnt  their  own  houses  rather  than  be  obliged 
to  stay  in  a  place  exposed  to  so  many  hardships." 

The  Indians,  on  the  other  hand,  were  well  equipped,  and  in  addition, 
capable  of  mustering  large  numbers  almost  at  their  very  doors.  And 
here  was  Brice  with  a  small  force  of  English  and  Palatines  declaring 
war  before  any  preparation  could  be  made,  and  thereby  destroying 
the  only  thing,  slight  as  it  was,  which  stood  between  the  province 
and  the  Indians — Graffenried's  truce.  With  the  truce  broken  thus, 
Graffenried  realized  that  the  only  safety  lay  in  prosecuting  the  war 
as  vigorously  as  possible;  and  when  50  white  men  and  800  tributary 
Indians  under  Colonel  Barnwell  came  from  South  Carolina,  he  sent 
50  Palatines  under  Michel  to  assist  in  the  attack  of  the  Indian  fort. 
These  hostilities  took  place  in  January,  1712.     In  the  first  battle  the 


Gbaffeneied  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been         87 

Indians  had  the  advantage,  and  then  Graffenried  suggested  that  two 
small  cannon  belonging  to  the  province  be  used.  These  he  had  slung 
on  poles  and  transported  to  the  place  of  battle.  Two  shots  from 
them  were  sufficient  to  frighten  the  Indians  into  submission,  and  a 
truce  was  arranged,  leading  to  a  release  of  the  captives  which  the 
Indians  still  held.     Thus  ended  the  first  hostilities. 

The  end  of  the  Indian  troubles,  however,  brought  the  Germans 
little  relief,  and  at  this  time  Graffenried  exercised  one  of  the  rights 
of  a  lord  over  his  leetmen,  in  permitting  such  of  his  settlers  as  wished 
to  work  for  the  English  planters,  to  leave  their  own  colony  for  two 
years,  during  which  time  they  should  be  free  from  their  quit-rents. 

Concerning  Graffenried's  part  in  this  war  there  seems  to  be  some 
difference  of  opinion,  for  Spotswood's  letter  previously  quoted  con- 
tradicts Graffenried's  statement.  But  this  is  probably  due  to  the  fact 
that  the  former's  letter  was  written  before  he  received  information 
concerning  the  battle  in  which  the  Indians  were  defeated  through 
the  use  of  the  cannon  which  Graffenried  had  sent  to  be  of  assistance 
to  the  attacking  party.  But  he  was  acquainted  with  the  Baron's 
attitude  towards  the  Indians  and  knew  about  his  treaty  with  them. 
He  knew,  probably,  of  the  unpopularity  of  Graffenried's  truce  and 
from  such  indications  concluded  that  he  was  not  taking  part  in  the 
efforts  to  subdue  the  savages. 

But  the  close  of  hostilities  did  not  bring  security.  The  Indians 
were  far  from  subdued,  even  after  this  battle,  for  a  piece  of  barbarous 
injustice  practiced  on  them  by  Barnwell  enraged  them  more  than 
ever.  His  men  were  not  paid  the  salary  due  them  and  to  reimburse 
themselves  they  treacherously  took  a  great  many  of  the  Core  Indians 
prisoner  to  sell  for  slaves,  and  people  with  reason  began  to  fear 
another  outbreak. 

Renewal  of  the  war  was  not,  however,  the  greatest  danger  to  the 
New  Bern  adventurers,  for  not  long  after  the  treaty  of  peace  was 
made,  Graffenried's  provisions,  except  one  measure  of  wheat,  were 
consumed,  and  the  ammunition,  too,  was  low,  for  it  had  now  been 
twenty-two  weeks  since  his  return  from  captivity,  and  during  this 
time  he  had  been  compelled  to  support  his  little  garrison  with  what 
he  had  been  able  to  store  up  during  the  summer  preceding.  Graffen- 
ried decided  to  appeal  once  again  to  the  Province,  hoping  in  such 
straits  to  obtain  aid.  To  this  end  he  undertook  what  proved  to  be 
a  perilous  journey,  but  only  to  be  disappointed.  For  the  Governor 
could  do  but  little  for  him;  he  did,  however,  supply  him  with  a  boat- 
load of  provisions,  which  never  reached  his  poor  settlers,  for  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Neuse  River  the  crew  carelessly  let  fire  get  among  some 
tobacco  leaves  and  it  spread  to  a  cask  of  gunpowder.     The  men  es- 


88  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

caped,  but  the  boat  was  lost;  and  with  it  went  the  last  hope  of  relief 
for  New  Bern. 

During  this  time  Graffenried  was  detained  at  Hyde's  for  six  weeks 
by  governmental  affairs.  The  principal  business  was  how  to  meet 
and  ward  off  the  threatened  attacks  of  the  Indians.  Graffenried 
advised  that  the  exportation  of  provisions  be  forbidden,  and  that 
new  help  be  secured  from  Virginia  and  South  Carolina.  Governor 
Spotswood  in  a  letter  of  July  26,  writes  as  follows:  "I  thereupon  made 
extraordinary  efforts  to  assist  them  with  200  white  men  and  Indians 
as  your  Lordship  will  observe  in  the  Journal  of  the  Council  the  24th, 
of  April  last  and  accordingly  directed  the  Rendevouze  of  those  forces 
on  the  10th  of  May."  This  in  answer  to  the  petition  of  the  assembly 
would  fix  the  date  of  the  Parliament  some  time  before  April  24, 
probably  in  March.  The  session  lasted  six  weeks,  before  the  end 
of  which,  Graffenried  learned  of  the  ill  fate  of  his  boat,  and  his  next 
efforts  were  to  secure  other  provisions,  which  he  sent  in  a  larger  boat, 
in  order  that  as  many  of  his  settlers  as  wished  to,  might  come  to  him 
in  Virginia  or  Maryland  where  he  now  intended  to  resettle.  It 
appears  that  he  went  directly  from  Governor  Hyde's  to  the  Governor 
of  Virginia  after  transacting  this  business,  and  petitioned  for  the  help 
above  mentioned,  and  then  explored  along  the  Potomac  for  a  suitable 
location,  and  also  attempted  to  find  the  silver  mines  which  he  had 
heard  so  much  about.  The  results  of  this  trip,  however,  could  not 
have  been  very  encouraging  if  we  are  to  judge  from  contemporary 
comment.  In  a  letter  of  Governor  Spotswood  written  May  8,  1712, 
occurs  this  passage,  "According  to  what  I  had  the  hon'r  to  write  to 
Your  Lord'ps  in  my  last,  the  Baron  de  Graffenried  is  come  hither 
with  a  design  to  settle  himself  and  sev'll  Swiss  familys  in  the  fforks 
of  Potomack  but  when  he  expected  to  have  held  his  Land  there  of 
her  Majesty,  he  now  finds  Claims  made  to  it  both  by  the  Proprietors 
of  Maryland  and  the  Northern  Neck,"  (i.  e.  Culpepper)  ...  As  a 
result  he  had  to  choose  a  place  more  on  the  frontier  than  he  hoped, 
and  again  as  though  fated,  the  Palatines  were  to  become  a  forepost 
against  the  Indians. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

The  New  Location — Prospecting  for  Silver — Governor  Spots- 
wood's  Letter  Describing  the  Same  Event — Graffenried 
Returns  to  Carolina — Governor  Hyde's  Death — Graffen- 
ried Disappointed  in  Michel,  Makes  One  Last  Effort — 
Graffenried  in  Virginia — Moore  Defeats  the  Indians, 
March  20,  1713 

The  places  chosen  for  the  new  start  were  just  below  the  falls  of 
the  Potomac  about  where  Washington  now  stands  and  at  an  island 
which  he  calls  Canavest,  further  up  the  river.  Graffenried  went  as 
far  as  the  Shenandoah  River,  which  he  writes  Senantona,  but  seems 
to  have  preferred  the  location  nearer  the  English  settlements,  which 
he  describes  as  a  most  charming  location  at  the  head  of  navigation 
for  large  vessels.  The  Governor  gave  him  the  necessary  patents, 
and  several  gentlemen  from  Pennsylvania  came  to  confer  with  him 
about  mines.  The  soil  and  situation  pleased  him,  but  the  best 
search  he  could  give  showed  no  signs  of  silver  (and  never  has  since, 
though  a  tradition  to  the  effect  that  silver  exists  somewhere  in  the 
mountains  thereabouts  causes  a  few  people  to  search  for  it  even  to 
this  day).  The  men  from  Pennsylvania  returned  to  their  homes 
very  badly  satisfied,  while  he  himself  was  convinced  that  Michel's 
story  was  a  fabrication.  As  for  Michel,  he  failed  to  appear,  al- 
though Graffenried  waited  long  and  did  not  return  to  the  Gov- 
ernor until  long  after  his  partner  was  due.  From  him  he  learned 
that  the  Captain  whom  he  had  sent  to  convoy  the  brigantine  had 
waited  six  days,  and  then  nothing  appearing,  the  mate  had  gone 
out  in  the  yawl  and  found  the  boat  stuck  fast,  and  the  people  gone. 
The  Governor  was  naturally  very  much  disgusted  with  such  treat- 
ment, and  at  first  was  inclined  to  blame  Graffenried  as  well  as  Michel, 
since  the  latter  was  supposed  to  be  acting  under  orders.  Learning, 
however,  that  Michel  had  been  duping  them  both,  his  resentment 
toward  Graffenried  changed  to  pity  for  the  chief  sufferer. 

A  letter  written  by  Spotswood  July  26,  1712,  reports  Graffenried's 
trip  up  the  Potomac  as  follows,  and  is  self-explanatory  of  the  Gov- 
ernor's attitude.  "At  present  I  cannot  think  of  anything  of  greater 
concernment  to  this  Country,  as  well  as  the  particular  Service  of  her 
Majesty,  than  what  I  hinted  to  Your  Lord'ps  in  my  letter  of  the  loth 
of  May,  for  encouraging  the  discovery  of  Silver  mines.  I  have,  since 
the  return  of  the  Baron  de  Graffenried  from  Potomac,  discoursed 
him  concerning  the  probability  of  Mines  in  these  parts,  he  says,  tho' 


90  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

he  has  no  doubts  of  finding  such  from  the  accounts  he  received  from 
one  Mr.  Mitchell,  a  Swiss  Gentleman  who  went  on  the  like  discovery 
some  years  ago,  Yet  he  finds  himself  much  discouraged  from  prose- 
cuting his  first  intentions,  not  only  because  of  the  uncertainty  of  the 
property  of  the  soil,  whether  belonging  to  the  Queen  or  the  proprietors, 
but  the  share  which  the  Crown  may  claim  in  those  Mines  is  also  uncer- 
tain, and  after  all  his  trouble  in  the  discovery  he  may  chance  to  have 
his  labour  for  his  pains.  Whereas  he  would  gladly  employ  his  utmost 
diligence  in  making  such  discoveries  if  it  were  once  declared  what 
share  her  Majesty  would  expect  out  of  the  produce  of  the  Mines, 
or  if  her  Majesty  would  be  pleased  to  take  the  Mines  into  her  hands, 
promising  him  the  superintending  of  the  works  with  a  hansdome 
Sallary,  he  says  it  is  a  matter  not  new  to  him,  there  having  been  Mines 
of  the  like  nature  found  on  his  father's  lands  in  Switzerland,  which 
were  at  first  wrought  for  the  benefit  of  the  State,  but  turning  to  small 
account  were  afterward  Yielded  to  the  proprietors  of  the  soil  upon 
paying  a  share  out  of  the  produce  thereof;  that  he  has  some  relatives 
now  concerned  therein,  and  by  their  interest  can  procure  skilful  work- 
men out  of  Germany  for  carrying  on  the  works.  I  shall  submit  to 
your  Lor'ps  better  judgment,  which  of  the  alternatives  proposed  by 
the  Baron  will  be  best  for  her  Majesty's  service,  and  shall  hope  for 
a  speedy  signification  of  her  Majesty's  pleasure  thereon  for  promoting 
a  design  which  I  can  but  believe  will  turn  out  to  the  advantage  of  her 
Majesty  and  the  improvement  of  this  Colony.  The  Baron  has  not 
been  so  far  up  the  Potomac  as  to  discover  the  head  Springs  of  that 
River  nor  to  make  a  true  draught  of  their  Course,  so  that  I  can't 
now  send  Your  Lor'ps  the  Mapps  I  promised  in  my  last,  nor  forme 
a  Judgment  of  the  pretentions  of  the  sev'll  proprietors."  x 

Whatever  lingering  hopes,  as  indicated  by  this  letter,  Graffenried 
may  have  had  in  his  ability  to  find  and  develop  deposits  of  silver 
ore  and  to  found  a  new  colony  in  Virginia  or  Maryland  were  dissi- 
pated by  the  failure  of  the  Palatines  and  Swiss  to  come  to  him  in  Virginia. 
Seeing  there  was  no  hope  of  making  a  new  start  in  a  more  favorable 
location,  Graffenried  went  back  to  North  Carolina  and  stayed  some 
time  with  Governor  Hyde.  While  there  they  all  fell  sick  and  on 
September  9  the  Governor  died.  Graffenried  stayed  on  two  weeks 
longer  and  then  returned  to  Newbern.  Again  the  governorship  was 
offered  him,  but  he  had  to  refuse  on  account  of  his  precarious  financial 
condition.  The  man  sent  to  fix  the  brigantine  found  it  too  much 
damaged  to  repair,  and  Graffenried  was  allowed  nothing  for  either 
of  his  two  boats,  although  he  considered  them  destroyed  in  the  service 
of  the  province.     Attempts  to  get  satisfaction  from  Michel  brought 

iSpotswood,  vol.  I,  page  168. 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been         91 

nothing  better  than  proposals  to  settle  in  Mexico  or  along  the  Missis- 
sippi River,  and  Graffenried  was  persuaded  that  his  only  hope  would 
be  to  take  his  two  slaves  and  settle  at  Canavest  and  gradually  draw 
a  few  people  about  him.  This  would  be  difficult  because  his  credi- 
tors, including  Pollock,  were  suspicious.  In  fact,  when  his  two  slaves, 
who  liked  him  for  a  master,  tried  to  cross  the  river  to  him,  they  were 
caught  and  held  for  their  master's  debts.  In  this  condition,  heavily 
in  debt,  almost  penniless,  his  pet  scheme  demolished,  his  partner 
faithless,  he  retired  to  Virginia,  September  20,  1712,  where  he  stayed 
until  spring  among  his  friends,  trying  all  the  time  to  get  help.  His 
friends,  however,  could  only  advise  him  to  go  back  to  England  or 
Bern,  as  it  would  not  be  safe  for  him  to  try  to  stay  in  Virginia,  nor 
to  go  among  the  Indians,  for  the  traders  would  be  sure  to  find  him 
out  and  tell  his  creditors.  This  truly  disheartening  situation  was 
cheered  a  little  perhaps  by  the  news  that  on  March  20,  1713,  Colonel 
Moore  administered  a  crushing  defeat  to  the  Tuscarora  Indians  with 
the  very  troops  Graffenried  had  helped  to  secure. 


CHAPTER  XV 

The  Journey  Home — Graffenried  Meets  his  Miners  in  Lon- 
don— Arranges  for  Their  Passage  to  America — His  Own 
Affairs  Do  Not  Keep  Him  Long  in  England — Discussion 
of  the  Language  of  His  Manuscripts — Efforts  to  Relieve 
His  Colony — Life  as  a  Swiss  Official — Death 

Having  exhausted  all  his  resources  in  America,  Graffenried  had  only 
two  alternatives — to  let  the  law  take  its  course,  or  else  to  try  to  get 
assistance  from  abroad.  He  chose  the  latter,  and  on  Easter  day  of 
1713  Graffenried  started  for  New  York,  traveling  on  horseback.  After 
a  short  stay  there,  he  left  for  England,  landing  at  Bristol  after  a  six 
weeks  voyage.  In  London  he  met  Mr.  Eden,  whom  the  proprietors 
were  sending  out  to  take  Hyde's  place.  He  also  met  Albrecht  with 
twelve  miners  and  their  families,  40  persons  altogether.  These  were 
the  men  whom  he  and  Michel  had  originally  engaged  to  come  to 
America  when  sent  for.  They  had,  however,  become  tired  of  waiting 
and  now  were  preparing  to  come  anyway.  When  Graffenried  found 
them  they  were  in  hard  straits,  and  looked  to  him  for  the  assistance 
he  had  contracted  with  them  to  furnish,  entirely  overlooking  the 
fact  that  he  had  told  them  to  stay  in  Germany  until  they  should  be 
summoned.  His  only  suggestion,  so  far,  of  removal  to  America  had 
been  that  in  case  the  miners  so  desired,  the  master  and  one  or  two 
men  might  come  to  America  to  inspect  the  ground;  but  this  was, 
clearly,  no  invitation  or  order  to  begin  the  trip.  The  situation  was 
further  complicated  by  Graffenried's  financial  embarrassment,  for  his 
own  resources  were  slender,  as  we  have  seen,  and  he  had  still  to  live 
during  the  time  that  his  business  kept  him  in  London,  and  moreover, 
he  had  to  retain  enough  to  pay  his  passage  home.  He  did  not  desert 
his  miners,  however,  but  going  from  one  acquaintance  to  another, 
he  got  work  for  a  part  of  them  on  a  dike  which  was  being  repaired, 
and  secured  other  employment  to  support  them  through  the  winter. 
Meantime  he  wrote  to  Virginia  and  arranged  with  Governor  Spots- 
wood  for  their  reception  there.  Furthermore,  he  persuaded  them  to 
put  their  money  into  a  common  fund  and  persuaded  two  merchants 
to  forward  their  passage  money,  and  about  New  Year's  day  they 
started,  and  landed  in  Virginia  April  28,  1714,  where  they  were  first 
settled  as  rangers  and  later  put  to  work  in  working  Spotswood's  iron 
mines. l 


'Part  I,  chapter  III. 


GrRAFFENRIED  :    ACCOUNT   OF   THE   FOUNDING   OF   New   BeRN  93 

Meanwhile  Graffenried  had  not  delayed  long  in  England,  but  had 
traveled  incognito  to  his  home.  A  lack  of  passports  was  a  serious 
hindrance  to  him,  but  finally  on  St.  Martin's  day,  1713,  he  reached 
Bern.  The  three  accounts  vary.  Professor  Goebel's  two  versions 
very  distinctly  make  his  return  home  St.  Martin's  day,  1714,  while 
the  one  printed  in  the  Colonial  Records  of  North  Carolina  makes  it 
a  year  earlier,  1713.  This,  however,  is  but  one  of  several  items 
which  indicate  that  at  the  time  Graffenried  wrote  his  accounts  the 
story  was  becoming  a  little  confused  in  some  of  its  details — a  not 
uncommon  occurrence  with  any  one  who  tries  to  tell  of  events  in  his 
life  a  few  years  after  they  took  place.  His  language  in  speaking  of 
his  stay  in  London  is  entirely  misleading,  as  is  shown  by  a  quotation 
from  Professor  Goebel's  French  version,  which  probably  was  written 
last:  "A  Londre  je  fis  Sejour  de  quelques  Semaines  (months  in  the 
Colonial  Records  and  the  German  version)  esperant  de  pouvoir  pre- 
senter ma  Supplication  a  la  Reine  Anne  par  le  Due  de  Beaufort,  mon 
Patron,  qui  estoit  le  premier  Lord  Prop;  de  Caroline  et  Palatin  de 
la  Province,  mais  peu  de  terns  avant  qu'il  voulust  presenter  ma  sup- 
plication il  est  mort  Subitement  encore  un  coup  de  mon  infortune 
bientost  apres  la  Reine  mourust  elle  meme,  il  ne  faloit  que  cela  pour 
m'oster  tout  esperance  d'aucun  retour.  La  dessus  il  y  eust  tant 
d'alterations  a  la  Cour  d'Angleterre  que  ie  ne  pouvois  esperer  aucune 
faveur  de  longtems  en  cette  nouvelle  Cour,  quand  meme  on  pouvoit 
conjecture  qu'avec  le  terns  ce  nouveau  Roy  come  Allemande  de 
Nation  seroit  enclin  pour  ma  Colonie  allemande." 2  This  certainly 
reads  as  though  Graffenried  were  in  London  at  the  time  of  the  death 
of  these  two  personages  and  the  accession  of  George  I.  So  long  a 
stay  after  his  recent  disasters  in  America  leaving  him  almost  penni- 
less seems  improbable,  at  least.  Other  sources,  then,  will  have  to  be 
called  upon  to  settle  the  matter.  In  the  Neujahrsblatt  there  is  a 
passage  taken  from  Anton  von  Graffenried's  Diary  which  says,  "Den 
2.  December  1713  ist  der  alt  Landvogt  von  Ifferten  aus  America  durch 
Engelland  und  Frankreich  wieder  allhier  angelangt  und  hat  mich  erst 
den  10.  Dezember  salutirt."  3  In  addition  to  this  evidence  we  know  that 
Pollock  received  a  letter  from  him  written  from  Bern  on  April  30,  1714. 

2 "In  London  I  made  a  sojourn  of  several  weeks  (months  in  the  Colonial  Records  and  the  German 
version),  hoping  to  be  able  to  present  my  petition  to  Queen  Anne  by  the  Duke  of  Beaufort,  my 
patron,  who  is  the  first  Lord  Proprietor  of  Carolina  and  Palatine  of  the  Province.  But  a  little  while 
before  he  intended  to  present  my  petition  he  suddenly  died.  One  more  stroke  of  my  misfortune;  the 
Queen  herself  died  soon  after,  and  it  needed  only  that  to  remove  from  me  all  hope  of  my  return. 
Thereupon  there  were  so  many  alterations  at  the  English  Court  that  I  could  not  hope  for  any  favor 
for  a  long  time  at  this  new  court,  even  though  one  might  conjecture  that  in  time  this  new  king,  as  a 
German,  would  be  inclined  toward  my  German  colony." 

3"0n  the  2d  of  December,  191?,  the  old  bailiff  of  Iverton  arrived  here  by  way  of  England  and 
France,  but  did  not  greet  me  until  the  10th  of  December." 


94  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

These  two  evidences  taken  with  his  own  statements  in  the  three  ver- 
sions prove  that  he  made  only  a  comparatively  short  stay  in  England, 
for  he  left  Virginia  at  Easter-time,  or  April  16,  1713,  and  went  to 
New  York,  where  he  stayed  for  about  two  weeks.  His  voyage  across 
the  Atlantic  occupied  six  weeks,  and  we  are  told  that  he  rested  awhile 
at  Bristol  before  proceeding  on  horseback  to  London.  He  accounts, 
thus,  with  fair  accuracy  for  eight  weeks,  but  this  allows  no  time  for 
his  sojourns  in  New  York  and  Bristol  nor  for  his  journeys  from  Vir- 
ginia to  New  York  and  from  Bristol  to  London.  But  even  eight  weeks 
would  place  his  arrival  in  the  middle  of  June.  His  actual  time  of 
arrival,  however,  was  much  later  than  this  owing  to  the  stops  and 
other  delays,  and  can  be  roughly  estimated  by  the  remark  when  he 
met  the  newly  appointed  Governor  Eden,  that  had  he  (Graffenried) 
come  a  month  earlier,  the  position  had  fallen  to  him.  Now  since 
Eden  was  not  appointed  until  August  13,  1713,  Graffenried  must 
have  come  later,  perhaps  about  a  month,  somewhere  near  Septem- 
ber 13. 4 

His  journey  to  Bern  was  also  rather  long,  for  he  was  beaten  about 
by  storms  for  three  weeks  in  his  passage  across  the  channel;  and  then 
there  was  the  remainder  of  the  way  to  be  covered  by  coach.  Despite 
some  further  delays  for  passports  and  in  finding  his  people  when  he 
reached  Switzerland,  he,  nevertheless,  finally  reached  his  family  St. 
Martin's  day,  November  11,  1713.  This  would  leave  him  only  a 
small  part  of  August,  if  any,  all  of  September  and  perhaps  a  part  of 
October  in  England. 

The  most  puzzling  thing,  however,  is  that  any  one  reading  any  of 
the  three  versions  would  suppose  that  Graffenried  had  been  present 
at  the  time  of  the  deaths  of  the  Duke  of  Beaufort  and  of  Queen  Anne, 
and  the  Accession  of  George  I,  and  had  stayed  after  that  until  he 
was  sure  nothing  would  be  done  for  his  colony.  But  since  Beaufort 5 
died  July  25,  1714;  and  Queen  Anne6  August  1,  1714,  and  he  had 
reached  Bern  in  November  of  the  year  before,  this  is  impossible, 
unless  he  made  a  second  voyage  to  England,  which  is  nowhere  men- 
tioned directly,  and  alluded  to,  if  at  all,  in  such  vague  terms  that 
no  one  would  suspect  it  on  reading  the  accounts. 

But  his  efforts  for  his  colony  did  not  stop  even  after  he  reached 
home.  Yet  the  final  chapter  is  brief.  Too  poor  to  sue  his  company 
for  their  breach  of  contract,  he  next  tried  to  have  a  commission 
appointed  to  investigate  and  hear  his  proposition,  but  this  was  refused. 
His  efforts  to  interest  others  failed,  and  at  last,  to  his  own  regret, 
he  had  to  abandon  his  colony. 

4Col.  Rec.,  vol  II,  page  58. 
5McCrady,  page  526. 
6McCrady,  page  527. 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern        95 

The  story  of  the  rest  of  his  life  is  soon  told.  He  was  dependent 
upon  his  father  for  a  support  which  was  not  cheerfully  granted.  And 
the  following  letter  gives  as  much  light  on  the  father's  character  as 
on  Christoph's. 

"Ayez,  Monsieur,  la  bonte  de  mettre  en  oublis  le  passe,  et  m'estant 
corrige  de  depuis,  ayez  meilleure  opinion  de  moy  pour  le  present  et 
advenir;  Pourtant  quoyque  Je  vous  aye  chagrin  e  par  mon  evasion  et 
mes  debts,  cependant  j'ay  deservis  mon  Balliage  avec  honneur  au 
contentment  du  Souverain  et  des  Ressortissants,  et  n'ay  rien  comis 
d'atroce  qui  vous  aye  fait  deshonneur,  ny  ay-je  jamais,  que  je  sache, 
manque  anvers  Vous  de  Respect  ny  de  Soumission,  pardonnez  moy 
dont  le  passe  et  ne  retouchez  pas  toujours  cette  corde  facheuse,  mais 
ayez  moy,  Monsieur  et  tres  honorable  Pere,  en  recommandation 
puisque  je  feray  touts  mes  efforts  pour  vous  contenter  et  vous  montrer 
que  je  suis  avec  toutte  l'obeissance  Respect  et  Soumission  U  Enfant 
'perdu  retrouve,  et  amandez,  regardez  moy  done  aussi  en  Pere  benin 
et  faitte  moy  sentir  plus  outre  les  effects  de  Votre  Bienveillance."  7 

"Have,  Sir,  the  kindness  to  forget  the  past,  and,  now  that  I  have  corrected  myself  since  then, 
conceive  a  better  opinion  of  me  for  the  present  and  the  future.  But  yet,  although  I  have  grieved  you 
by  my  evasion  and  my  debts,  yet  I  have  served  my  bailiwick  with  honor  to  the  satisfaction  of  the 
Sovereign  and  the  subjects,  and  have  committed  nothing  atrocious  which  might  have  done  you 
dishonor,  nor  have  I,  so  far  as  I  know,  failed  toward  you  in  respect  and  submission.  Pardon  me, 
then,  the  past  and  do  not  keep  touching  again  upon  this  disagreeable  string,  but  take  me  unto  favor 
again,  Sir  and  honorable  Father,  since  I  shall  make  all  effort  to  satisfy  you  and  show  you  that  I  am 
with  all  obedience,  Respect  and  Submission  the  Prodigal  returned  and  amended.  Look  upon  me, 
then,  as  the  gracious  Father  and  make  me  to  feel  further  yet  the  effects  of  your  benevolence." 

In  1731,  after  the  death  of  a  brother,  the  Oberherr  von  Worb,  Anton 
secured  and  sold  to  Christoph  the  management  of  the  estate  which 
went  with  the  office,  reserving  for  himself  the  revenues  of  the  office. 
The  management  of  the  estate  was  not  very  lucrative,  but  the  father 
thought  he  had  made  a  rather  generous  expiation  for  his  previous 
treatment.  Next,  when  Anton  became  Mayor  of  Murton  he  wanted 
a  representative  in  Iverton;  and  although  Christoph  did  not  relish 
the  place,  still  to  please  his  wife  he  ran  for  it  and  was  elected.  In 
1730  at  Anton's  death  the  estate  of  Worb  came  to  Christoph  with- 
out encumbrance,  and  he  held  it  till  1740,  when  he  retired  in  favor 
of  his  sons.  Three  years  later  he  died  and  was  buried  in  the  choir 
of  the  Church  at  Worb,  ending  a  life  the  last  years  of  which,  while 
uneventful,  were  not  unpleasant. 

7Neujahrsblatt,  page  89. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

Proof  That  Graffenried  Never  Came  Back  to  America  to  Live — 
Debt  to  Pollock  Unpaid — Last  Notices  of  the  German 
Settlers  and  End  of  the  New  Bern  Adventurers 

It  is  improbable  that  Graffenried  ever  returned  to  America,  although 
it  has  been  asserted  that  he  did.  It  appears  that  the  Graffenried 
who  lived  in  this  country  after  1714,  was  a  son  of,  but  not  the  Baron 
Christoph  von  Graffenried  who  founded  the  settlement  at  New  Bern. 
According  to  the  Neujahrsblatt,  Christoph's  eldest  son  came  at  the 
time  of  the  settlement  and  stayed  here  after  his  father's  departure, 
settling  finally  in  Williamsburg,  New  York,  where  he  married.  The 
Virginia  Magazine  quotes  the  following  from  the  files  of  the  Virginia 
Gazette  for  February  18-25,  1736:  "This  is  to  give  notice  to  all  Gen- 
tlemen and  Ladies  that  Mrs.  Barbara  de  Graffenried  intends  to  have 
a  Ball  on  Tuesday  the  26th  of  next  April  and  an  assembly  on  the 
27th  in  Williamsburg:  For  which  tickets  will  be  delivered  out  at  her 
Home."  A  footnote  then  states  that  "This  was  the  wife  of  Christo- 
pher, Baron  von  Graffenried  of  Berne,  Switzerland  who  brought  over 
a  colony  of  Swiss  and  Palatines  to  North  Carolina  in  1709."  In  the 
article  to  which  the  note  is  added  in  explanation,  she  is  called  "la 
Baronne  de  Graffenriedt."  The  statement  of  her  being  the  wife  of 
Christopher  von  Graffenried  is  made,  but  no  proof  is  given,  and  other 
evidence  would  indicate  that  the  Virginia  Magazine  is  here  in  error. 

Colonel  William  Byrd,  also,  in  his  memoirs 1  mentions  meeting  a 
certain  Madame  de  Graffenriedt  not  far  from  Williamsburg.  This 
lady  could  hardly  be  any  other  than  the  one  named  in  the  Virginia 
Magazine  who  lived  at  Williamsburg.  According  to  the  Neujahrsblatt 
Christoph's  wife  is  named  Regine  Tscharner,  while  in  the  Virginia 
Magazine  her  given  name  is  Barbara.  The  writer  in  the  Neujahrsblatt 
is  evidently  mistaken  about  the  son  settling  in  Williamsburg,  New 
York,  but  he  would  have  no  difficulty  learning  the  name  of  Graff en- 
ried's  wife  if  other  means  were  lacking  when  he  copied  the  inscription 
on  the  Graffenried  memorial  in  the  church  at  Worb. 

The  most  plausible  explanation  then  is  this,  that  the  writer  in  the 
Virginia  Magazine  supposed  because  this  lady  was  called  la  Baronne 
she  must  be  the  wife  of  Christoph  von  Graffenried,  overlooking 
the  fact  that  the  title  was  hereditary  and  would  belong  to  the  eldest 
son  and  his  wife  even  during  the  father's  lifetime.  The  writer  in 
the  Neujahrsblatt  with  the  means  at  his  disposal  could  hardly  have 

iByrd,  page  326. 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern       97 

gotten  the  name  of  Christoph's  wife  wrong,  but  the  confusion  may- 
have  arisen  between  the  two  Williamsburgs  and  he  wrote  New  York 
when  he  should  have  written  Virginia.  If  all  these  suppositions  are 
correct,  Madame  de  Graffenried,  the  lady  Colonel  Byrd  speaks  of, 
and  the  wife  of  the  son  who  stayed  in  America  are  all  the  same  per- 
son; and  this  evidence,  which  so  far  as  I  can  learn,  is  the  only  evi- 
dence that  the  Baron  ever  returned  to  this  country,  is  destroyed. 
Christoph's  own  statement  that  for  20  years  no  complaint  had  been 
made  of  his  administration  completes  the  proof  if  more  is  needed, 
for  his  official  duties  began  in  1722  and  lasted  until  1742,  and  the 
notices  of  Madame  de  Graffenried's  ball  were  printed  in  1736. 

One  more  disputed  point  concerning  Graffenried  needs  to  be  settled. 
Careful  searching  of  the  Colonial  Records  down  to  Graffenried's  death 
in  1743  make  no  mention  of  Pollock's  having  received  more  than  the 
assignment  of  the  Palatines'  land,  for  the  money  due  him  on  the  loans. 
As  he  had  lent  much  more  than  the  17,500  acres  were  worth,  he  had 
reason  to  feel  misused  and  defrauded,  although  Graffenried  was  acting 
in  good  faith,  and  fully  expected  assistance  from  the  Proprietors  and 
the  Company.  And  when  these  sources  failed  him,  he  had  nothing 
to  pay  with.  Pollock  also  seems  to  have  lost  confidence  in  his  honesty 
because  of  his  failure  to  deliver  letters  to  the  Lords  Proprietors  as  he 
was  returning  to  England. 2  But  the  attitude  is  unjust,  for  Graffen- 
ried complains  that  a  box  full  of  papers  and  curios  was  lost  on  the 
way  to  Europe,  and  these  letters  most  likely  were  in  it. 3  In  a  letter 
of  February  10,  1715,  Pollock  asks  him  to  pay  700£  at  London  and 
keep  this  title  to  the  land  he  had  taken  up. 4     Graffenried's  petition 

2C0I.  Rec.,  page  145. 

Oct.  20th,  1714. 

"My  first  letter  to  you  dated  September  20th,  1712  (a  copy  whereof  is  enclosed)  I  delivered 
myself  to  Baron  Graffenried,  who  was  then  (goin)g  to  Verginia;  and  he  told  me  that  the  Gouvernor  of 
Verginia  took  care — his  letters  to  London  with  his  own  pacquets,  and  that  there  was  no — that  they 
would  come  safe  to  your  Lordships  hands.  — second  letters,  dated  April  2d,  1713  immediately  after 
the  taking  the  great  Indian  Fort  I  sent  into  Verginia  an  I  know  they  came  to  Baron  Graffenreid  who 
was  then  in  Verginia  I  would  have  sent  (your  Lord)ship  copies  of  all,  but  the  state  of  affairs  being 
much  altered,  and  they  being  long,  thought  it  not  worth  while  to  trouble  your  (Lordshi)p  with  them. 
What  reason  Baron  Graffenried  had  to  conceal  (or)  keep  up  my  letters,  I  know  not.  I  took  him  for  a 
man  of  honour  and  integrity,  but  have  found  the  contrary  to  my  great  loss." 

'French  Version. 

*Col.  Rec.,  vol.  II,  page  166. 

North  Carolina,  February  10th,  1715. 
Hond.  Sir: 

Yours  from  Berne  dated  April,  30th  1714,  came  to  hand  and  (am  glad  to)  understood  you  got  safe 
to  your  own  country,  and  I  should  (be)  well  satisfied,  (if  for  your  advantage  and  to  pay  it?  your  cred- 
itors) (you)  could  procure  a  new  surety.  But  I  could  never  have  expected  Baron  Graffenreid,  whom 
I  always  took  to  be  a  man  of  honour  and  honesty  would  have  proposed  to  me  to  give  away  the  matter 
of  900  pounds  sterling  money  of  England  for  nothing.  You  know  how  readily  and  fully  (I  served) 
you;  you  cannot  but  remember  your  reiterated  promises  that  I  should  be  fully  and  honestly  satisfied. 
And  now  to  propose  to  put  me  off  with  (nothing)  is  what  I  never  expected  of  you.  Your  debt  to  me 
was  612  pounds,  besides  some  other  small  debts  I  (paid)  by  your  desire,  after  making  up  accounts: 
your  debt  to  Cap  .  .  .  and  his  brother  was  fifty-six  pounds  which  makes  668  pounds,  the  bills  being 
pro(tested)  the  change  and  re-exchange  at  15  per  cent  is  91  pounds  4  sh(illings)  makes  with  the  charge 
in  England  for  the  protest  near  770  pounds.  To  (which)  will  be  two  if  not  three  years  interest  due  be- 
fore I  can  have  it  of  you  ...  at  London,  which  with  the  other  small  debts  I  have  paid  here  for  (you) 
and  trouble  of  taking  care  of  what  insignificant  matters  you  (left)  here,  having  been  forced  to  pay  Mr. 
Graves  for  the  surveying  your  land,  and  the  heavy  charge  of  a  Land  tax,  will  make  your  debt  near 
1000  pounds  sterling  money  of  England,  of  all  which  have  received  (but)  312  pounds  in  our  public  bills 
for  your  sloops  et  eact.,  which  are  of  no  use,  seeing  I  can  purchase  nothing  for  them,  but  lie  dead  on 

7 


98  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

was  at  this  time  in  the  Duke  of  Beaufort's  hands,  waiting  for  an 
opportunity  to  be  presented.  Graffenried,  also,  was  doing  all  that 
could  be  done  to  extricate  himself  from  his  entanglements.  As  we 
have  seen,  however,  the  Duke  died  before  the  petition  could  be  pre- 
sented and  only  a  little  while  after,  the  Queen  also;  so  that  he  received 
no  help  from  England  and  it  is  probable  that  Pollock  was  never  paid 
the  money  due  him,  for  on  March  29,  1743,  some  Palatines  led  by 
Jacob  Sheets  settled  by  Baron  de  Graffenried  at  Neuse  showing  their 
agreement  with  the  said  Baron  and  praying  to  have  Title  made  out 
to  them  "in  order  that  warrants  might  issue  to  them  respectively 
for  laying  out  their  lands  to  each  man  his  several  proportion  or  other- 
wise to  be  secure  in  their  possession. 

"Then  Cullen  Pollock's  Council  produced  a  patent  to  the  said 
Pollock's  father,  Thomas  Pollock  Esq.,  deceased,  for  a  large  tract  of 
land  at  Neuse  which  was  read  and  it  appearing  to  the  Council  that 
the  said  Patent  take  in  the  Palatine  Lands,"  the  suit  was  dismissed. 5 

That  the  Palatines  in  the  meantime  had  managed  somehow  to  live 
will  appear  from  the  Proclamation  of  the  Council,  November  6, 
1714,  where  "upon  petition  of  the  poor  Palatines  showing  that 
they  were  disappointed  of  the  lands  stock  and  other  necessary  which 
was  to  be  provided  for  them  and  are  reduced  to  great  want  and 
poverty  by  the  late  war  and  prays  that  they  may  have  Liberty  to 
take  up  four  hundred  Acres  of  land  for  each  family  at  the  rate  of  ten 
Pounds  a  thousand  acres  and  that  they  may  have  two  years  day  of 
payment  for  the  same." 6  Apparently  nothing  was  done  at  the 
time,  for  in  1747  another  petition  was  made  by  the  Palatines,  this 
time,  to  the  Right  Honorable  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  of  Council 
for  Plantation  Affairs. 7  Redress  was  slow  but  at  length  on  March 
16,  1748,  His  Majesty  gave  orders  to  Governor  Johnston  to  give  the 
settlers  an  equivalent  of  the  lands  of  which  they  had  been  dis- 
possessed, free  of  quit-rent  for  ten  years.  After  that  they  were  to 
pay  the  usual  rents,  "and  as  the  settlement  of  the  said  Palatines  will  be 
a  great  addition  to  the  strength  of  our  said  Province,  and  be  a  consider- 


my  hand.  And  as  for  your  goods,  if  you  left  any  of  any  value,  your  friend  Mr.  Mitchell,  the  Mayor, 
and  others  of  your  people  had  conveyed  an  .  .  .1  haveing  got  nothing,  save  a  little  iron  and  some 
rusty  nails  for  .    .   .  and  other  small  things  of  little  value. 

You  know  that  you  purchased  only  15000  acres  of  land  of  the  Lords  Proprietors,  which  is  but  150 
pounds  sterling  money,  whereof  at  Mill  Creek?  there  is  only  85000  acres  surveyed;  the  other  5000  acres 
not  being  yet  taken  up,  which  I  intend  to  take  up  at  White  Oak  River,  as  you  designed.  As  for  your 
two  or  three  other  small  tracts,  you  not  having  paid  the  purchase  to  the  Lords  Proprietors,  they  were 
by  law  made  here,  with  all  other  lands  in  Bath  County  that  had  not  been  paid  the  purchase,  lost:  so 
I  was  oblidged  to  purchase  them  of  the  Receiver  General.  And  all  the  land,  and  what  else  is  come  to 
me  of  yours,  is  not  really  of  the  value  of  200  pounds.  And  if  you  will  pay  me  at  London,  so  that  I  may 
be  sure  to  have  the  money  seven  hundred  pounds  sterling  money  within  this  twelve  month,  you  shall 
have  what  land  you  purchased  of  the  Lords  Proprietors,  you  shall  have  the  public  bills  I  had  on  your 
account,  and  what  other  small  matter  of  goods  I  had  of  yours  or  the  value  as  they  are  appraised. 
(From  Pollock's  Letter  Book.) 

•Col.  Rec,  vol.  IV,  page  632. 

•Col.  Rec,  vol.  II,  page  146. 

7Col.  Rec,  vol.  IV,  page  954  (which  gives  the  text  of  the  petition  also);  see  also  pp.  868,  873  ff. 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern         99 

able  advantage  and  Security  to  the  Inhabitants  whereof6  we  do  hereby 
direct  and  require  you  to  recommend  to  the  Assembly  of  our  said 
Province  to  make  speedy  provision  in  such  manner  as  they  shall 
think  proper  for  defraying  the  Charge  of  surveying  the  Land  so  as 
to  be  granted  to  the  said  Petitioners,  and  of  issuing  the  Grants  for 
the  same  and  all  other  Charges  attending  such  Survey  and  Grants."  9 
Two  years  later  they  were  settled  in  what  are  now  Craven,  Jones, 
Onslow,  and  Duplin  counties. *  ° 

This  ends  the  story  of  the  German  settlement  at  Newbern  as  a 
distinctly  German  colony.  The  town  had  a  prosperous  growth  and 
kept  its  original  name,  but  as  a  financial  venture  it  was  a  complete 
failure,  due  not  to  the  incompetence  of  the  leader,  but  to  the  force 
of  circumstances  and  the  niggardliness  of  those  whose  duty  it  was 
to  contribute  to  his  support. 

sThe  italics  are  mine,  V.  H.  T. 
9Col.  Rec,  vol.  vol.  IV,  page  967. 
"Ashe,  page  273. 


PART  III 

THE  GRAFFENRIED  MANUSCRIPTS 

CHAPTER  I 

The  Discovery  of  New  Material  Relating  to  New  Bern — Com- 
parison of  Manuscripts — New  Material  in  a  French  Ver- 
sion— Negotiations  of  Bern  for  Land — Considered  Going 
to  Maryland — Graffenried's  Titles — Contract  with  the 
Proprietors — Voyage  Across  the  Atlantic — Illness  of  the 
Colonists — Treaty  with  the  Indians — Troubles  with  Michel 
— Description  of  the  City  of  New  Bern — Purchase  of  Boats 
— Exploration  for  Silver  Along  the  Potomac  in  Detail — 
Indications  of  a  Treaty  with  Penn — Details  of  Voyage 
to  Europe — Details  of  His  Care  for  the  Miners — Addi- 
tional Efforts  to  Secure  Help — A  Key  to  a  French  Map 
of  the  Potomac 

When  Graffenried  returned  from  America  disappointed  in  all  his 
plans,  he  found  plenty  of  people  who  blamed  him  for  the  misfortune 
"as  though  he  had  acted  rashly  and  imprudently."  It  was  to  vindi- 
cate himself  that  he  wrote  of  his  adventures  in  America,  and  in  order 
to  allow  himself  to  be  more  widely  understood  in  Switzerland,  he 
wrote  in  both  French  and  German.  For  some  reason  he  appears 
to  have  left  two  French  versions,  unless  indeed,  one  is  a  cop3r  of  the 
other,  which  from  comparison  seems  hardly  probable.  The  French 
version  in  the  library  at  Iverton,  Switzerland,  has  been  copied  and 
translated  for  the  Colonial  Records  of  North  Carolina  where  it  may 
be  found  in  Volume  I,  page  905.  When  Professor  Goebel  was  writing 
his  book  on  the  Germans  in  America,  (Das  Deutschtum  in  den  Ver- 
einigten  Staaten  von  Nord  Amerika)  he  found  that  there  were  other 
versions,  and  at  considerable  trouble  and  expense  he  had  accurate 
copies  of  these  made  for  his  own  use,  in  hopes  that  if  they  were  pub- 
lished, they  might  throw  some  light  on  this  early  pioneer.  The  three 
manuscripts  as  nearly  as  can  be  judged  by  the  translation  in  the 
Colonial  Records  which  is  a  literal  translation  into  poor  English,  are 
in  many  places  word  for  word  translations,  or  copies,  of  each  other. 
The  importance,  then,  of  Professor  Goebel's  copies  is  that  while  they 


102  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

contain  everything  that  the  other  version  has,  they  also  have  much 
which  is  entirely  lacking  in  the  North  Carolina  Records. 

It  may  be  worth  while  to  indicate  the  most  important  differences 
between  Professor  Goebel's  manuscripts  and  the  others,  especially 
where  the  former  contains  things  not  found  in  the  latter,  although 
most  of  the  items  have  been  referred  to  already  in  Part  II. 

The  most  natural  comparison  to  make  is  between  the  two  French 
versions,  as  they  are  most  alike,  being  each  divided  into  twelve  con- 
tretemps, which  may  be  translated  misfortunes.  Where  they  treat  of 
the  same  thing,  they  use  the  same  language,  except  that  Professor 
Goebel's  copy  often  has  things  interspersed,  which  the  other  does 
not  have,  and  occasionally  the  marginal  notes  are  not  placed  in  the 
same  position.  Then,  again,  whole  paragraphs  are  placed  in  dif- 
ferent relative  positions  as  regards  the  rest  of  the  account.  For 
instance,  the  chapter  on  Indian  customs  which  comes  at  the  end 
of  the  account  in  the  Colonial  Records,  is  placed  in  the  body  of  the  text 
in  connection  with  the  account  of  Graffenried's  capture  in  Professor 
Goebel's  French  text.  The  omissions  from,  or  additions  to  the  original 
text  must  have  been  made  by  Graffenried  himself  or  else  by  some 
one  very  familiar  with  the  text;  for  several  more  attempts  made  to 
relieve  the  colony  are  mentioned  in  Professor  Goebel's  French  version 
than  appear  in  the  other  accounts  and  two  items  are  added  in 
marginal  notes  which  do  not  occur  elsewhere,  namely,  that  Cary  was 
banished  to  a  distant  island  and  there  died,  and  that  Michel  died 
among  the  Indians.  These  events,  if  recorded  after  the  accounts  had 
been  written,  would  naturally  be  placed  in  the  finished  version,  an 
inference  borne  out  by  the  conclusions  of  Professor  A.  B.  Faust  on 
placing  the  three  originals  side  by  side. 1 

However,  the  order  in  which  the  versions  were  written  is  of  minor 
importance  compared  to  the  contents,  since  they  must  have  appeared 
within  a  very  few  years  of  each  other.  The  following  paragraphs 
are  intended  to  give  what  seems  the  most  important  contributions 
which  Professor  Goebel's  manuscripts  make  to  what  is  already  acces- 
sible in  the  Colonial  Records  of  North  Carolina.  Taking  the  French 
version  first:  this  says  that  Bern  negotiated  through  Stanian,  the 
Envoy  Extraordinary,  for  a  place  to  found  a  colony  which  should 
be  absolutely  independent  of  any  authority  except  the  British  sover- 
eign, but  was  unsuccessful,  because  the  Queen  did  not  wish  to  work 
to  the  detriment  of  the  colonial  and  proprietary  governments.  He 
received  permission  to  take  up  land  above  the  falls  of  the  Potomac 
but  was  persuaded  that  conditions  were  more  favorable  in  North 
Carolina  where  land  was  cheaper,  and  where,  under  the  proprietors, 

iGerman  American  Annals.     New  Series,  Vol.  XI.     Nos.  5  and  6. 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern       103 

he  would  have  more  jurisdiction  and  various  additional  privileges. 
When  he  went  to  Virginia,  he  found  that  Culpepper  had  gotten  ahead 
of  him  on  a  part  of  the  land,  and  this  would  have  compelled  him  to 
settle  in  Maryland  farther  from  white  settlers  than  he  had  hoped. 

As  a  reward  for  their  zeal  in  bringing  him  to  the  throne,  Charles 
II  gave  to  several  gentlemen  a  large  tract  in  North  America  with 
power  to  create  hereditary  titles  of  nobility.  According  to  the  French 
version,  Graffenried  was  made  Landgrave  of  Carolina,  Baron  de  Bern- 
berg,  and  Chevelier  du  Cordon  Bleu,  and  in  addition  was  given  a 
medal.  The  regalia  of  his  orders  he  wore  whenever  he  went  to  the 
assembly,  and  he  found  it  increased  people's  deference  for  him. 

The  amount  of  land  he  took  up  and  the  charges  per  acre  have 
been  given  already. x  Two  other  very  important  clauses  of  this  agree- 
ment with  the  proprietors  were  the  ones  providing  for  religious  liberty 
and  for  the  furnishing  of  provisions  and  stock  by  the  proprietors, 
the  debts  so  contracted  by  the  colony  to  be  paid  in  three  years. 
Then  he  says:  "Je  passe  icy  sous  Silence  un  Traitte  fait  avec  William 
Penn  Proprietaire  de  Pennsilvanie  pour  des  Terres  et  des  mines." 
This  is  only  one  of  several  passages  which  show  that  such  an  agree- 
ment existed.     Then  follows  a  description  of  the  town. 

A  description  of  New  Castle,  and  the  voyage  across  the  Atlantic 
occupies  several  pages  and  has  this  of  interest  to  us,  that  in  connection 
with  it  he  states  that  a  box  of  curiosities,  papers,  and  clothes  which 
he  had  given  to  the  ship's  captain,  was  lost  on  the  return  voyage. 
This  may  explain  Governor  Pollock's  grievance  that  the  letters  sent 
by  Graffenried  were  not  delivered. 2  The  voyage  over  was  without 
unpleasant  accidents  and  has  little  worthy  of  mention  here,  although 
it  makes  interesting  reading. 

When  Graffenried  returned  from  Governor  Hyde's  in  the  summer 
of  1711,  he  found  many  of  his  people  ill.  This  gives  him  opportunity 
to  tell  about  the  diseases  the  people  were  exposed  to  and  the  remedies 
to  employ  in  such  cases.  In  all  this  his  good  sense  and  care  for  his 
colonists  is  shown  most  clearly.  He  mentions,  also,  the  insect  and 
reptile  pests  they  have  to  guard  against,  and  then  he  discusses  the 
building  of  the  town. 

The  Colonial  Records  relate  the  troubles  Graffenried  had  in  treaty 
making,  persuading  Indians  unwilling  to  sell  their  lands  with  rum, 
powder,  and  shot,  while  a  drunken  partner  makes  merry  with  some 
English  friends  and  twice  brings  the  negotiations  to  the  verge  of  ruin 
by  insulting  and  even  beating  the  Indian  orator.  But  they  do  not 
tell  of  the  pains  Graffenried  took  to  keep  him  at  a  distance,  at  one 
time  provisioning  him  to  survey  along  the  Weetock  River,  and  again 

iSee  Part  II,  chapter  V. 
2See  page  97. 


104  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

sending  him  to  Philadelphia  to  see  about  the  silver  mines,  regarding 
which  they  had  an  express  agreement  with  William  Penna  and  the 
head  miner,  Justus  Albrecht.  The  Indians  naturally  supposed  that 
he  sent  him  away  for  their  sake,  and  it  helped  him  afterwards  while 
he  was  in  captivity.  He  also  called  upon  the  Indians  at  Core  town 
and  promised  to  be  a  good  neighbor  to  them.  Then  he  took  the 
surveyor  and  the  clerk,  and  together  they  made  the  plan  of  the  town. 
"As  the  people  in  America  do  not  like  to  live  crowded,"  he  gave  each 
house  three  acres  and  the  streets  were  arranged  like  a  cross.  His 
artisans,  who  could  do  better  in  the  city,  had  freedom  from  taxation 
for  ten  years.  Then  he  enumerates  the  trades  represented,  among 
which  ought  to  be  particularly  noticed  the  schoolmaster. 

Prosperity  seemed  so  certain  that  people  outside  even  from  as  far 
away  as  Pennsylvania,  took  lots.  The  only  thing  lacking  was  ready 
money.  All  accounts  agree  that  this  was  a  serious  difficulty.  The 
province  could  not  pay  him  and  nothing  had  been  received  from 
Europe;  but  he  trusted  that  if  he  could  only  get  a  message  to  the 
Georg  Bitter  Company  by  some  person,  they  would  help  him  out. 
One  of  the  settlers  was  just  going  and  was  willing  to  take  the  message. 
This  man,  Botschi3  by  name,  as  the  German  version  shows,  abused 
the  confidence  placed  in  him  by  contracting  debts  in  Graffenried's 
name  in  Philadelphia  and  Amsterdam.  Nevertheless,  he  delivered 
his  message  faithfully.  But  the  disasters  of  the  following  autumn 
when  the  Indians  captured  Graffenried  and  Lawson,  discouraged  the 
Company  in  Bern  and  the  Proprietors  so  that,  even  if  they  had 
intended  to  assist  him,  which  is  more  than  doubtful,  they  now  refused 
to  risk  their  money.  However,  while  he  still  believed  that  help  would 
be  sent  him,  he  had  bought  two  boats  for  use  in  trading  and  on  one 
trip  took  a  cargo  of  wheat  to  the  Bermudas  to  exchange  for  salt. 
But  the  wheat  was  damaged  in  a  storm  and  the  profits  consequently 
were  lessened. 

A  considerable  space  in  the  book  is  then  filled  with  his  account  of 
the  trip  to  Canavest,  the  chief  part  of  which,  however,  is  a  detailed 
description  of  the  Indians  shooting  the  rapids  in  canoes. 

As  an  additional  reason  why  he  believed  in  Michel's  stories  of  the 
silver  mine,  Graffenried  states  that  M.  M.  had  asked  the  Queen  for 
patents,  and  together  they  had  made  a  treaty  with  the  miners  in 
Europe,  and  Mr.  Penn  had  made  a  treaty  with  them  and  had  made 
M.  M.  director  of  minerals  in  Pennsylvania. 

The  return  to  Europe  is  enlivened  with  a  description  of  the  won- 
ders by  the  way,  such  as  the  meeting  with  an  iceberg  and  a  storm 
which  almost  foundered  their  ship,  owing  to  the  negligence  of  the 

3German  Version,  Report. 


Gbaffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  1STew  Been       105 

captain.  He  tells  in  addition  of  how  he  found  work  on  a  dike  for  his 
miners  who  were  in  London  when  he  arrived. 

Along  with  the  account,  but  not  an  integral  part  of  it,  is  a  document 
which  appears  to  be  a  key  to  the  map  of  the  Potomac  River.  It 
has  a  number  of  interesting  comments  on  the  country  about  the 
present  site  of  Washington  which  consisted  of  a  few  plantations  and 
had  as  yet  no  name. 

These,  then,  are  the  principal  items  which  Professor  Goebel's  French 
copy  adds  to  what  has  been  translated  for  the  Colonial  Records  of 
North  Carolina. 


CHAPTER  II 

Important  Additions  to  the  German  Version  are  a  Report  to 
the  Ritter  Company,  the  Contract  with  the  Ritter  Com- 
pany, a  Memorial  or  Account  of  Life  in  the  Colony,  Let- 
ters from  the  Colonists — Contents  of  the  Report — Reli- 
ability of  the  Report  and  Letters — The  Contract  with 
Georg  Ritter  Company — The  Memorial 

In  the  German  account  there  is  little  that  the  Colonial  Records 
do  not  have,  though  it  is  a  satisfaction  to  read  the  man's  exact 
language.  Connected  with  it,  however,  are  several  documents  of  very 
great  importance.  The  first  of  these  is  the  report  Graffenried  sent 
to  the  company  in  Bern.  Then  follow  in  order  the  contract  with 
the  Georg  Ritter  Company,  a  Memorial  or  account,  apparently  written 
at  the  time  of  the  report,  describing  the  conditions  in  America,  and 
a  number  of  letters  written  by  Swiss  settlers  to  their  friends  and 
relatives  in  the  home  land. 

This  report  and  these  letters  do  more  to  clear  Graffenried's  charac- 
ter than  anything  else  which  has  come  down  to  us  from  him  or  others. 
Taking  up  the  report  first;  it  was  written  May  6,  1711,  just  a  short 
time  after  Cary  had  seized  his  brigantine,  but  before  he  had  made 
the  attack  on  the  governor.  At  this  time  the  prospects  of  making 
the  colony  succeed  were  bright,  if  only  help  could  be  secured;  and 
as  soon  as  Cary  could  be  reduced  to  obedience  he  might  hope  for  help 
from  the  province.  The  town  had  been  nicely  laid  out  by  this  time, 
the  people  supplied  as  well  as  possible  with  stock,  and  Graffenried 
was  beginning  to  think  about  making  exploring  expeditions  to  find 
gold  and  silver.  As  yet  his  money  affairs  had  not  reached  a  serious 
condition;  he  had  laid  out  2228£  worth  of  supplies  of  cattle  and  grain, 
and  had  purchased  two  boats.  The  supplies  had  come  for  the  most 
part  from  one  man,  Thomas  Pollock.  He  with  the  rest  was  now 
becoming  suspicious,  and  refused  to  sell  more.  The  letters  from  the 
settlers  express  no  dissatisfaction,  but  nevertheless  it  existed,  for  the 
contract  with  the  commissioners  relating  to  supplies  for  the  people 
had  not  been  fully  kept,  and  there  was  talk  of  making  complaint  to 
them.  As  Graffenried  had  given  a  bond  for  500Q£,  such  a  complaint 
might  cause  him  great  inconvenience  and  loss.  He  and  Michel  had 
agreed  to  supply  each  family  with  two  cows,  two  calves,  five  sows 
with  their  young,  two  ewes  and  two  lambs,  with  a  male  of  each 
kind,  within  two  months  of  their  arrival. 1     Repayment  was  to  be 

iCol.  Rec,  vol.  I,  page  988. 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  jSTew  Bern       107 

made  by  the  colonists  after  seven  years,  at  which  time  the  same  num- 
ber of  animals  would  be  returned  with  one-half  the  stock  on  hand. 
The  first  comers  had  been  in  America  over  a  year,  and  the  confusions 
in  the  province  and  the  distance  from  other  colonists  had  made  it 
impossible  to  deliver  more  than  ten  cows,  30  swine,  four  horses,  and 
eight  sheep.  The  financial  difficulties  were  not  yet  at  a  crisis,  however, 
and  the  timeby  arrival  of  money  from  Switzerland  would  have  allayed 
all  fears  and  have  enabled  the  work  of  colonization  to  go  on  unhin- 
dered. What  he  wrote  then,  while  he  was  in  the  midst  of  his  work, 
knowing  the  bearer  of  the  letter,  Mr.  Botschi,  would  be  present  to 
confirm  or  deny  the  statements  contained  in  it,  make  it  more  than 
likely  that  the  information  given  is  reliable.  The  accounts  written 
several  years  after  some  of  the  events  occurred,  at  a  time  when  he 
was  smarting  under  the  criticism  of  his  acquaintances,  when  his  plans 
and  hopes  had  all  been  shattered  and  when  the  occurrences  had  be- 
come somewhat  confused  in  his  memory,  are,  of  course,  more  open 
to  question  as  to  their  accuracy.  The  criticism  he  makes  of  his 
colonists,  in  which  he  accuses  them  of  all  kinds  of  wickedness  and 
makes  almost  no  exception,  was  certainly  inspired  more  by  the  dis- 
appointment he  had  suffered  than  the  actual  character  of  the  settlers, 
who,  to  judge  from  their  letters,  were  pious  and  well  meaning  people. 
Moreover,  at  the  time  the  report  was  written  he  seems  to  have  been 
perfectly  satisfied  with  them. 

The  contract  between  Graff enried  and  Michel  on  the  one  hand, 
and  other  members  on  the  other,  by  which  they  became  associates 
in  the  Georg  Ritter  Company  shows  that,  as  far  as  Graffenried  and 
Michel  were  concerned,  the  mines  were  what  they  and  Ritter  were 
basing  their  hopes  for  returns  upon,  and  that  the  17,500  acres  were 
merely  a  foundation  to  the  greater  enterprise  of  mining. 

The  "Memorial"  which  follows  was  written  while  Graffenried  was 
still  in  an  optimistic  mood,  and  appears  to  have  been  taken,  in  part, 
from  some  English  author.  He  says  it  was  translated  from  the  English. 
This  is  not  entirely  exact,  for  a  portion  of  it  which  deals  with  the  pur- 
chase of  a  ship  to  be  used  to  transport  colonists  from  Holland  to 
America,  certainly  was  not  translated  from  anything.  A  description 
of  the  care  of  swine  and  the  manner  of  calling  them  to  the  house  at 
feeding  time  occurs  in  Kocherthal  in  almost  the  same  words.  In 
general,  though,  the  Memorial  is  filled  up  with  the  results  of  his  own 
observations,  arranged  under  heads,  as  the  writers  of  such  accounts 
were  fond  of  doing,  and  some  of  the  details  were  perhaps  taken  from 
similar  books  in  English. 

The  letters  which  close  the  accounts  prove  conclusively  that  as 
late  as  April  and  May  there  was  no  serious  discontent  among  the 


108  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

colonists  with  the  treatment  they  had  received.  Not  a  word  is  said 
about  the  scarcity  of  cattle,  and  Graffenried  is  always  mentioned 
with  respect.  A  hopeful  tone  pervades  all  of  the  letters.  The  com- 
plaint which  occurs  oftenest  is  over  the  lack  of  German  women  folks, 
for  all  who  wished  home  comfort,  washing,  and  mending,  could  not 
find  wives.  They  wished  their  beer  also,  and  one  of  the  men  whose 
wife  understood  brewing,  was  planning  to  supply  the  deficiency  by 
ordering  the  necessary  utensils  from  home.  The  lack,  too,  of  a 
regular  minister  was  severely  felt,  and  caused  some  anxiety  lest  the 
religious  fervor  should  die  out  for  want  of  pastoral  ministrations  in 
addition  to  the  Sunday  reading  of  prayers.  But  nowhere  is  there 
any  reflection  on  Graffenried's  character  or  conduct. 


CHAPTER  III 
Criticism  of  Graffenried  Mortgaging  the  Settlers'  Lands 

The  most  severe  criticism  has  been  made  on  Graffenried  for  mortgaging 
the  settlers'  land  to  Pollock,  and  then  when  the  colony  was  broken 
up,  leaving  them  in  their  distress  and  going  to  Europe.  Any  one 
reading  these  contemporary  documents  with  the  other  accounts  will 
certainly  be  compelled  to  take  a  more  charitable  view.  He  will  see 
that  what  Graffenried  did  was  not  only  done  in  good  faith,  but  was 
really  a  good  business  move  under  the  circumstances,  and  that  the 
fault  lay  with  the  Company  in  Bern. 

Referring  back  to  Part  II,  Chapter  V,  it  will  be  seen  that  Georg 
Ritter  and  Company  proposed  to  buy  10,000  acres  of  land  before  the 
Palatines  had  come  to  Germany,  while  they  had  in  prospect  only 
their  own  156  voluntary  emigrants  and  exiles.  Then  Graffenried 
and  Michel  added  their  small  number  to  that  on  the  condition  that 
these  miners  with  their  families,  numbering  about  40  persons,  should 
come  later  if  they  were  sent  for.  After  Graffenried  became  connected 
with  the  company,  while  the  proprietors  were  making  propositions 
to  the  committee,  but  before  anything  had  been  done  to  give  them 
any  reason  for  believing  that  these  Germans  would  be  sent  to  their 
colony,  the  Company  actually  purchased  10,000  acres.  Graffenried 
contributed  5,000  which  belonged  to  him  personally,  and  Michel 
added  2,500  acres,  making  17,500  acres,  to  which  the  Company  had 
claims  before  they  were  sure  of  more  than  156  persons.  A  month 
and  more  after  these  negotiations  were  completed  the  committee 
acted  favorably  on  the  Proprietors'  propositions  to  this  extent,  that 
650  persons  were  at  length  allowed  to  them.  These  last  came  at  no 
expense  to  the  Georg  Ritter  Company,  and  yet  the  Company  was 
to  get  the  benefit  of  their  quit-rents  and  the  increased  value  of  land 
in  the  colony  which  would  result  from  the  larger  number  of  settlers. 

When  sickness  and  death  reduced  the  650  to  about  300,  there  were 
still  more  than  enough  left  to  take  the  place  of  the  56  prisoners  whom 
they  were  unable  to  bring,  and  the  nine  Swiss  who  died  on  the 
journey  and  after  landing  in  Virginia. 1  Even  the  massacre  of  Sep- 
tember, 1711,  in  which  70  or  80  fell,  left  more  than  the  Company 
had  originally  planned  to  send  and  had  actually  purchased  land  for; 
and  besides  there  were  still  about  40  persons,  the  miners,  anxious 
to  come  over.  Having  had  all  the  summer  of  1709  with  its  delays 
and  uncertainties,  in  which  to  think  over  their  plans,  and  plenty  of 

1German  Version,  Letters. 


110  jSTorth  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

opportunity  to  change  their  minds,  their  action  after  the  colony  was 
settled  is  most  contemptible.  They  never  sent  Graffenried  anything 
more  than  advice  to  go  ahead  on  credit.  The  loss  of  part  of  the 
Palatines  was  no  excuse,  for  as  we  have  seen,  they  had  not  reasonably 
counted  on  them  in  the  first  place,  and  whatever  number  of  them 
should  succeed  in  settling  was  so  much  gain.  Having  made  the  start, 
then,  they  should  have  supported  their  enterprise  until  they  had 
better  evidence  than  their  own  fears  that  nothing  would  come  of  it. 
Even  after  the  massacre,  it  is  reasonably  certain  that  with  the  money 
due  him,  Graffenried  could  have  held  his  colony  together,  and  either 
rebuilt  at  New  Bern,  or  have  gone  to  Virginia  and  engaged  in  agri- 
culture and  mining  there.  Silver,  to  be  sure,  would  never  have  made 
them  rich,  but  iron  was  there  in  abundance,  and  Spotswood  only  a 
short  time  after,  as  has  been  shown  (Part  I,  Chapter  III),  engaged 
Graffenried's  miners  in  a  profitable  enterprise,  the  beginning  of  the 
iron  blast  furnace  industry  in  America.  The  profits  of  this  might 
just  as  well  have  gone,  in  part  at  least,  to  the  Georg  Bitter  Company, 
and  the  investment  would  have  paid  them. 2  As  it  was,  since  Graffen- 
ried had  no  idea  they  were  actually  abandoning  him,  to  tide  his 
people  over  the  critical  periods  of  the  first  year  and  keep  the  colony 
intact  for  the  Company,  he  had  mortgaged  the  land  beyond  all  hope 
of  redeeming  it  by  his  own  efforts.  In  criticising  this  action  one 
must  remember  that  the  people  did  not  own  their  lands  outright 
as  other  settlers.  They  were  tenants  of  the  Company  which  was  sup- 
posed to  support  them.  Graffenried,  therefore,  did  not  sign  away 
land  belonging  to  other  people;  besides,  by  the  strict  system  of 
recording  real  estate  transactions  in  use  in  Carolina  this  would  have 
been  impossible.  Rather,  he  signed  away  a  tract  for  which  he  was 
agent,  which  was  made  out  to  him,  and  of  which  he  was  the  owner 
in  the  eyes  of  the  law.  His  position  was  not  an  enviable  one,  for  on 
the  one  hand  he  was  responsible  to  the  company  which  expected  him 
to  make  the  investment  profitable,  a  task  that  could  only  be  accom- 
plished by  keeping  the  people  together  and  supplied  with  necessaries; 
on  the  other  hand  the  people  who  looked  to  him  for  support,  advice, 
and  protection,  were  in  danger  of  losing  their  lands  if  the  Company 
failed  to  send  help.  The  latter  possibility  was  the  more  remote. 
Hunger  was  at  their  doors,  and  he  chose  to  mortgage  their  lands  and 
wait  for  help  from  Bern.  Could  he  reasonably  be  expected  to  have 
done  differently?     The   answer  is   to   be  found  in  his  report.     For 

2Byrd,  page  333ff.  A  Progress  of  the  Mines  in  the  Year  1732.  This  gives  a  detailed  description  of 
the  mines  which  Graffenreid's  workmen  were  operating.  Spotswood  was  one  of  the  several  who  made 
up  the  Company;  the  enterprise  was  self-supporting,  in  that  a  part  of  the  operatives  tended  the  farms 
to  supply  food  for  the  laborers  and  the  oxen  and  horses  employed.  The  lack  of  farm  laborers  was  a 
hindrance,  and  the  furnaces  could  not  run  full  time  in  consequence.  The  arrangement  actually  made 
was  just  such  as  Graffenreid  would  have  made  with  his  settlers  if  he  had  been  assisted  by  his  Company. 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      111 

this  report  which  was  written  at  a  time  when  he  foresaw  the  impend- 
ing disaster  unless  help  should  be  sent,  which  begs  with  the  eloquence 
of  despair  for  the  assistance  that  belonged  to  him,  and  on  which  the 
welfare  of  several  hundred  colonists  depended,  speaks  more  con- 
vincingly for  the  integrity  of  his  motives  than  any  justification  he 
could  write  afterwards. 

The  little  settlement  did  not,  however,  entirely  die  out  with  the 
departure  of  the  leader  and  the  partial  disbanding  of  the  inhabitants. 
For  many  of  them  continued  to  live  in  the  neighborhood  and  other 
settlers  were  attracted  by  the  location,  until  in  time  another  nourishing 
town  arose  from  the  ruins  of  the  first. 

It  is,  too,  one  of  the  ironies  of  fate  that  one  of  Graffenried's  darling 
ambitions  for  his  town  was  realized  only  after  his  death.  He  had 
hoped  to  make  New  Bern  the  chief  city  in  the  province  and  to  move 
the  seat  of  government  thither,  but  the  disaster  which  attended  his 
first  efforts  and  forced  him  to  abandon  his  first  colony,  destroyed 
this  hope  also.  Nevertheless,  although  he  lived  to  see  a  few  sessions 
of  the  assembly  held  in  his  town,  it  was  not  till  1765,  over  20  years 
after  his  death,  that  New  Bern  was  officially  made  the  capital  of  North 
Carolina,  a  distinction  which  it  held  for  over  twenty-five  years.  Since 
then,  although  it  has  experienced  the  vicissitudes  of  the  Civil  War 
and  the  Reconstruction,  it  is  today  one  of  the  most  prosperous  towns 
in  North  Carolina,  and  an  honor  to  its  German  founders  who  builded 
better  than  they  knew. 

Two  full  centuries  have  now  passed  since  the  little  colony  of  Ger- 
mans established  their  settlement  at  New  Bern  and  contributed  their 
share  towards  the  religious  and  political  liberty  we  now  enjoy. 
Graffenried's  failure,  for  such  he  reckoned  it,  is  not  all  a  failure  if  we 
may  in  any  way  learn  to  appreciate  better  the  blessings  we  now 
enjoy  by  considering  the  cost  at  which  they  have  been  purchased  for 
us.  Certainly  coming  years,  with  their  greater  fullness  of  knowl- 
edge, will  deal  more  fairly  with  Baron  von  Graffenried  than  the  past 
has  done,  and  the  justification  he  so  much  desired,  though  late,  will 
be  fully  rendered. 


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The  Official  Letters  of  Alexander  Spotswood,  Lieutenant-Governor  of 
the  Colony  of  Virginia,  1710-1722. 
Published  by  the  Virginia  Historical  Society,  Richmond,  Va.,  1882. 
The  Pennsylvania-German  Society  Proceedings  and  Addresses,  Vol. 
VII,  1896,  Vol.  VIII,  1897. 
Published  by  the  Society. 
Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  Vol.  XVI. 

Boston,  1878. 
Virginia  Magazine  of  History  and  Biography,  Vol.  XIII. 
Published  by  the  Virginia  Historical  Society. 
House  of  the  Society,  Richmond,  Va.,  1905-6. 


114  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

The  Writings  of  Colonel  William  Byrd  of  Westover  in  Virginia,  Esqr. 
Edited  by  John  Spencer  Bassett. 

Doubleday,  Page  &  Co.,  New  York,  1901. 
The  following  works  among  others,  have  also  been  consulted : 
Adams,  Sir  Francis  Ottiwell  and  Cunningham,  C.  D. 
Switzerland — Constitution  and  Government. 
Macmillan  &  Co.,  London  and  New  York,  1894. 
Bancroft,  George. 

History  of  the  United  States  of  America,  from  the  Discovery  of 
the  Continent. 
D.  Appleton  &  Co.,  New  York. 
Bernheim,  Gotthardt  Dellman. 

German  Settlements  and  the  Lutheran  Church  in  the  Carolinas, 
from  the  earliest  period  of  the  colonization  of  Dutch,  German 
and  Swiss  settlers  to  the  close  of  the  first  half  of  the  present 
Century  .  .  . 
The  Lutheran  Book  Store,  Philadelphia,  1872. 
Blome,  Richard. 
The  present  state  of  His  Majesties  isles  and  territories  in  America, 
viz.   Jamaica,   Barbados,   S.   Christophers,   Mevis,   Antego,   S. 
Vincent,  Dominica,  New  Jersey,  Pennsilvania,  Monserat,  An- 
guilla,   Bermudas,   Carolina,   Virginia,   New-England,   Tobago, 
Newfoundland,  Maryland,  New- York,  etc.  .  .  .  from  the  year 
1686  to  1700. 
D.  Newman,  London,  1687. 
Carrol,  B.  R. 

Historical  Collections  of  South  Carolina,  Vols.  I,  II. 
Harper  &  Bros.,  New  York,  1836. 
The  American  Nation,  a  History. 
Edited  by  A.  B.  Hart. 

Harper  &  Bros.  Co.,  New  York  and  London. 
Raper,  Charles  Lee,  Ph.D. 

North  Carolina,  a  study  in  English  Colonial  Government. 
The  Macmillan  Co.,  New  York,  1904. 
Rivers,  William  James. 

A  sketch  of  the  history  of  South  Carolina  to  the  close  of  the  pro- 
prietary government  by  the  revolution  of  1719. 
McCarter  &  Co.,  Charleston,  1856. 
Williamson,  Hugh. 

The  history  of  North  Carolina. 
T.  Dobson,  Philadelphia,  1812. 


GERMAN  VERSION 


VORBERICHT 

Diese  relation  ist  in  Eyl  geschrieben  worden,  ohne  viel  Nachsinnes 
nur  bei  mir  meinem  schwachen  Gedachtniss  nach,  die  Sachen  einge- 
fallen,  so  dass  hier  kein  sonderbahrer  Stilus  zu  observieren,  und  ist 
eygentlich  eingerichtet  in  12.  Capl:  Traverses  meiner  Societet  und 
anderen  die  etwan  widrige  Gedanken  gehabt,  meiner  Conduitte  halben 
durch  mein  amerikanisches  Unterfangen  so  ich  liecht  daher  und  un- 
versichtig  vorgenommen,  und  meine  Zeit  in  Carolina  in  Pracht  und 
Wohlleben  zugebracht,  Also  hatte  ich  das  Contra  gezeigt,  Der  Ein- 
gang  ist  auch  dahin  gerichtet  zu  zeigen,  dass  nicht  nur  Liederlichkeit 
mich  zu  dieser  Noth  getrieben,  sondern  auch  bedenkliche  Wider- 
wertigkeit,  und  ungltickhaftige  Zufahl.  So  ich  bey  mussiger  Zeit, 
diese  relation  refidiren  werde,  soil  ein  und  anders  besser  gestelt  und 
eingerichtet  sein. 

Note: — The  references  throughout  are  to  the  Frenoh  Version  and  show  wherein  that  version  varies 
from  the  German. 


GERMAN  VERSION 

RELATION 

Meines  amerikanischen  Unterfangens  aufgesetzt  aus  Anlass  etlicher 
Klagten,  als  hatte  unversichtiger  Wys,  solches  Colloney  Wesen  fiir- 
gnommen,  zum  Nachteil  und  untergang  vieler  Leuthen,  welches  aber 
liecht  zu  justificieren. — 

Nachdeme  hievor  in  meinen  Reisen  mich  in  Engelland  bey  2  Jahren 
aufgehalten,  an  selbigem  Ohrt  unter  Carolo  dem  II.  solche  vortheil- 
haftige  und  ansehenliche  Bekanntschaft  gemacht,  dass  so  ich  da  selb- 
sten  verblieben,  ich  eine  ziemliche  fortun  zuwegen  gebracht:  Da  theils 
aus  Muntlichen  als  schriftlichen  relationen  mich  der  americanischen 
Landen  erkundigen,  ohnlangst  aber  nach  genauweren  Bericht  und 
inbesonders  von  einem  Burger  hiesiger  Stadt  vernahmen,  welcher  in 
America  5  oder  6  Jahr  sich  aufgehalten,  was  herlichen  Landes,  wie 
wohlfeil,  was  freyheit,  was  grossen  aufnehmens,  gute  Handlung,  fiir 
riche  Bergwerk,  und  andere  gute  Sachen  mehr,  insbesonders  aber  vor- 
geben,  was  schonen  reichen  Silber  Mines  er  entdeckt  und  erfunden,  in 
betrachtung  dass  ich  mit  zimlichen  Schulden  behaftet,  welche  noch 
vor  mein  Reisen  hab,  theils  einer  Handlung  so  mir  und  etlichen  an- 
dern  H.  libel  ausgeschlagen,  von  Biirgschaften,  grossen  Ausgaben  in 
meinen  pretensionen,  wohlfeillen  Zeiten  auf  dem  ambt,  denne  die  armen 
Bauren  nicht  Schindten  mogen,  wegen  der  Neuwgemachten  reforma- 
tion, darzu  noch  die  Neunburgischen  Troubles  geschlagen,  hiemit  da 
wenig  prosperiert,  zu  einem  bessern  Ambt  der  weg  abgeschnitten, 
und  auch  eine  gar  lange  Zeit  wegen  der  neugemachten  reformation  zu 
einem  geringen  Ambtli  kein  Hofnung,  indessen  mit  grosser  und 
starker  familien  bescheert. — 

So  haben  meine  Gedanken  gewaltet,  was  furzunehmen,  die  Credit- 
oren  zu  bestellen,  und  auch  meiner  Familien  fortzuhelfen,  da  nun  in 
dem  Vaterland  wenig  Hofnung,  einer  solchen  grossen  Noth  zu  steuren: 
gaben  mir  die  schonen  propositionen  obgemelten  Burgers,  welchen  zu 
verschonen  hier  keinen  Nahmen  gebe,  vast  in  die  Augen,  mich  auf 
meine  alte  und  neuwe  friind,  in  Engelland  so  von  hohem  ansehen, 
trostend  und  verlassen,  habe  entlichen  eine  stife  resolution  gefasset, 
mein  Vaterland  zu  verlassen,  und  in  Engelland  zu  sehen,  ob  die  fortun 
da  mir  gunstiger  seyn  wolte.  Hab  aber  theils  von  den  Creditoren, 
theils  von  denn  meinigen  nicht  aufgehalten  zu  werden,  ganz  in  ge- 
heim  meine  Reys  vorgenommen,  meinem  H.  Vatter,  der  da  ver- 
moglichst  gnug,  die  Sorgen  meiner  Schulden  und  geschaften  uber- 
lassend. ' — 


120  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Da  ich  in  Holland  angelangt,  hatten  mich  gewisse  Persohnen  schier 
von  meinem  Vorhaben  abwendig  gemacht,  und  wahren  mir  andre 
Vorschlage  gethan,  worbey  zwar  meiner  Unterhaltung,  und  noch  etwas 
zu  prosperieren  hatte,  allein  funde  nicht  dass  bey  diesem  gnug  meine 
Sach  zu  retressieren,  setzte  hiemit  meine  Reys  fort  nach  Engelland: 
allwo  ich  alsobald  meine  Leuth  erfahren,  und  mir  von  hohen  und 
andren  persohnen,  solcher  Lust  gemacht  worden,  ihn  meinem  unter- 
fangen  fortzufahren,  neben  Versprechung  allerly  Assistenz,  so  dass  ich 
mich  in  Tractaten  eingelassen  laut  welchen  mir  sehr  vortheilhafftige 
propositionen,  Conditionen  und  Privilegien  von  den  proprietaris 
absol:  Carolina  gethan  und  gegeben  worden  welches  auch  zu  einem 
Schluss  gekommen. — 

Grad  zur  selbigen  Zeit  kammen  liber  10000  Seelen  aus  Teusch- 
land  in  Engelland  an,  alle  unter  dem  Nahmen  Pfeltzer,  darunter  aber 
viel  Schweitzer  und  aus  anderen  Provinzen  Teuschlands  zusammen  ge- 
zogenes  Volk,  dieses  verursachet  den  Koniglichen  Hof,  sowohl  als  den 
Particulatoren  viel  bedenckens  ja  auch  unsagliche  Kosten,  so  dass  man 
dieser  Leuthen  halben  embarassiert,  desswegen  bald  eine  Edict  heraus- 
gieng,  womit  manniglichem  erlaubt,  von  diesen  Leuthen  zu  nehmen 
und  sie  zu  versorgen,  und  hatte  man  einen  guten  Theil  in  alle  drey 
Konigreich  versendt,  welche  aber  theils  wegen  ihrer  tragheit,  theils 
wegen  Jalousie  der  armen  Unterthanen  dess  Landes,  aber  nicht  so 
wohl  ankommen  wie  vermeint,  so  hat  man  angefangen  in  America 
dieser  Leuthen  ein  namhafte  Zahl  zu  senden,  und  hat  die  Konigin 
darzu  grosse  Summen  ertheilen  lassen. — 

Bei  solcher  Conjunctur  unterschiedliche  persohnen,  von  hochem 
und  mittelmassigen  Standes,  wurde  denen  mein  Unterfangen  bekannt, 
mir  eingerathen  ob  solte  ich  so  eine  giinstige  Gelegenheit  nicht  per- 
fallieren,  mir  hierbey  gute  Hofnung  machten,  dass,  so  ich  eine  zimliche 
Quantitet  dieser  Leuthen  nemen  wolte,  die  Konigin  mir  nicht  nur  den 
Transport,  sondern  noch  ein  Considerable  Steur  fur  diese  Leuth  grati- 
ficieren  wurde,  welches  auch  geschachen,  und  ist  die  Summa  bey- 
nachen  auf  4000£.  Sterlin  kommen,  Neben  dem  hatte  die  Konigin  der 
Koniglichen  Raht  noch  Land  auf  der  Coutomat 2  rivier  vergtinstiget,  so 
viel  als  wir  gleichsam  nur  begehrten,  neben  starcken  Recommanda- 
tionen  an  H.  Gobry  ^on  Virginien,  dieses  alles  und  der  H:  Proprie- 
tarys  von  Carolina  vortheilhaftigen  Versprachung,  haben  diesem 
Unterfangen  ein  schones  absehen  geben,  und  wahre  nicht  minder 
Hofnung  zu  einem  so  glucklichen  Ausgang  als  der  Anfang  gut  und 
vortheilhaftig  schine. — Diese  Colloney  nun  zu  versorgen  und  zu  ver- 
senden,  habe  eine  unbeschreibliche  Muhe  genommen,  1.  habe  ge- 
trachet  zu  solchem  Vorhaben,  gesunde  arbeitsame  Leuth  auszulesen, 
darunter  von  allerley  Nothwenigen  Handwerksleuthen.    2  Provision  von 


Geaffeneied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been       121 

allerley  Nothwendigen  Werkzeug  und  sachen.  3.  Wie  auch  gnug- 
samme  und  gute  Naming.  4.  Gute  Schifen  mid  Matrosen,  auch 
iiber  diss  Volck  gewiisse  Ober  und  Unter-Directoren,  alles  in  guter 
Ordnung  zu  halten.  5.  Damit  mir  nicht  einige  Negligent  oder 
unwtissenheit  attribuirt,  habe  nichts  vorgenommen,  ohne  Wiissen 
Raht  und  Instruction  der  Koniglichen  Comite.  6.  Die  Ober  Direc- 
toren  so  wohl  auf  den  Schifen  als  hernacher  zu  Land,  wahren  3  per- 
sohnen  von  den  Vornemsten  aus  Carolina  selbst,  so  schon  viel  Jahr 
dorten  sich  aufgehalten,  und  denen  alles  bekannt  der  Enden,  als  da 
wurd  der  oberste  Richter,  Justice  of  beace.  Der  Oberste  oder  Gen- 
eralfeltmesser  Surveyor  general  und  der  oberst  Einzieher  Receyvers  gen- 
eral welche  grad  zur  selbigen  Zeit,  wegen  ihren  Geschaften  zu  Londen 
sich  befunden,  und  von  dem  Koniglichen  Comite  so  wohl  als  von  den 
Lords  propr.  Carolina  ordiniert,  ein  exactes  getreuwes  und  gutes  auf- 
sehen  bey  diesen  Leuthen  zu  halten.  Die  Unteraufseher  wahren 
iiber  12.  von  den  ordentlichsten  und  ehrbahrsten  Mannern  dess  Volckes, 
dem  Schein  nach. 4 — 

Nachdem  nun  von  den  Koniglichen  so  wohl  den  Lord  proprietarys, 
mir  und  dem  Volck  alles  ordentlich  verglichen,  geschlossen  und  rati- 
ficiert  so  hatte  noch  vor  der  Abreiss,  die  Konigliche  Comite  ersucht, 
dass  sie  etliche  ihrer  Glider  zu  den  Schifen  senden  wolten,  als  in  der 
Schiffart  Erfahrene  'die  Examinierten,  ob  alles  nach  Nohtdurft  wohl 
eingerichtet,  wie  dann  auch  dem  Schifcapitain  zuzusprechen,  welches 
auch  geschachen,  und  die  relation  in  der  Comite  erstattet  worden. 
Den  Tag  vor  der  Abfart,  gieng  ich  mit  denen  zu  Londen  bliebten 
Pf arher 5  nacher  Gravesend  allwo/ :  weilen  die  bernische  nachkommende 
kleine  Colloney  neben  etlichen  H.  Associerten  erwartete:/  dess  wegen 
nicht  mitfahren  konnte:/  meinen  Abschied  genommen,  mit  der  noht- 
wendigen  Vermahnung,  da  denn  der  teutsche  Prediger  H.  Cesaar  eine 
schone  Predig  dem  Volk  gethan,  sie  hiemit  alle  dem  Schutz  des  Aller- 
hochsten  anbefahlend,  habe  sie  lassen  absaglen,  dennoch  nicht  ohne 
precation  wegen  den  gefahrlichen  Kriegs  Zeiten,  wie  dann  von  den 
Kronadmiral  dem  Grafen  von  Pembroke  die  Gunst  erhalten,  dass  er 
dem  Chef  Noris  vice  Admiral  befohlen,  unsre  Leuth  oder  Schif  in  das 
weite  Meer  oder  gegen  Portugal,  mit  seiner  Escadre  zu  begleiten,  diss 
geschach  in  dem  Winter  Im  Januario  da  wegen  den  rauhen  Winden  und 
Sturmen  diese  Schif  so  getrieben  worden,  dass  Sie  erst  nach  13.  Wochen 
in  Virginia  angelanget,  welches  Sambt  den  gesaltznen  Speissen,  deren 
dise  Leuth  nicht  gewohnt,  und  dass  sie  so  eng  eingethan,  viel  con- 
tribuieret  dass  viel  krank  worden,  und  auf  dem  Meer  gestorben,  andere 
da  sie  ans  Land  kommen,  da  sie  ihr  Glust  nicht  enthalten  konnten, 
zu  viel  siissen  Wassers  getrunken  und  sich  mit  rauwen  fruchten  iiber- 
lastet,  dass  Sie  an  dem  Fieber  gestorben,  so  dass  diese  Colloney  ehe 


122  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

sie  sich  recht  gesetzt  halb  ausgestorben. 6  NB :  Das  Einte  Schif  so 
mit  den  besten  Giitren  angefullt,  und  wo  die  vermoglichsten  Leuth 
hatte  das  ungliick  in  der  Embousse  des  James  Rivier  im  gesicht  eines 
anglischen  Kriegschifes  so  aber  am  Ancker, 7  von  einem  frechen 
frantzosichen  Caper  attaquiert  und  gepliinderet  zu  werden.  Hier  ist 
das  erste  Ungliick.  da  die  iibergebliebene  Colloney  sich  in  Virginien, 
wo  sie  sehr  friindlich  empfangen,  erholt,  haben  sie  sich  ...  bey  20. 
englischen  Mill,  nacher  Carolinam  verfugt,  welches  alles  sambt  den 
Giitern  viel  gekostet. 8  Da  sie  nun  in  der  Grafschaft  Albermarle  auf 
einer  Rivieren  Chouan  genannt  bey  einem  Obristen  N.  Pollock  ge- 
nannt  dess  Rahts  und  der  vermoglichsten  in  Nord  Carolina,  so  hat  er 
diese  Leuth  aber  pro  pecunia  oder  dess  Werts  versorget,  mit  Schifen 
dass  sie  durch  den  Sund  in  die  Grafschaft  Bath  auf  die  rivir  Neuss 
sind — gefiihret  worden,  mit  etwas  Lebens  Mittlen  nur  zur  eussersten 
Noth,  und  hat  sie  der  generalfeldmesser  da  auf  einen  Spitz  Landes, 
zwischen  der  Neuss  und  Trent  Rivier  gesetzt.  Das  orth  gennant 
Chatouca  woher  nacher  das  stattliche  Neuw  Bern  angefangen  worden. 
Hier  fangt  an  die  andere  fatalite  oder  traversen.  dieser  Generalfeld- 
messer mit  Nahmen  L  .  _  _  der  dann  alsobald  diese  Leuth  hatte 
auf  ihr  bestimmtes  Land  und  ausgetheilte  plantationen  setzen  sollen,  um 
Zeit  zu  gewinnen  und  ihr  Land  alsobald  auszureuten  zu  kommen:  hat 
sie  auf  der  Mittag  Seiten  dieser  Spitzen  Landes  an  der  Trent  Rivier 
gesetzt,  grad  am  heissesten  und  ungesundesten  ohrt  anstatt  dass 
gegen  Nord  auf  der  Neuss  Rivier  besser  und  gesunder  gesassen 
ware:  Allein  das  that  er  um  seines  eigenen  Nutzens  willen,  weilen  diss 
sein  Land  wahre,  damit  es  ihm  zu  Nutzen  von  diesen  Leuthen  aus- 
gereutet  wiirde:  Da  doch  er  eben  das  Land9  sambt  unsern  und 
thiir  genug  verkauft,  ja  ohne  recht,  dan  darzu  keinen  Theil  hatte, 
zudeme  es  noch  mit  Indianern  besetz  wahre,  da  er  doch  solches  uns 
fur  frey  verkauft,  da  haben  die  armen  Leuth  in  grosser  Noth  sich 
aufhalten  miissen,  bis  in  Herbst,  da  ich  ankommen,  und  hatten  aus 
Mangel  an  gnugsamer  provision  bald  ihre  Kleider  und  was  sie  hatten 
fur  Nahrung  den  benachtbarten  Einwohnern  geben  miissen;10  Der 
Jammer  und  Elend  ward  schier  mit  zu  beschreiben,  dan  ich  da  bey 
meiner  ankunft  sahe,  meistends  alle  krank,  ja  in  Extrimitet,  und  die 
gesunde  gantz  Deforciert;  in  was  labirinth  und  gefahr,  mich  dazumahl 
befunden,  ja  meines  Lebens  nicht  sicher  weiss  der  liebe  Gott. — 

Lass  jemand  gedanken  wie  meine  Bernerleuth,  die  sonsten  mit  mir 
eine  gliickliche  Ueberfahrt  gehabt,  die  Platz  genug,  wohl  versehen,  bey 
lustiger  und  guter  Zeit,  auch  kein  Einiche  krank  worden  unterwex,  in 
diss  traurige  Spihl  gesehen,  wo  Krankheit,  Desperation,  und  der 
Mangel  am  Eussersten,  was  aber  dieses  verursachet  war  theils  die 
schlimme  Conduite  der   ober-und   unter-aufseher   und   ihre  Untreuw, 


Geaffenbied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been       123 

die  vornembste  Ursach  aber  dess  gantzen  Ohnheils,  daraus  meistens 
alle  andern  entstanden,  und  meiner  und  der  Coloney  Ruin,  war  die 
Vermessenheit  grosse  Untreuw  und  Lieblosigkeit  dess  Obristen  Carys; 
welcher  dazumahl  auf  Absterben  dess  alten  Goub:  Sich  wider  Recht 
und  Billichkeit  und  der  Lord  Proprietarys  in  der  Regierung  eintringen 
wolte,  ja  wie  vernommen  gar  sein  Seckel  machen,  und  mit  H.  Cary 
bezogenen  Einkunfte  sich  darvon  machen,  und  nach  Madagascar  be- 
geben  wollen,  ein  Ohrt  da  allerley  Seerauber  sich  aufhalten, — Dieser 
Colonel  Cary  da  der  neuwerwahlte  Goub.  Hide  obwohl  der  Konigin 
Verwalter,  ich  und  die  obermelte  3  Directores  sich  anmelden  wollen, 
und  unsre  Patent  und  gewahrsame  vor  dem  Rath  procedieren  wollen, 
hat  uns  alle  mit  Hindansetzung  der  H.  Proprietarys  Befelchen  frech 
abgewiesen. — So  der  Lord  Prop,  mir  gethaner  Versprechung,  auf 
welche  mich  sondrest,  und  mein  gantzes  Unterfangen,  beruht,  in 
Nichts  worden:  Hiemit  ich  mit  sambt  der  gantzen  Coloney  auf  eine 
unversprechliche  Manier  dargesetzt;  welches  dann  auf  alles  was  wider- 
wartiges  bis  auf  diese  Stund  widerfahren.  So  ist  diser  Cary  entlich 
gar  zum  Rebell  worden,  und  sich  mit  spendieren  einen  Anhang  ge- 
macht,  dass  H.  Goub.  Hide  Es  anfangs  nicht  wagen,  darflir  mit  ge- 
walt  sich  dess  Gouver.  Inpossess  zu  setzen:  Um  so  viel  desto  minder,:/ 
weilen  er  eigendlich  kein  Special — Patenten  in  Handen:/  weilen  der 
Goub:  von  Sud-Carolina  denn  Befelch  hatte  ihne  zu  Installieren, 
wahre  desshalben  schon  Zeit  gesetzt  und  an  Rath  um  Carolina  Nord 
geschrieben  worden.— Das  Ungluck  aber  hat  wollen,  dass  vermelte 
Goubernt:  von  Siid  Carolina  Obrist  Tynte  in  dieser  Zeit  gestorben, 
welches  diese  Verwirrung  verursachet,  in  diesem  Interregno  wurde  mir 
aber  nicht  geholfen,  und  wahre  in  solcher  grossen  und  dringender 
Noth,  da  wegen  der  entstandenen  Rebellion,  ein  jeder  fur  sich  auch 
sorgende,  und  das  seine  behielte  die  Question  ob  ich  mein  Leben 
risquieren  und  diese  gantze  Colloney  im  Stich,  ja  gar  sie  vor  Hunger 
verrecken  lassen  solte,  oder  ob  ich  mich  in  Schulden  stecken  solte, 
diese  arme  Leuth  in  solcher  Extremitet  zu  retten,  wie  einem  Christen :  1 
und  gut  Gemuth  war  da  nicht  zu  hesitiren,  weil  dazumahl  in  gantz 
America  meine  ankunft  erschallet,  und  ich  in  grossem  Credit  wahre, 
so  schickte  alsobald  in  Pensilvania  fur  mahl,  da  zu  allem  Gliick  schon 
hier  Anstalt  gethan  gegen  Virginien,  und  sonsten  hin  und  her  in  der 
Prozvintz  fur  die  nothwendigen  Lebensmittel :/  welches  entlich  mit  aus- 
ertheilten  Wexelbrief en :/  doch  langsam  genug  erfolget:  Indessen 
giengen  die  unsre  und  der  armen  Leuthen  Gutter  und  Wahren  auf, 
fur  das  Nothwendigste/ :  so  wir  theur  von  den  benachtbarten  Ein- 
wohnern  zuwegen  gebracht. — Indessen  liess  ich  das  Land  ausmessen, 
und  jeder  famillie  Ihren  bezirk  Landes  geben,  damit  sie  ausreuten, 
ihre  Hiitten  bauwen,  und  Ihr  Erdrich  zum  pflantzen  und  sayen  aus- 


124  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

riisten  konnten:  So  langte  auch  mit  grossen  Kosten  und  Miihj  pro- 
vision, an  Korn,  Saltz,  Schwein  Fett  anstatt  butter,  und  gesaltzen 
Fleisch,  Item,  Raum-und  andere  Erdgewachs  an.  Allein  mit  dem 
Vich  gieng  es  schwar  zu,  die  Leuth  wolten  es  nicht  holen,  wo  ich  es 
Ihnen  anzeigte,  und  konnte  ich  es  Ihnen  auch  nicht  grad  vor  die 
Thiire  stellen,  doch  accommodierte  man  sich  nach  und  nach,  dass 
diese  Leuth  innert  18  Monathen  so  wohl  gesetzt  und  ihre  Sach  so 
wohl  angestellt  dass  sie  in  dieser  kurtzen  Zeit  mehr  avanciert  als 
englische  Einwohner  in  4.  jahren,  nur  Eines,  als  zum  Exempel  da  in 
der  gantzen  provintz  nur  eine  schelchte  Wasser  Miihl,  die  da  bey 
Mittlen  haben  Hand  Miihlen,  die  armen  stossen  ihr  Korn  in  einem 
stuck  in  einer  holen  Eich;  und  sieben  das  Reinste  durch  ein  Korb- 
lein,  welches  viel  Zeit  wegnimbt,  hingegen  hatten  unsre  Leuth  bequeme 
Wasser  Bachlin  aufgesucht,  und  darbey  nach  gelegenheit  und  sterck 
dess  Wassers  Lauf,  ordentliche  Stampfe  gemacht,  worby  das  Korn  ge- 
mahlt,  und  der  gute  Hausvatter  Zeit  gewunnen  andere  Werk  zu  thun. 
Ich  aber  hatte  schon  eine  Miihli  und  Sagi  an  einem  sehr  bequemen 
Orth  zu  bauwen  angefangen,  aber  was  geschach,  da  wir  Alle  verhofen 
nacher  grosser  Miihi  und  Sorgen  die  Fruchte  unsrer  Arbeit  zu  genies- 
sen,  ohngeacht  aller  entstandener  Widerwertigkeit,  und  Schones  an- 
sehen  zu  einem  guten  Etablissement,  kame  der  bewerte  Sturm  des 
unglucks  durch  die  wilden  Indianer  von  etlichen  Jalousen  und  rach- 
gierigen  Rebellen  dess  Carys  anhang  geblasen,  welcher  alles  liber 
den  Haufen  geworfen,  die  Ergangenheit  dieser  Tragedie  ist  in  einer 
sonderbahren  Relation  hiermit  unnothig  hiervon  zu  melden,  weilen 
aber  aus  dess  Obrist  Carys  verwegner  unfriindlicher  und  widerspen- 
stigen  procedur  alles  Unheil  so  uber  die  provintz  mich  und  die  Col- 
loney  kommend,  entstanden,  so  wird  eben  nicht  aus  dem  weg  sein, 
etwas  mehreres  von  diesen  Verwirrungen  zu  melden  und  zu  continu- 
ieren,  was  weiters  nach  dess  Goubern:  Tynte  todlichen  Hinscheid  ver- 
gangen. — So  bald  an  die  Grentzen  * 2  Colloney  aus  Virginia  angelangt, 
und  mich  in  Erwartung  einer  bequemen  Ruhe,  fur  mich  und  meine  Leuth, 
im  ersten  Dorf  aufhaltend,  kame  eine  Truppen  der  Vornemsten  Qua- 
quers  daher,  wie  dan  deren  viel  der  Enden,  und  sie  auch  der  vermog- 
lichsten  persuasiven  griinden  vorgaben,  es  gebiihrte  mir  als  Landgrafen, 
als  der  allezeit  in  einem  Interregno,  und  auch  sonsten  in  absens 
dess  Goub:  presidiert:  und  nach  dem  Goub:  den  ersten  Rang  hat; 
Ich 1 3  aber  bedankte  mich  hof lich  der  Ehren,  respondieren  wir,  dass  H : 
Goub:  Hide  wtirklich  in  Virginien  und  ich  einer  der  Zeugen  seye,  der 
da  gesehen,  wie  dass  er  von  den  Lord  prop:  seye  zum  Goub:  erwehlt 
worden.  Ihm  auch  in  Ihrer  Rathstuben  zu  Londen  congratuliert,  zu 
dem  seye  er  der  Konigin  anverwanter,  und  auch  von  Ihr  Konigl.  Ma- 
jestet  approbiert  worden,14  und  obwohlen  ermelter  H.  keine  patenten 


Geaffenbied  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  Xew  Been       j25 

dermahlen  in  Handen,  wurde  alsbald  eine  erfolgen. —  Solte  also  die 
Provintz  kein  Bedenken  machen  Ihm  in  einen  weg  zu  Ihrem  Goubern. 
anzunehmen,  urn  so  viel  desto  eher  weil  doch  H.  Goub.  Tynte  dem 
Rath  von  Carolina  Solches  notificiert.  dieses  gefiel  Ilmen  aber  nicht15 
und  replicierte  mir,  auf  welches  aber  nicht  refutirt,  nachdeme  sie  mit 
mir  gethan,  nahmen  Sie  gantz  hoflich  von  mir  Abscheid  und  giengen. 
Bald  hernach  mit  meinen  Leuthen  weiter  in  die  Provintz  kam,  und 
langte  bey  Obrist  Pollock  in  Chouan  an,  bey  welchem  alsobald 
Rath  gehalten  worden,  von  denen  so  fur  den  Goub.  Hiden  geneigt,  und 
wurde  ich  vast  pressiert  selbigem  beyzuwohnen,  welches  eben  in  einer 
so  gefahrlichen  und  delicaten  sach  nicht  gangen  thate:  So  wurde  mir 
alsobald  ein  plan  oder  bericht  der  Situation  der  Sachen  gegeben,  und 
kann  ich  liecht  observieren,  dass  wegen  meines  Carracters  so  wohl  als 
der  Quantitet  Volcks,  sie  viel  auf  mich  sehen,  in  deme  die  gewicht 
geben  konnte,  welcher  partey  ich  zuviele,  gieng  also  meine  Meinung 
dahin,  dass  ich  ein  kraftig  Schreiben  wolte  an  Obrist  Cary  abgehen 
lassen,  ihme  eint  und  andres  wohl  representieren,  und  auch  entlich 
Ihme  dreuwen,  wo  er  sich  nicht  zur  gebiihr  verstehen  wolte,  ich  mich 
mit  den  meinigen  mit  alien  Kraften  zu  H.  Goub.  Hide  stossen  wollte, 
diss  erweckte  Ihme  gedanken,  andere  Mensuren  zu  nehmen. — Doch 
gabe  er  mir  eine  gantz  stoltze  und  schamhafte  antwort.  Es  schine 
aber  bald  hernach  ihn  zu  gereuwen,  und  arbeiten  wir  unter  der  Hand, 
dass  endlich  ein  Verglich  gemacht  worden,  und  verschrieben,  namlich 
dass  er  Obrist  Cary  sambt  seinem  Anhang  sich  wohl  dahin  verstehen 
wolte  H.  Goub.  Hide  zu  einem  President,  dess  Rahts  biss  von  den 
Proprietary's  neuwe  ordre  einlangte,  aber  nicht  zum  Goub:  zu  nehmen. 
Ich  verfiigte  mich  indessen  eilends  nach  Neu  Bern,  von  wannen  mir 
die  Pfaltzer  geschrieben,  so  wegen  grossem  Mangel  an  Victualien  in 
eusserster  Extremitat  wahren, 1 6  da  dann  grad  zur  fiirsorg  bey  Collo- 
nel  Pollock  etwas  provision  verschaffen,  war  aber  bald  viel  vorhanden, 
fur  eine  solche, 1 7  darauf  hin  ward  H.  Goub.  Hide  und  kame  er  aus 
Virginien  in  Carolinam,  setzte  sich  ohnweit  von  dem  Obrist  Pollock 
in  .  .  .  Duckenfields  Plantation  bey  Salomon  Creek,  als  wo  er  ein 
ziemlich  fein  Losament  bekame,  darumb  der  Obrist  Cary  beforchtete 
seinen  streich  wurde  so  ihme  nicht  angehen,  was  er  im  sinn  hatte, 
worvon  hier  oben  gemelt,  so  hatte  er  subtiler  weis,  getrachtet  den 
Verglich  in  seine  Hand  zu  bekommen,  da  er  dann  seinen  Xahmen 
oder  Unterschrift  wohl  gewusst  wegzunehmen,  heirauf  fing  er  seine 
erste  Partey  widerum  zu  nemmen,  einiche  sich  vermittels  spendierens 
da  er  alles  schlimme  Gesind  mit  Rum  oder  Prantwein  an  seine  Seite 
Gebracht,  einen  sehr  starken  anhang,  entstunde  also  hieraus  ein 
offendliche  rebellion  wider  Geub:  Hide,  indessen  ward  der  Mann  so 
listig,  und  abgeschmitzt,  dass  er  mich  zu  entschlafen  nacher   Neuw 


126  Noeth  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Bern  kam  unterm  Pretext  einer  Visite,  wo  ich  ihn  zwar  regalierte, 
mit  dem  wenigen,  so  damals  vorhanden,  allein  da  wir  nach  der  Mahl- 
zeit x  8  in  Discours  gerathen,  iiber  seine  ungereimbte  Proceduren  so 
wohl  gegen  H.  Goub.  Hide,  als  mich,  ja  dess  ungehorsams  gegen  seine 
Oberkeit  den  Lord  Prop:  ihne  scharf  zusprechend,  ja  mit  dreuwen  zu 
verstehen  geben,  dass  ich  solche  Mensuren  nehmen  werde,  dass  es  ihn 
gereuwen  dorfte.  So  hat  er  in  beysein  4  seiner  friind,  die  er  mitge- 
bracht,  mir  versprochen,  an  Rechnung  dessen,  was  mir  von  den  Lord, 
Prop:  verordnet  innert  3  Wochen  an  Getreyd  und  ander  Victualien. 
item  etwas  an  Vich,  fur  500£.  Wehrts  zu  senden,  oder  Zedlen  dafur. 
H.  Goub:  Hide  betreffend  lasst  er  es  in  Statuquo.  so  nahme  er  ab- 
scheid,  diss  aber  wahre  nur  mich  zu  verblenden,  welches  auch  war, 
dann  ich  ihme  ins  gesicht  gesagt,  ich  forchte  die  werk  werden  den 
worten  nicht  respondieren.  Dieses  Colonel  Carys  Reys  wahre  nicht 
vergebens,  dan  er  zu  seinem  Zweck  gelangt,  weilen  durch  anstiftung 
etlicher  englischer  oder  carolinisch  H: — Einwohner,  und  nechstgelegen 
Plantationen  er  meine  Leuthe  so  abgeschreckt,  dass  keiner  von  Haus 
oder  aus  der  Colloney  sich  wagen  dorfte,  dan  es  wahre  Ihnen  gedreut, 
dass  so  sie  nicht  neutral  bleiben,  sie  von  englischen  und  Indianern 
uberfallen,  und  zu  Grund  gerichtet  werden. — Nicht  lang  hernach 
schickte  mir  H.  Goub:  Hide  expressen,  mit  einem  ganzen  Packet 
patenten,  Eine  fur  mich,  dass  mich  zum  Obrist  gemacht,  iiber  den 
Distrikt  Baitz  Counti  und  mir  uberlass  die  unter  oficiers  zu  bestellen, 
ihre  Nahmen  in  albo  lassend,  mich  ernstlich  ersucht,  ihme  wider  die 
Rebellen  an  die  Hand  zugehen, :  worauf  geantwortet  ihme  bezeugend 
wie  leid  es  mir  ware,  dass  seinen  verlangen  noch  nicht  respondieren 
konnte,  mit  bericht  was  Colonel  Cary  hier  vermerkt,  dass  meine 
Leuth  gar  nicht  disponiert  einicher  partey  zuzufallen,  sonder  resolv- 
iert  neutral  zu  bleiben,  diss  gefiel  H.  Goub :  nicht  gar  wohl,  und  langte 
bald  ein  scharf erer  befelch  ein,  Ihm  fahl  aber  nichts  erheb:  mich  hin- 
iiber,  welches  drey  guter  Tagreisen  von  Neuw  Bern  zu  begeben,  dem 
Rath  beyzuwohnen,  welches  ich  gethan,  zwar  schier  in  forcht,  weilen 
ich  auch  bedreuwet  worden. 19  Da  ich  nun  bey  H.  Goub:  angelangt, 
so  wahren  wir  im  Raht  stark  beschaftiget,  wie  sich  gegen  diesen  Cary 
anhang  in  Sicherheit  zu  stellen,  ordoniert,  allsobald  eine  Comp.  zu- 
sammengelesener  Marmschaft  uns  zu  bewahren  und  sehen  weiter  wie 
etwan  eint  oder  andere  gemuhter  zu  zwingen,  es  kame  auch  grad  in 
dieser  Zeit  an  ein  torboulenter  Gesell  von  Londen20  welcher  mit 
einem  Schif  voll  Wahren  einem  quaker  so  auch  ein  glied  der  prop: 
zugehorend,  dieser  Enden  Negocieren  wolte,  wahre  alsobald  von  wid- 
riger  parthey  gewunnen,  welches  ihnen  einen  starken  Mut  mieche. 
Indeme  er  wohl  mit  geschoss  bulver  und  bley  versehen,  dieser  hatte 
H:  Goub:  vast  injouriert  und  verschreit  auch  vorgeben,  er  hatte  von 


Gbaffenbied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been     127 

den  Lord  prop:  andere  Ordres  aber  nit  zu  gunsten  Eduard  Hides, 
welches  grosse  Zweifel  und  Verrwirrung  macht  und  uns  besser  Spiel21 
mieht;  dieser  hatte  mir  insbesonders  auch  grossen  Schaden  gethan, 
indem  er  einen  Wexel  von  100£.  Sterling 2  2  mir  ungiiltig  miech,  sagend 
er  hatte  ordre  solchen  zu  b'stellen.  Da  doch  das  gelt  Hanson  und 
Comp.,  meinem  Correspondent  zu  Londen,  schon  erlegt  worden,  konnte 
hiermit  in  meiner  grossen  Noth  nichts  darvon  bekommen:  Stelten  also 
dieser  Colonel  Cary,  R.  Roch  und  ein  quaquer  Em.  Low  der  sich 
wider  den  fiirnemsten  articul  seiner  eigenen  Religion  oder  sect  zu 
einem  Obrist  ereignet  und  kame  wohl  profiantiert  in  einer  nacht  wo 
wir  logiert  in  Obrist  Pollocks  Haus,  und  da  wir  meistens  Raht  hielten 
in  einem  wohl  bewehrt  und  mit  stucken  versehehen  Briquantin  vor 
die  Landung, 2  3  wir  stelten  uns  auch  bestmoglichst  in  Postour,  und 
hatten  nur  2.  stuck  und  nicht  mehr  bey  uns  als  etwan  60  bewahrter 
Manner,  gegen  Morgen  liessen  die  rebellen  aus  dem  Briquantin  ein 
paar  stuck  kugeln  fliegen,  gegen  dem  Haus  wo  wir  in  wahren,  wahre 
aber  zu  hoch  geschossen,  striche  bloss  liber  die  First,  so  dass  es  kein 
Schaden  hatte,  hierauf  liessen  wir  unsere  Stuck  auch  ab,  gegen  dem 
Briquantin,  that  auch  kein  Schaden.  So  fiengen  die  Rebellen  in  2 
kleinen  Barquen  von  ihrer  bewehrten  besten  Mannschaft  gegen  das 
Land  zu  senden,  da  wir  das  in  Acht  nahmen,  ordonierten  wir,  unsere 
Mannschaft  gegen  der  Lente 2  4  zu  gegenwehr,  worunter  meine  Knecht 
in  einer  gelben  Liverey  welches  unser  gegenpart  nicht  wenig  er- 
schrecket,  verursachet  in  deme  sie  vermeinten  meine  gantze  Colloney 
halte  sich  da  im  Busch,  zugleich  liessen  wir  auch  unser  Stuck  noch- 
mahlen  los,  da  das  einte  den  Mastbaum  nur  etwas  wenigs  gescharft 
dieses  zusamen  thate  einen  solchen  guten  Effeckt  dass  die  Barquen 
zuriickkehrten,  und  sobald  sie  wiederum  in  das  Schif  gestigen,  zogen  sie 
die  Segel  auf,  und  machten  sich  fort. — Darauf  ordinerten  wir  die 
resolviertesten  Manner  ihn  einer  Chaloupen  ihnen  nachzujagen,  sie 
konnten  aber  sie  nicht  erreichen,  allein  da  sie  den  Sond  hinunter  ge- 
fahren,  thate  das  Briquantin  an  einem  bequemen  ohrt  anlenden,  und 
mieche  sich  durch  einen  Wald,  die  Meisten  und  Vornemsten  darvon, 
so  gewonne  der  kleine  Haufen  den  grossern,  und  brachte  die  Chalou- 
pe  das  Briquantin  sambt  etwas  provision  und  den  Stucken  hinauf, 
dieses  zertheilte  die  widrige  parthey,  und  sterckte  unsere,  so  dass  wir 
hierauf  gut  funden,  ausser  den  Redlisfiihrern  den  iibrigen  eine  general 
pardon  anzukiinden,  da  sich  ein  jeder,  der  sich  zum  Gouver:  bequemen 
und  ergeben  wolte,  unterschrieben,  worauf  dann  ein  parlament  ver- 
sammlung  ausgeschrieben  worden,  bey  welchem  dann  die  Sachen 
dieser  Aufriihrer  betreffend,  verhandlet  wurden.  Die  besten  Auf- 
riihrer,  so  man  erdappen  konnte,  wurden  in  Verhaft  gezogen,  die  aber 
ihren   Fehler   erbeuten    (bereuten);   und   nur   durch   Aufweisung   de- 


128  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

bochiert,  denen  wurde  die  amnistie:  accordiert,  bey  diesem  Handel25 
musst  ich  meistens  procedieren,  welches  micht  nicht  accommodiert,  aus 
forcht  mir  find  zu  machen,  nach  deme  nun  eint  und  anders  so  gut 
moglich  veranstaltet,  H:  Goub:  Hide  und  mich  angenommen  und 
erkennt,  ging  ein  jeder  nacher  Haus,  der  Hofnung  es  wtirde  sich  alles 
stillen,  diese  Stille  wahrte  nicht  lang,  die  Auctors  des  Aufruhr  3  re- 
coligierten  sich,  und  der  obgemelte  Roch  setzte  sich  in  eine  Insul 
wohl  mit  Proviant,  g'schoss  und  Munition  versehen,  und  wiglete  auf 
was  er  konnte,  diesen  trachtete  man  zwar  aus  seinem  Nest  zutreiben, 
allein  es  ward  nichts  zu  schafen,  dieses  Feur  der  Conjurierten  Ver- 
schworenen  gienge  nach  und  nach  wider  umb  an,  und  vermehrte  sich, 
dass  das  letste  bald  erger  wurd,  als  das  erste,  bey  so  bewanten  Dingen 
funde  man  das  beste,  sich  umb  andere  Hilf  zu  bewerben,  wurde  ich 
also  zu  H:  Alexander  Spotswood  Goub:  in  Virginien  gesandt,  mit  2 
Rahtsglidern  die  man  mir  zugab,  um  ihne  fur  assistenz  zu  ersuchen. 2  6 
Santen  aber  zuvor  per  expressen  ein  Schreiben  an  H:  Goub:  Spot- 
wood,  welches  er  ohnedas  sein  Volck  auf  den  Grentzen  zu  mustren 
hatte,  vernamsete  mir  einen  Tag  in  einem  Dorf,  so  zwischen  beyden 
Provintzen  wahre,  so  Verreisete  ich  zu  wasser,  grad  in  dem  abgenom- 
men  Brigantin,  weilen  zu  Land  nicht  gar  sicher,  zudeme  wir  auch  pro- 
vision aus  der  Nachtbahrschaft  abholen  wolte,  da  wir  etliche  stund 
gefahren,  erhub  sich  ein  solcher  Widerwind,  dass  wir  zuriick  getrieben 
wurden,  so  nahmen  wir  eine  Canou  ein  kleines  enges  Schinein  aus 
einem  Stuck  eines  ausgeholten  Baums  gemacht,  und  fuhren  fort  da 
sich  der  Wind  umb  etwas  gestillet,  kamen  aber  zu  spaad  die  Mustrung 
wahre  schon  vorbey,  allein  H:  Goub:  von  Virginien27  besser  berichtet 
dass  wann  ich  ankame  ihme  allsobald  einen  expressen  gesendt  wurde. 
So  schrieb  ich  einen  hofiichen  Brief,  an  ermelten  H: — welcher  den 
Nachsten  Tag  mit  seinem  Secretario  und  2.  H:  sich  einfanden,  an  be- 
stimmtem  Ohrt  wo  dann  Conferentz  gehalten  wurde,  und  H.  Goub: 
mich  iiberaus  friindl:  empfangen,  diss  geschaft  wahre  wichtiger  als  ich 
vermeinte,  nach  ubergebenem  Credidif  fing  ich  mein  proposition  an,  es 
wurde  mir  aber  grad  ein  starcker  Einwurf  gethan,  namlich  dass  die 
Virginischen  ganz  nicht  geneigt  wahren,  wider  die  benachtbarten  Brtider 
zu  streiten,  dene  sie  alle  gleiche  der  Konigin  Unterthanen  und  sie 
eben  der  Casus  nicht  so  gar  just  Einmahl  hat  H.  Goub:  Hide  keine 
patenten,  so  miissten  wir  um  ander  experienten, 2  8  und  hatte  mir  H. 
Goub:  Spotswood  weilen  er  das  erste  mahl  dass  er  mich  gesehen,  an 
welchem  auch  wegen  den  Virginischen  Sachen,  von  der  Konigin  selb- 
sten  Recommandiert  wahre,  etwas  angenemeres  erweisen,  fmiden  ent- 
lich  er  solte  H.  Goub:  Hide,  mir  und  der  provintz  so  viel  zugefallen 
thun,  und  zur  See  uns  ein  Kriegschif  senden  mit  der  gewohnten  Sol- 
datesca  welche  aus  der  Konigin  Bedienten  in  Ihren   Rahtskleidern, 


Graffexried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  Xew  Berx      129 

neben  dem  dass  sie  gute  Solldaten,  viel  auswurken  wurden,  diss  wurde  ac- 
cordiert  und  nahmen  mein  frundl:  Abscheid  von  einander,  mit  was  ex- 
pressions er  mich  zu  ihme  invitiert,  und  was  fur  Dienst  und  Erbieten, 
konnte  ich  nicht  gnugsam  erzeigen,  ich  machte  mich  gantz  freudig 
nacher  Haus,  auf  eine  so  gluckliche  Negociation,  da  ich  meine  rela- 
tion erstattet,  wurde  mit  einem  general  aplausu  dess  ganzem  Volcks 
empfangen,  und  thate  dis  meinen  Credit  nicht  wenig  vermehren: 
Bald  hernach  langte  ein  brafer  Captain  mit  seinen  tapfern  Marens  an, 
nachdeme  er  seinen  gruss  abgelegt,  und  H:  Goub:  Spotwood  Brief  uber- 
geben,  so  thaten  wir  ihne  ersuchen,  dass  er  vor  der  Versammlung 
wolte  seine  Commission  darlegen,  und  so  kreftig  als  moglich  dem 
Landvolck  zusprechen,  mit  bedeuten  dass  im  fahl  die  Aufrtihrer  nicht 
sich  gebiihrend  einstellen  wollten,  man  mit  ihnen  auf  das  scherfste 
procedieren  wurde. — Auf  dieses  dorfte  sich  Niemand  mehr  ruhren,  und 
miechen  sich  die  autors  des  aufruhrs  in  geheim  aus  der  provintz  und 
dorften  sich  um  so  viel  minder  bleiben  lassen,  weillen  von  Londen 
Briefen  angelangt,  mit  bericht,  wie  dass  die  Lords  propriet:  H.  Ed- 
uard  Hide  zum  Goub:  von  Xord  Carolina  erwehlt,  und  seye  desshalben 
die  patent  en  durch  eine  vertraute  persohn  versendt,  der  oftgemelte 
Colonel  Cary  ist  neben  anclren  seiner  mithaften  in  Virginien  arrest- 
iert,  und  in  einem  Schif  wohl  verwahrt  nacher  Londen  versendt  worden, 
welchem  da  der  process  gemacht  worden,  die  Sach  hatte  zu  Londen 
viel  Wesens  gemacht,:  Allein  dieser  Cary  wahre  in  seinem  schlimmen 
Handel  noch  so  gluckhaftig,  dass  sich  seiner  2  Milord  so  annahmen, 
die  ihme  sein  Leben  errettet,  ist  hiemit  auf  Biirgschaft  losgelassen 
worden  umb  sich  zu  deffendieren,  ihme  der  Richter  in  Carolina  ange- 
wiessen  worden:  bleibt  also  die  Sach  noch  diese  Stund  da  hangen. 29 

Die  Verwierung  hatte  nicht  wenig  zum  einfahl  der  wilden  Indianer 
contribuiert,  in  dem  Etliche  der  Meutinierer  H:  Goub:  Hide  so  ver- 
hasst  gemacht  bey  den  Indianern,  dass  sie  ihne  fiir  ihren  find  ange- 
sehen,  soweit,  dass  ich  von  den  "Wilden  gefangen  worden,  vermeint  ich 
wahre  der  Goub:  Zimlich  hart  tractiert  worden,  bis  durch  einen 
Indianer  der  englisch  reden  konnte,  und  den  ich  gekannt  sagen  lassen, 
dass  ich  nicht  Goub:  Hide  wahre,  worauf  sie  alsobald  gelinder  mit 
mir  verfahren.— Da  nun  dieses  auch  vorbey,  machte  ich  mich  widerumb 
nach  Neuw  Bern  zu  meinen  Leuthen,  es  hatte  aber  bald  hernach  H: 
Goub:  Hide  seine  patenten  empfangen,  so  liesse  er  widerumb  eine 
Generalversammlung  ausschreiben,  damit  er  sich  einpresentieren 
konnte,  worbey  ich  mich  auch  befunden,  welches  um  so  viel  lieber 
gethan,  weilen  dabey  Gelegenheit  suchte  bey  dem  Neuwen  H.  Goub: 
zuerwerben,  was  bey  Colonel:  Cary  nicht  konnte,  bey  welchem  H. 
Goub:  Hide  wohl  alien  guten  Willen  verspurte,  aber  da  ich  auf  die 
realitaten  drung,  so  wahren  sehr  wenig  vorhanden,  welches  von  selb- 


130  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

sten  libel  manglete:  hielte  hiernach  einstandig  bey  dem  Parlament  an, 
dass  weilen  auf  Conto  der  Lord  prop:  nicht  erhalten  konnte,  welches 
doch  das  fondament  meiner  Entreprise  ich  nun  fast  mit  meinem  Volck 
dargesetzt,  und  wir  so  nicht  bestehen  konnten,  es  auch  eine  lange 
Zeit  erfordert,  bis  aus  Europa  berichtet  wir  indessen  nicht  von  Luft 
leben  konnten,  so  die  provintzen  uns  auf  gleiche  Conditiones  wie  wir 
es  mit  dem  Lord  prop:  hatten,  assistieren  solten,  namlich  auf  Credit, 
auf  2  oder  3  Jahr  mit  denen  nothwendigen  victualien,  und  besonders 
mit  Vich,  uns  zu  versehen,  dessen  aber  Sous  pretense  dieser  einheim- 
ische  Krieg  habe  sie  in  die  Unvermoglichkeit  das  zu  thun  gesetzt, 
mich  abgewiesen,  hierauf  mieche  mich  gantz  traurig  nacher  Haus, 
meine  sachen  so  gut  als  moglich  anstellend,  wie  hier  vor  zu  sehen. 3  ° 

FOLGET  JETZUND  DER  INDIANISCHE  KRIEG. 

Was  diesen  Indianischen  Krieg  verursachet,  sind  erstlich  die  Ver- 
lumdungen  und  Anstiftungen  etlicher  Meutinier  H.  Goub:  Hide  2./ 
Allso  auch  wider  mich  indeme  sie  die  Wilden  bredt  ich  seye  kommen 
ihr  Land  zu  nemen,  und  hiemit  werden  die  Indianer  sich  zuriick  gegen 
die  Bergen  machen  mussen,  diss  hat  ich  ihnen  ausgeret,  und  wahre  es 
bewiesen,  durch  meine  gegen  sie  erwiesene  friindlichkeit,  wie  auch 
durch  die  Bezahlung  dess  Landes,  wo  ich  mich  anfangs  gesetzt,  nam- 
lich darvon  das  Statlein  Neu  Bern  angefangen:  ohngeachtet  der  Ver- 
kaufer  mir  es  frey  hatte  iibergeben  sollen,  Item  hab  ich  auch  Frieden 
mit  selbigen  indianischen  Einwohnern  gemacht,  so  dass  sie  mit  mir 
gantz  zufrieden.  3./ Wahre  es  die  grosse  Sorglosigkeit  der  Coloney. 31 
4. /Das  harte  Tractament  etlicher  unwirschen  und  rauhen  englischen 
Einwohner,  die  sie  betrogen  in  der  Handlung,  selbe  nicht  urn  ihre  plan- 
tations lassen  jagen,  unter  dem  pretext  ihnen  ihr  geschoss,  Munition 
Ihre  Beltzen  oder  Hiiet  weggenommen,  ja  gar  ein  Indianer  zu  Tod 
geschlagen,  welches  sie  am  meisten  und  mit  Grund  allarmierte.  Ihren 
Anschlag  hielten  die  Indianer  sehr  geheim,  und  wahre  es  eben  darum 
zu  thun,  dass  sie  sich  berathschlagen  wolten,  in  einer  angestelten 
Versammlung,  zu  der  Zeit,  da  ich  gefangen  wurde,  und  da  ich  unge- 
fahr  die  rivier  hinauf  fahrte  vermeinte  ich  um  so  viel  Sicherer  zu 
seyn,  indem  erst  10  oder  14  Tag  zuvor  in  dem  Wald,  da  ich  von 
Land  Messen  kame,  verrirret  und  eben  grad  da  mich  die  Nacht  iiber- 
nahm,  unter  die  Indianer  gefallen,  so  zuvor  bey  meiner  ankunft  in 
Chatalognien  jetzund  Neuw  Bern  gessessen,  und  sich  nun  an  diss  ort 
gesetzt,  welche  mich  sehr  frundlich  empfangen,  und  am  Morgen  bis 
auf  den  rechten  Weg  begleitet,  2  Indianer  mitgaben  so  mit  mir  bis 
nacher  Haus  giengen,  welchen  dann  zur  Dankbarkeit,  etwas  geben, 
und  fur  den  Konig  Rum  oder  Prantenwein  geschickt;  Eben  dieser 
Konig  da  es  um  mein  Leben  zu  thun  war,  hatte  nicht  wenig  zu  meiner 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been       131 

Rettung  nebst  des  aller  hochsten  beystand  Contribuiert;  wie  ich  nun 
von  den  Indianern  gefangen,  zum  Tod  verurtheilt  und  wunderlich 
errettet  worden,  was  bey  den  Indianern  vorgangen,  entlichen  wie 
nacher  Haus  kommen  und  zu  Neuw  Bern  widerumb  angelangt,  ist 
ausser  meiner  an  H.  Goub:  Hide  versandten  relation  zu  ersehen.  Zu 
End  eben  dieser  relation  hatte  angefangen,  zu  melden  was  alsobald, 
meiner  zuriickkunft  mir  noch  widriges  und  vertriessliches  widerfahren 
so  dass  scheint  meines  unglucks  kein  End  zu  seyn,  weilen  aber  das 
zukonftige  nicht  vorsehen  konnte,  so  will  ich  umb  so  kurz  als  moglich, 
was  weiters  vorgangen  bis  zu  meiner  europaischen  Ab-  und  Heimreis 
melden.  Erstlich  wie  dieser  Indianische  Krieg  fortgesetzt  und  ein  End 
genommen:  2./Was  fur  Motifa  dass  die  Coloney  verlassen,  und  mich 
in  Europa  ja  gar  widerumb  nacher  Bern  begeben. — Was  nach  meiner 
Zuriickkunft  mir  unter  den  Christen  widerfahren,  wahre  beynach  so 
aus  gefahrlicher  und  vertriesslicher,  als  ich  unter  den  Heyden  ware; 
vor  dem  heidnischen  Tribunal  hatte  ich  meine  offendliche  Klager, 
alles  geschache  in  guter  Ordnung,  nichts  hinderrucks  und  im  Ver- 
borgenen,  noch  auf  eine  rebellische  aufrtihrische  Manier,  aber  da  ich 
nacher  Haus  kame,  vermeinet  unter  frunden  und  Christen  zu  seyn, 
und  ein  wenig  zu  ruhen,  ward  es  erger.- — 

Da  wahren  etliche  rauwe  Jalousi  unwirsche  planter,  oder  Einwohner, 
weilen  nicht  alsobald  in  ihre  Meinung  treten  wolten,  einen  Indianer  zu 
toten,  oder  ihrer  Discretion  zu  liefern,  deme  doch  sicher  Gleit  ver- 
sprochen,  weilen  er  kommen  meine  ratzion  abzuholen,  und  mit  den 
Indianern  zu  streiten  nicht  thunlich  erachtende,  er  die  15  gefangene 
Pfeltzer  herausgeben,  und  geliefert,  denen  noch  Provision  an  Lebens 
Mitteln  noch  an  Munition  noch  Volck  gnug,  zu  dem  dass  der  halbe 
theil  Pfaltzer  in  meiner  absentz  mein  Quartier  verlassen,  so  klagten 
mich  dieser  Gattung  boser  Christen  erger  als  die  Heyden,  nahmen 
geheime  Information  wider  mich,  da  wahre  viel  redens  und  treu- 
wens  nicht  minder  als  musste  ich  gehenkt  werden.  So  solte  ich  von 
einem  Heydnischen  Tribunal  nun  vor  einen  christlichen  Richter  stuhl, 
ja  erger  als  der  heynischen,  so  es  etlicher  gottloser  Gesellen  willen 
nachgehen  solte,  erscheinen:  zu  welchem  nicht  wenig  contribuiert,  ein 
pfaltzischer  Huf  Schmied,  der  sich  rechen  wolt,  weilen  ihme  wegen 
erschrecklichen  excrationen  ungehorsames  stahlen,  und  grauwlichen 
treuwung  gestraft, 3  2  und  das  hat  er  auf  eine  sehr  verratherische  weis 
gethan,  gienge  alsobald  hinuber  zu  den  Indianern,  bey  welchen  er  mich 
sehr  suspect  mieche,  als  gulte  meine  Versprechung  nichts,  betriige  sie, 
indeme  anstatt  Frieden  und  Neutralitat  mit  ihnen  zu  halten  gantz  auf 
Ihrer  der  engl:  Seiten  wahre,  sie  mit  gewehren  und  Krieg  provision  ver- 
sehend : 3  3  da  ich  aber  seine  Veratherey  erf ahren,  und  desshalben  ihne 
abstrafen  wollen,  hatte  er  darvon  Wind  bekommen,  und  sich  hinuber 


132  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

zu  dem  William  Brice  einem  gemeinen  mann,  so  aber  wegen  seiner 
Frechheit  zum  Haubmann  erwehlt  worden,  und  mir  vast  zuwider 
wahre,  verfligt.  allwo  eine  Garnison  zusammengelesener  Gesellen  und 
der  abtriinigen  Pfelzer  sein  eigen  Haus  zubewahren,  da  hat  obgemelter 
Huf  Schmied  gleiches  von  mir,  wie  zuvor  bey  den  India:  gesagt,  und 
noch  viel  mehr,  so  dass  ich  fur  einen  Verrather  passierte,  ward  alsbald 
eine  Liste  von  etlich  20  Artiklen  aufgeschrieben,  deren  nicht  ein 
Puncten  wahr,  hab,  da  dieses  vernommen,  schrieb  ich  dennoch  gantz 
ohnerschrocken,  ich  ein  gutes  Gewissen  hatte,  bey  dem  H.  Goub:  von 
Virginia  und  Carolina  zu,  Sie  umstandlich  informierend,  alles  dessen 
so  ich  zugetragen,  welche  meine  Conduite  abrobiert,  und  alle  andre 
Persohnen  von  verstand  und  vernuft. — 

Hierbey  hat  sich  zugetragen,  dass  weilen  dess  Schmieden  als  Crimi- 
nalen  und  ausgewichenen  der  da  mir  noch  vast  in  Depitis  ich  seine 
Sachen  inventorisieren  und  in  Verwahrung  thun  lassen,  dieser  ober- 
melte  H :  Brice  3  4  den  Schmied  vast  .  _  .  und  die  verwahrten  Sachen 
heraus  haben  wolte,  trachtete  solches  mit  gewalt  vorzunehmen,  neben 
dem,  dass  er  gerne  mich  als  der  Verratherey  schuldig,  zu  H:  Goub: 
Hide  g'fangen  bringen  wolte,  so  hielte  er  in  geheim  Raht,  mit  den 
Vornemsten  seiner  Rott,  so  wahre  dieses  Conclusum  dass  wann  ich 
mich  weigern  wolte,  dieses  Schmieds  Sachen  herauszugeben,  pre- 
textierend,  sie  brauchten  solche  zur  Devension. 35  dess  Lutz,  sie  es  mit 
gewalt  thun  wolten,  undweilen  ohne  Zweifel  mich  speren  werde  alsdann 
sie  sich  meiner  persohn  bemeistern,  und  mich  so  H:  Goub:  zu  bringen. 
Es  wahre  aber  ohngefahrt  ein  kleiner  Pfeltzer  Knab  in  dem  Zimmer 
welcher  englisch  verstund,  dessen  nicht  in  acht  genohmmen,  dieser  sol- 
ches horend,  wich  so  still  er  konnte  aus  dem  Gemach,  zeigte  es  seiner 
Mutter  an,  alls  noch  Eine  von  meinen  angehorigen,  welche  alsbald 
sich  in  das  Schirlein  miech,  und  zu  mir  hinuberfuhre, :  da  sie  mir  diese 
Conspiration  erzellend,  so  liess  ich  alsbald  auf  der  Trammel  schlagen, 
verschloss  die  Thor  und  stelte  meine  Leuth  in  guter  Postur.  Konnte 
kaum  fertig  werden,  so  kame  Brice  mit  30  oder  40  benachtbahrten 
Mannern,  darunter  grad  der  gottlose  Schmied,  und  wohl  20  der  ab- 
triinnigen  Pfeltzer,  nicht  wiissend  dass  ich  der  sachen  berichtet,  ver- 
meinten  grad  in  den  Hof 3  6  zu  gehen,  und  mich  ubernehmend,  funden 
aber  alles  in  solcher  postur  dessen  sie  nicht  erwarten,  da  sie  die  uns- 
rigen  befragt,  was  das  sein  solle,  gab  der  Corporal  zur  Antwort,  man 
sey  auf  guter  Huet  wegen  den  wilden  Indianern  und  wilden  Christen, 
ward  repliciert  ob  man  sie  dann  fur  find  hielte,  widerumb  doubliciert 
dass  frunde  nicht  auf  solche  Manier  ihre  benachbarten  zu  Visiten 
pflegten,  schiene  als  wann  sie  unsre  find,  insbesondere  da  solche  Ver- 
rather und  Abtriinnige  doch  so  Corporal  Brice  sambt  noch  einem 
herein  wollen,  glaubte  diss  wurde  nicht  versagt,  da  diss  mir  angezeigt, 


Geaffeneied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      133 

liess  ich  sie  unter  guter  Wacht  hinein,  so  nun  dieser  Brice  meiner 
procedur  sich  beschwart,  gabe  zur  Antwort  mir  ware  sein  schoner  Dessin 
wohl  bekannt,  wtirde  aber  an  gebuhrendem  Ohrt  sein  unverschandtes 
und  verwegenes  procedieren  wtissen  anzubringen,  ob  das  die  Manier 
gegen  seine  Vorgesetzten  so  zu  Meutinieren  ich  als  Statthalter  des 
Ober  Hauses,  Landesgraf  und  Comandant  dieses  District  ware  im  re- 
chten  ihne  gef  angen  senden  und  ware  auch  geschachen  3  7  so  ich  diesers 
falschen  desieren  Gesellen  mit  kurzem  Bescheid  und  starker  Betreuwung 
wider  hinaus  sich  fiir  das  nachste  parlament  cedieren. — was  weiters  fur 
Insolentien  auf  seiten  dieses  Cap:  und  abtrunnigen  Pfalzern  gegen 
mich  und  die  meinigen  veriibt,  zu  weitlaufig  und  verdriesslich  habe  von 
kurze  wegen  fiir  nichts  mehr  melden  wollen,  doch  noch  etwas  wenix 
im  furgang. — 

1st  zu  wissen  dass  die  hierunden  unterzeichnete  Convention  mit  den 
Indianern  eingangen,  da  ich  noch  in  Banden,  und  mein  Leben  zu 
fristen,  so  dass  eben  so  gar  nicht  ware  verobligiert  worden  zu  halten, 
demnach  weilen  mit  der  meinung  Quod  Hereticis  non  Habenda  Fides, 
wahre  resolviert  so  viel  zu  halten  als  Lauth  gewissens  und  Pflicht, 
mit  deren  ich  der  Cron  Engelland  zugethan,  ich  wohl  thun  konnte 
und  hatte  man  mich  nachen  lassen,  ware  es  dem  gantzen  Land  wohl 
kommen,  und  wahre  viel  Mord  und  Ungluck  vermitten  worden. — 

Es  wahre  aber  dieser  Capitain  Brice  sambt  seinem  Anhang  so  er- 
hitzet,  dass  ohne  die  Vernunft  zu  raht  zu  ziechen  ihrer  blinden  pas- 
sion nach  ohne  einich  Mensur  zu  nemen  noch  auf  die  kleine  Zahl 
Volck,  noch  die  wenige  provision  an  Krieg  und  Lebens-Mittlen  noch 
auf  die  Gefahr  der  armen  gefangenen  Weib  und  Kinder,  reflectierend, 
den  proponierten  Stillstand  recusiert,  und  alsbald  findlich  agiert,  also 
durch  sein  unverstandiges  Caprice,  die  gantze  provintz  in  gefahr 
gesetzt,  und  meine  Mensuren  alle  unter brochen. — Und  hatte  man  mich 
machen  lassen  so  hatte  erstlich  durch  diesen  stillstand  Zeit  gewunnen, 
dass  die  ganze  provinz  und  ich  uns  in  guter  postur  setzen  konnen,  und 
wir  innert  dieser  Zeit,  mit  Volck,  Krieg  and  Lebens-Mittlen  versehen. 
2. /wahre  ich  schon  wurklich  an  der  Arbeit,  in  wahrend  diesem  Still- 
stand die  armen  gefangenen  Weib  und  Kinder  zu  erretten,  dann  den 
Indianern  meine  rention  nicht  ausrichten  wolte,  sie  hatten  mir  dann 
die  gefangenen  ubergeben,  solches  wahre  mit  grosser  gefahr  und  Mtihj 
in  der  ersten  Converenz  veraccordiert,  N.  B:  hat  sich  wohl  erwiesen, 
wie  viel  daran  gelegen,  nachwerts  in  der  Historj  dess  Indianisch 
Kriegs  gemelt,  wie  dieser  gefangener  Holtzmann  die  Indianer  menag- 
ieren  nriissen,  so  sonsten  im  Ersten  mahl  man  ihnen  den  garaus  machen 
konnen.  Nun  weilen  ich  am  besten  mit  den  Indianern  an  diesem 
guten  Werk,  und  3./  auch,  durch  meiner  vorgegebenen  Neutralitat  und, 
Verzogerung  Zeit  gewinnen  wolte,  dass  was  so  wohl  die  englischen,  als 


134  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Carolinischen  und  Coloney  ins  besonders  noch  in  Ihren  plantationen 
und  Hausern  verlassen  und  vergraben,  wiederumb  abholen,  wie  auch 
in  den  Waldern,  so  viel  von  Ihrem  Vich,  als  moglich  aufangen  konnten, 
so  kame  diese  Bricesche  Rott,  wilder  und  unverniinf tiger  als  die  In- 
dianer  und  verderbten  mir  meine  gantze  Handlung,  durch  eine  un- 
bekannte  attaque,  die  ganze  iibelzellung,  diese  hiervor  gemelte  Ver- 
ratherey  des  Schmieden,  und  diese  Action  nahme  den  Indianern  alles 
vertrauwen  von  mir,  so  dass  auf  das  hin,  gegen  meine  Colonisten  sie 
auch  findlich  agierten;  da  bis  daher  Ihrer  Hausern  und  sachen  ver- 
schonet,  namlich  nach  gemachter  Convention,  allein  nach  diesem 
unzeitigen  procedieren  der  Caroliner,  sind  die  Indianer  gefahren,  alles 
zu  verderben,  und  mussten  meiner  armen  Leuth  Heuser,  ungeacht  die 
Thur  mit  einem  Zeichen  3  8  gezeichnet  verbrandt  werden, :  das  iibrige 
an  Hausgerath  obwohlen  verborgen  und  vergraben  aufgesucht,  weg- 
genommen  und  das  Vich  in  den  Weldern  niedergeschossen,  von  dan- 
nen  haben  die  Indianer  hin  und  her  in  der  provintz,  insbesonders  in 
Neuw  Trent  und  pamtego  Rivier  eine  Plantation  nach  der  andern 
belageret,  geblimderet,  gemort  und  sehr  viel  libels  gethan. — Und 
welches  die  Indianer  zu  mehreren  equotet  veranlasset,  ware  des  Bricen 
hartes  procedieren,  dass  er  etliche  Indianer  von  der  Bay  Rivier 3  9 
bekommen,  ist  ihr  Chef  der  Konig  erschrocklich  tractiert  worden,  ja 
bey  einem  grossen  feur  gleichsam  gebraten,  und  mit  allerley  un- 
christlicher  Marter  geblagt,  und  so  getodet  worden,:  welches  die  In- 
dianer so  verbittret,  dass  sich  nicht  zu  verwundern,  warm  sie  die 
Christen  auch  hart  tractierten,  was  hierin  am  meisten  verdrossen,  war 
dass  ein  abtrunniger  pfeltzer  an  diesem  Marteren  das  meiste  gethan, 
und  Ein  wohlgefallen .  daran  hatte,  eben  dieser  ward  der  autor  der 
abtrunnigen  pfeltzeren.  Es  waren  zwar  von  des  Bricen  anhang,  Ver- 
wegene  und  behertze  Leuth  aber  gar  unbedacht,  so  die  iibrigen  Caro- 
liner bessere  Conduiten  und  nicht  so  zaghaft,  wer  man  den  Indianern 
ehr  Meister  worden,  und  ware  nicht  so  libel  gangen. — 

Weilen  nur  mir  vast  angelegen,  Meine  Conduite  zu  justificieren  und 
der  Bricesch  Rott  Gottlos  und  Verwegenes  Verfahren  vorzustellen,  so 
wann  die  grosse  general  Versamlung 4  °  gehalten,  gienge  hinein  und 
fragte,  wo  diese  falsche  Klagten  wahren,  und  solte  man  mir  solche 
Verlumder  vor  Augen  stellen,  Copeyen  der  Klagten  Communicieren 
damit  mich  gebiihrend  Verantworten  und  justificieren  konne,  dorfte 
sich  niemand  gegen  mich  stellen,  und  wolte  die  Klagpunkten  niemand 
hier  vorgeben,  so  ward  dessen  ein  End.  Indessen  hat  ich  viel  Vertruss, 
und  ward  in  grosser  gefahr,  und  litte  inzwischen  nicht  wenig  mein 
Ehr  und  reputation,  begehrte  Satisfaction,  weilen  die  Klager  und 
Verlumder  mir  wohlbekannt,  miech  sie  auch  namhaft,  die  autoren  aber 
erschienen  nicht,  und  konnte  ich  bey  solcher  Confusen  Regierung  und 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  IsTew  Bern       135 

Indianischen  Krieg  keine  Satisfaction  bekommen,  der  H:  Goub:  und 
Oberhaus  welches  von  7.  Rahten  und  represententen  der  Lord: 
prop:  Zweyen  Landgrafen,  Etlichen  Obristen,  und  dem  Secretario  be- 
stund;  miechen  zwar  ihre  Entschuldigungen  und  ein  Comp:  hieruber, 
musste  darmit  zufrieden  seyn,  iiber  diese  Matery  hatte  viele  Memori- 
alia  und  Brief  en,  H:  Goub:  versendt,  worin  diese  Verdriessliche  His- 
toric und  Proceduren  weitlaufig  zu  ersehen,  sonderlich  im  Register 
meiner  Brief,  von  A.  1711.  u.  1712.  auch  so  alles  so  mir  wider wertiges 
und  Vertriessliches  in  Carolina  und  Virginien  widerfahren,  Erzellen 
solte,  wurde  es  ein  gross  Buch  abgeben; — /./Gleich  wie  hier  oben  nur 
etwelche  Ursachen  dess  Indianischen  Kriegs  vermeldet,  so  hat  zu 
dieser  Indianischer  Verwegenheit  und  frechen  Verfahren,  nicht  wenig 
Contribuiert  der  Caroliner  sorglosigkeit,  indeme  sie  Ihnen  zu  vast 
getrauwet,  zu  ihrer  Sicherheit  in  der  ganzen  provintz  nur  nicht  ein 
ohrt  befestiget,  dahin  man  sich  hatte  retirieren  konnen;  auch  im  fahl 
Einicher  Corruption  oder  findthatigkeit  gar  keine  anstalten  noch  viel 
minder  die  Benohtigte  Krieg  und  Lebens-Mittlen  oder  Provision  ge- 
macht,  so  weit  dass  mit  diesen  Unruhen  ganze  Schif  voll  Korn  und 
fleisch  ftir  Zucker  Malasio,  Brantenwein  und  andern  minder  nohtigen 
sachen  weggefiihret  worden:  Summa  alles  liederlich  bestelt,  anstatt 
sich  in  ein  Corpus  oder  2.  wohlbestelten  Mannschaft  zusammenzu- 
ziechen,  urn  den  find  von  den  Grenzen  der  Wohnungen  abzutreiben, 
wolte  ein  jeder  sein  Eigen  Haus  verwahren,  und  sich  deffendieren. 
Welches  die  Ursach  dass  endlich  die  Indianer  oder  Wilden  sich  einer 
plantation  nach  der  andern  bemeistert,  bald  die  ganze  Provintz  unter 
sich  gebracht. — Meine  Gedanken  wahren  im  fahl  die  Wilden  der  ge- 
machten  Convention  nicht  entsprechen  wlirden,  zu  keinem  guten 
Vergleich  gebracht  werden  konnten,  selbe  mit  meinem  gemachten 
frieden  zu  Amusieren,  Einen  stillstand  zu  procurieren,  indessen  sich 
mit  Volks  Hlilf,  und  aller  Nohtwendigen  Muntion  und  Provision  ver- 
sehen,  zu  setzen,  hiemit  mehreren  und  kraftigeren  Widerstand  zu 
thun,  oder  die  Wilden  gar  zu  destruiren.  allein  es  wahre  mit  denen 
wunderlichen  Carolinern  nichts  zu  schafen,  die  wo  etwan  beharzter  als 
die  andern,  nahmen  die  sach  so  unbedacht,  und  plump  vor,  und  ge- 
rieten  hinder  die  Wilden,  die  gar  viel  starcker  an  der  Zahl,  gute  Schut- 
zen  und  wohl  versehen  in  allem,  dass  diesers  kleine  Hauflin  der 
Christen  alsobald  das  Kurzere  ziechen  miissen:  ja  ohne  den  pfaltzern 
und  Schweizern  Hiilf  zu  grund  gangen,  wie  in  Erster  relation  zu 
sehen.  N.B:  In  selbiger  relation  aus  einen  Brief  an  H:  Goub: 
Hide  geschrieben,  date  mit  Meldung,  wie  die  Mannschaft  so  in  Bath: 
Towe,  einem  kleinen  Dorf  an  der  Pamtego  Rivier  ohngefahrt  in  150. 
dem  diesem  gegebenen  Wort  und  Zeichen  nicht  nachgangen,  das  Herz 
nicht  gehabt  iiber  die  rivier  zu  setzen,  ihren  nachtbahren  zu  Hilf  zu 


136  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

kommen,  in  Einer  so  tringender  Noht,  sondern  nachdeme  sie  da  des- 
selben  Districts  Einwohner,  ihr  Korn  und  fleisch  aufgefressen,  uns 
triiben  an  der  Neus  River  inr  Stich  lassend,  nacher  Haus  widerumb 
gegangen. — 

Wie  ich  mich  zu  New  Bern  befestiget  22  wochen  lang,  mich  und 
die  Coloney,  aus  eignen  Mittlen  erhalten,  entlich  aus  Mangel  Sub- 
sistenz  mein  Posten  verlassen  miissen,  urn  nach  dem  Goub:  zu  gehen, : 
ist  theils  zu  sehen  in  Erster  relation,  kann  doch  nicht  unterlassen,  zu 
Melden,  wie  es  mir  auf  dieser  Reis  in  die  Albermarle  Conti  gegangen. — 

Nach  deme  nun  erfahren  und  gesehen,  wie  alles  so  elend  hergehet, 
was  schlechte  ja  gar  keine  assistenz,  die  unmoglichkeit  in  die  lange  so 
auszuhalten,  ja  gar  zur  extremitet  gekommen,  wie  dass  durch  diese 
Invasion  der  Wilden,  die  ganze  Coloney  zu  grund  gangen,  indeme  wie 
obgemelt  bey  70  Ermort  und  gefangen,  alle  der  Collonisten  Hauser 
verbrandt,  ihr  Hausraht  und  was  sie  zum  besten  weggenommen,  das 
meiste  Vieh  Erschossen,  das  unsrige  zur  Narrung  aufgebraucht.  So 
ware  auf  Angeben  H:  Michel  und  andre  H:  aus  Virginien  und  Marien- 
land,  resolviert  andre  Mensuren  zu  nemen,  und  weilen  die  Coloney 
sich  vertheilt,  der  halbe  Theil  Pfaltzer  sich  von  mir  gewendt,  mit  den 
ubrigen  sambt  dem  Schweizern  mich  nach  obermelten  Ohrten  zu  be- 
geben:  Packte  hiemit  ein  Theil  meiner  Sachen  ein,  liess  meine  kleine 
Schloop  zuriisten,  der  Intention,  wann  ich  werde  bey  H:  Goub:  Hide 
angelanget  seyn,  im  parlament  oder  Generalversammlung  bessre  as- 
sistenz auszuwurcken,  widrigen  fahls  mein  Dessin  nach  Virginien  und 
Marienland  fortzusetzen. — So  verreiste  ich  nun  in  grosser  perplexitat, 
weilen  meine  Leuth  in  grosster  Noht, 41  ja  dass  nicht  mehr  ein  Mass 
Korn  mehr  vorhanden  ward:  sondern  Mussten  uns  dess  Schweinen- 
fleisch  behelfen,  und  das  z'war  sehr  genauw'.  Diese  Reis  aber  ward 
auch  ungliicklich,  bey  schonem  Wetter  und  Windt  fuhr  ich  ab,  nach 
dem  Meine  Leuth  versammlet,  und  Ihnen  best  moglichst  zuge- 
sprochen:  Sie  baldiger  Hiilfe  trostend,  dess  abend  da  wir  schier  an  der 
Ambouchinen  Rivier  und  durch  den  Sond  ausfahren  wolten,  begegnet 
ein  bedenkliches  Zeichen,  zu  oberst  an  der  Spitze  des  Mastbaums, 
Kehrte  sich  einsmahls  ein  kleines  feurlein  und  pfeifete  zimlich  starck, 
ohngefehrt  eine  Viertel  Stund,  Entlich  horte  es  auf,  da  ich  den  Schif- 
patron  fragte  was  das  sein  solte,  so  sagte  er  mir  nicht  viel  guts,  Es 
werde  bald  ein  grosser  Sturm  erfolgen,  und  das  sey  gewiiss,  ich  aber 
lachte  heruber  und  wolte  meinen  Weg  fortfahren.  Es  vergienge  aber 
kein  stund,  finge  der  Wind  harter  zu  blasen  an,  und  weilen  es  gegen 
Nacht  getrauten  wir  nicht,  sondern  sahen  umb,  wo  etwan  wir  bey 
Land  den  ancker  sencken  konnten. — 

Kaum  mochten  wir  ans  Land  pordieren  tiberfiel  uns  der  Wind  so 
starck,  dass  ein  wenig  speter  wir  in  grosster  gefahr  kamen,  so  blieben 


Geaffeneied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  Xew  Been       137 

wir  da  bey  einerm  Planter  einem  gut  en  Mann, 4  2  der  da  auf  einem 
Landgut  gesetzt,  iibernacht,  Morgends  da  der  Sturm  vorbey,  fuhren 
wir  fort,  so  kamen  wir  den  andern  Tag  abends  in  die  Mitte  dess  Sonds, 
welcher  ist  ein  See  viel  grosser  als  der  Genfer  See,  da  in  der 
Mitte  mann  kein  Land  sehen  konnte,  allein  wir  auf  einen  Sandbanck 
stosste;  da  das  Schif  einen  so  starken  Krach  gethan,  dass  wir  meinten 
es  ware  entzwey,  und  wahre  es  nicht  tiberaus  starck  gewesen  so  hatten 
wir  da  auch  Schifbruch  leiden  mussen,  wir  wahren  da  in  grossen 
angsten,  und  nahmen  alle  Erdenkliehe  Mittel  von  ab  diesem  gefahr- 
lichen  ohrt  zu  kornmen,  die  meiste  forcht  wahre,  dass,  warm  schon 
entlichen  das  Schif  loos,  es  wurde  einen  Spalt  haben,  dass  wir  ohn- 
fehlbar  versenken  mussten,  Gott  war  aber  so  gnadig,  dass  naehdem 
das  Meer  gestigen,  und  der  Wind  besser  worden,  wir  mit  gespannten 
Saglen  gliicklich  abkammen,  da  wir  sahen,  dass  kein  Wasser  ins 
Schif  kame,  dankten  wir  Gott,  und  setzten  fort,  dess  dritten  Tags 
bekamen  wir  einen  so  starken  Widerwind,  dass  wir  an  Einem  ort, 
gegen  Land  fahren  mussten,  wo  eine  grosse  Weite  mit  Rohren,  da 
Sanckten  wir  unsern  ancker,  und  wahren  gezwungen,  wohl  etliche  Tag 
da  zu  bleiben,  bis  der  Wind  sich  um  etwas  gesetzt,  dass  wir  bey  eines 
Seiten  Windts,  durch  einen  Canal  so  durch  die  Rohr  fliesst  seglen 
konnten.  So  bald  wahren  wir  nicht  aus  den  Rohren,  wolte  das  Lng- 
ltick  dass  wir  auf  einem  vesten  Felsen  stecken  bleiben,  dass  wir  einen 
halben  Tag  genug  zu  thun,  bis  wir  los  wurden,  und  musste  uns  wie- 
derum  das  Meer  helfen,  entlichen  vermehrt  sich  der  Wind,  und 
kammen  wir  gliicklich  darvon,  und  langten  nach  etlicher  Tagen,  an 
bestimbten  Ohrt  an,  und  wahre  es  Zeit  weil  all  unsre  provision  die 
genauw  ward,  an  Speis  und  Tranck  auf gebraucht :  anstatt  dass  wir 
verhoften  bey  gutem  Windt,  in  2  mal  24  Stunden  anzukommen, 
haben  wir  iiber  10  Tage  zugebracht:  So  sicht  man  was  das  Wetter 
Zeichen  auf  der  Spitze  des  Mastbaums  bedeutet,  scheint  aber  ein 
Aberglauben  zu  seyn,  die  Erfahrung  aber  weiss  es  anders. — 

Da  ich  mich  nun  6  ganzer  Wochen  bey  H:  Goub:  Hide  aufhielt, 
theils  dem  raht  und  ubrigen  provintzgeschaften  abzuwarten,  theils 
auch  meine  Leuth  zu  Neuw  Bern,  mit  Nohtwendigen  Lebens  Mittlen 
und  Kriegsprovision  zu  versehen,  ist  nach  angewenter  grosser  Miihj 
und  Viel  Zeit,  mein  Schlop  mit  Korn,  Pulver,  bley  und  Taback  ange- 
fiilt  und  nacher  Neuw  Bern  versendt  worden,  aber  ach,  was  vor  un- 
gltick,  es  haben  die  guten  Leuth  in  Ihrer  eusserster  Noht,  wohl  ver- 
gebens  clarauf  gewartet, :  da  dann  die  Schlop  vast  iiber  den  Sond  und 
weit  der  Embouchure  der  rivier  Neuss  ubernahmen  sich  die  Schifleuth 
mit  Branntenwin,  so  dass  sie  alle  entschlafen,  vermeinend  sie  wahren 
nun  aus  der  gefahr,  allein  weilen  sie  das  feur  in  dem  Kuchli  nicht 
gantzlich  geloschen,  springt  ein  funcken  von  Einem  Scheit  Holtz,  und 


138  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

kam  in  die  Tabackblatter,  die  nicht  weit  darvon  wahren,  welche 
mehr  und  mehr  angangen,  bis  ein  feur  entstanden,  und  entlich  der 
Rauch  die  Schifleuth  erweckt,  welche  aus  forcht  das  Pulver  Fasslein 
wurde  angehen,  drachteten  sich  zu  salvieren,  und  miechen  sich  in  den 
Canou,  das  ist  ein  klein  rundes  Schiflein  darvon,  ehe  Sie  aber  Vollentz 
ans  Land  gelangt,  kombt  das  feur  ins  Pulfer,  und  es  gieng  die 
Schlopp  in  feur  auf. — 

Lasse  gedencken  was  vor  traurige  Botschaft  den  armen  halb  ausge- 
hungerten  Colonisten,  solches  zu  vernemen,  anstatt  deren  so  lang  mit 
grossten  verlangen,  erwarteten  assistenz,  und  wie  das  zu  Herzen 
gangen.  Indessen  ich  diese  traurige  Zeitung  vernahm,  welches  lang 
angestanden,  hatte  nach  eusserstem  Vermogen  gearbeit,  dass  man  die 
grossern  Schlopp  oder  Brigantin  proviantieren,  welches  aber  so  lang 
vortgieng,  dass  ich  ganz  vertriissig  wurde,  wohl  sehend  dass  solche 
Tergiversationen,  in  solchen  Conjuncten'  nicht  bestehen  konnten,  dess- 
wegen  meine  Sachen  dahin  disponiert,  dass  alsobald  nachdeme  meine 
Leuth  diese  provision  wurden  empfangen  haben,  Sie  grad  in  selbiger 
Schlop  mit  H :  Michel  nacher  Virginien  saglen  solten,  diss  verzoge  sich 
sehr  lang,  nachdemme  nun  wie  schon  gemelt,  mien  eine  lange  Zeit  bey  H : 
Goub:  Hide  aufgehalten,  den  Krieg  und  provinzen  sachen  abzu- 
warten,  wo  viel  zu  thun  wahre, :  verfiigt  ich  mich  nach  Virginien, 
umb  alles  best  moglichst  zu  bestellen;  Eh  ich  aber  zu  dieser  Reis 
schreite,  kann  nicht  iibergehen  zu  melden;  was  unterdessen  zur  sicher- 
heit  des  Landes  gethan  worden;. — Nachdeme  nun  H.  Goub:  Hide  und 
der  General  Versammlung  Kreftig  vorstelt,  wie  man  bessere  Anstalten 
als  bishero  geschachen  thun  solte,  sonsten  wir  in  gefahr  alle  von  den 
wilden  Indianern  umgebracht  zu  werden,  so  gerieten  wir  an  die  arbeit 
und  hatte  ich  den  Tag  meines  Lebens  nicht  vermeint  so  ungeschickt 
und  verzagte  Leuth,  da  anzutreffen. — • 

Erstlich' wahre  zu  thun  vor  allem  aus,  wo  proviant  zu  nemen,  dann 
ohnmoglich  zu  kriegen,  und  wahre  doch  diese  unbedachte  Caroliner  so 
liechtsinnig  dass  sie  dennoch  getreyd  und  fleisch  aus  dem  Land  ver- 
kaufen,  desswegen  H.  Goub:  Hide  alsbald  ersuchte,  ein  scharfes  Man- 
dat  auszuschreiben,  alle  ausfuhr  einicher  sachen  zu  verbieten.  2tens. 
zu  erforschen  was  fur  getreid  im  Land,  demnach  die  erforderlichen 
Mensuren  zu  nemen,  ward  gefunden,  dass  dessen  bey  weitem  nicht 
gnug  einen  so  langwierigen  Krieg  zu  fiihren,  hiermit  anstalt  aus  be- 
nachtbarten  Provinzen  solches  zu  procurieren,  welches  auch  genug 
hatte. — 

Drittens  Pulver,  Bley  und  gewehr  dessen  die  Provinzen  ganz  nicht 
versehen,  und  die  particularen,  gar  wenig  hiemit  gut  befunden,  auch 
unter  dessen  von  andren  Ohrten  zu  beschicken:  Wolte  aber  niemand 
das  Gelt  darzu  geben,  noch  fun  den  die  Provinz  welche  damahl  in 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern       139 

schlechtem  Credit,  Matery,  da  musst  ich  aber  bey  H:  Goub:  in  Vir- 
ginien  trachten  etwas  auszuwiircken. — 

4./Soupponieren  alle  obige  sachen  waren  paraht,  worumb  das  Volck, 
da  war  Arbeit,  konnten  mit  grosster  Miihj  kaum  300  Bewahrte 
Manner  ausmachen,  und  wahren  viel  darunter  unwillig  zu  kriegen, 
meistens  schlecht  gekleit  und  versehen,  hieriiber  war  mir  Commission 
gegeben,  urn  Hiilf  in  Virginien  anzhalten,  da  entlich  H:  Goub:  Spotts- 
wood,  als  in  Nahmen  der  Konigin,  Ihnen  solche  zusagte,  fur  restitu- 
tion dess  proviants  und  Sold,  so  wolten  die  Caroliner  nicht,  pre- 
textierend,  sie  vermochten  solche  Summen  nicht  zu  restituieren,  warm 
H :  Goub :  nicht  Volck  und  die  Nohtige  provision  in  der  Konigin  Kosten 
senden  wolte,  welches  absurd,  worumb  sollte  die  Konigin  die  Kosten 
vor  die  Provinz  haben,  da  doch  das  Einkommen,  die  Lord,  propriet: 
beziechen,  dies  gabe  Anlass  dass  etliche  zu  H:  Goub:  von  Virginien 
giengen,  um  zu  Sondieren,  ob  er  die  protectionen  Caroline  auf  sich 
nehmen  wolte,  welches  aber  H:  Goub:  aus  guten  Ursachen  abge- 
schlagen. — 

5./Proponiert  dass  man  etwan  ein  ohrt  in  der  Provinz  befestigen 
solte,  im  fahl  der  Noht  zu  einer  retraite  zu  gebrauchen,  und  sich  da 
auch  in  Sicherheit  zu  halten,  war  aber  nicht  erheblich. — 

Bey  so  bewannten  Dingen,  was  zu  thun:  Indessen  fuhren  die  In- 
dianer  fort,  wurden  von  so  schlechter  gegenwehr  ubermiihtig  und 
bezwungen  Eine  Plantation  nach  der  andern. — 

Die  letste  ressource  ware  eilends  nach  Slid  Carolinam  um  Hiilf 
zu  senden,  welche  auch  erhielten,  sonst  ware  die  ganze  provintz  zu 
grund  gangen,  so  sandte  das  Gouver :  Slid  Carolina 4  3  800  wilde  Tribu- 
tarys  sambt  50  englischen  Slid  Carolinern,  under  dem  Commando 
Obrist  Paravell,  wohl  montiert  und  versehen  mit  Pulver  und  bley, 
das  Theatrum  Belli  wahre  unweit  Neuw  Bern.  Da  diese  angelangt, 
fieng  der  indianische  Krieg  erst  recht  an,  und  gerieten  diese  Slid  Caro- 
liner da  sie  nach  zu  den  Tascarorus  wilden  kamen,  dergestalten  an 
Sie,  dass  grossen  Schrecken  unter  ihnen  erweckt,  so  dass  die  Nord 
Carolina  Indianer  gezwungen  worden,  sich  zu  verschanzen,  unsere 
Friind  Indianer  aber  nachdeme  Sie  Ihre  ordres  zu  Neu  Bern  Emp- 
fangen,  miechen  Sich  gegen  Cortown  ein  gross  indianisch  Torf,  unge- 
fehrt  30.  Meil  von  Neuw  Bern,  jagten  selben  Konig  sambt  seinen 
Indianern  aus,  nachdeme  Sie  etliche  nidergemacht  ereifreten  sie  sich 
dariiber,  dass  sie  auch  von  einem  erschossenen  wilden  Carolinisch 
Indianer  das  Fleisch  gekocht  und  gefressen, :  zu  diesem  Slid  Carolini- 
schen  Soucours  ordinierten  wir  200  Nord  Caroliner  Engel:  sambt  et- 
welch  wenig  unser  Indianern  so  friind  wahren,  und  bey  50  pfaltzer  und 
Schweizer  unter  Commando  Obrist  Boyd  und  H.  Michel  welchen  wir 
auch  zum  Obrist  gemacht. — 


140  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Dieses  kleine  HEr  mieche  sich  weiters  hinauf  gen  Catechna  einem 
grossen  Indianischen  Dorf ,  wo  ich  und  der  General  Feldmesser  Lawson 
gefangen,  und  zum  Tod  verurtheilt  wahren,  wie  in  erster  relation  ver- 
meldet.  In  diesem  Dorf  Catechna  hatten  sich  unsre  find,  bestehet  in 
Wetax,  Bay,  Revir  Neuws,  Cor  Bamtego  und  theils  Touscarorus  In- 
dianer  versammlet  und  vast  eingeschanzet  und  konnte  man  nichts  aus- 
richten  gegen  Ihnen,  ist  zu  wiissen,  dass  bey  einem  angestelten  Sturm 
die  Ordres  nicht  recht  exequiert,  der  angrif  solte  an  etlichen  orten 
angehen,  Es  wahren  aber  des  Bricens  Leuth  so  hitzig  dass  sie  vor  der 
Zeit  sturmten,  wurden  Ihrer  viel  plessiert,  etliche  tod  geblieben,  mus- 
sen  also  die  unsrigen  abweichen,  da  uns  der  Bericht  im  Raht  ertheilt, 
wurden  wir  vast  beschaftiget,  wie  die  Find  besser  zu  g'stellen,  und 
bessere  anstalten  zu  thun:  Ungefehrt  umsahe  ich  mich  und  erblickte 
6  oder  8  Stuck,  in  dem  Hof,  liederlich  da  ligen,  ganz  rostig  und  voller 
Sand,  wahren  meine  Meinung,  man  solte  2  der  kleinsten  ausriisten, 
iibersenden  und  das  fort  mit  beschiessen,  hierauf  wurde  ich  ausge- 
lacht,  mir  representierend,  dass  solches  unmoglich  iiber  die  Moser, 
Walder  und  graben  zu  bringen,  mich  aber  erinnerd  was  mir  H.  Haubt- 
mann  Gallard  von  St.  Croix  erzellt,  wie  er  es  angeben,  vor  einer  Fest- 
ung  in  Flandern,  welcher  auch  sein  fortun  gemacht,  wurde  jedes 
stlickli  als  auf  einem  Prancour 4  4  zwischen  zwey  pferten  ordentlich 
geferget,  das  ubrige  weiters  angestelt,  wie  sich  am  besten  geschickt,  und 
ist  wohl  gelungen;  dann  da  man  die  aprochen  gemacht,  und  nur  2 
Schusz  in  der  wilden  fort  gelassen,  neben  etlich  wenig  granaten  so  man 
getrachtet  Einzubringen,  erweckte  dis  eine  solche  Forcht  unter  den 
Wilden,  die  solches  nie  gehort  und  nicht  gesehen,  dass  sie  um  einen 
Stillstand  anhaltend,  da  wurde  von  unsren  Obristen  Officierern  Kriegs 
Raht  gehalten,  was  zu  thun  geschlossen,  denn  stillstand  zu  accordieren 
und  trachten  vortheilhaftigen  Frieden  zu  machen,  was  dessen  die 
Meiste  Ursach  wahren  die  gefangnen  Christen,  so  sie  noch  von  der 
ersten  Massacre  behalten,  welche  uns  ruften  dass  so  das  fort  in  Sturm 
ubergieng,  sie  alle  erbarmlich  um  das  Leben  kamen,  ist  also  hierauf 
capituliert  worden,  mit  Condition,  dass  vor  allem  aus  die  gefangenen 
solten  losgelassen  werden,  welches  auch  geschachen.  Da  nun  dieses 
vorbey  und  die  unsrigen  nacher  Neu  Bern  geriickt,  umb  sich  ein  wenig 
zu  erlaben,  dan  die  Lebens-Mittel  genauw  und  sparsam,  dem  Obrist 
Barnwell  nicht  nach  Vergniigen  entsprochen,  so  wurde  er  ungeduldig, 
dass  man  ihme  nicht  mehr  Ehr  und  guts  erwiesen,  auch  sein  Volck 
gar  schlecht  proviantiert,  desswegen  Er  auf  expedient  bedacht,  wie  sich 
wiederumb  mit  provit  nach  Slid  Carolinam  zu  begeben  und  unter  dem 
Vorwandt  eines  guten  friedens  lockete  er  eine  gute  anzahl  der  friind- 
licher  Indianer  oder  wilden  Caroliner,  nahme  bey  Cor  Toone  sie  ge- 
fangen, darzu  seine  Indianer  Tributari  ganz  genigt,  weilen  von  jedem 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern       141 

gefangenen  ein  Namhaftes  sie  zuverhofen,  miechen  sich  also  mit  Ihrem 
lebendigen  Raub  nacher  Haus,  was  er  hiemit  zu  vor  loblich  ausge- 
richtet,  ist  durch  diese  action  verschertzt  worden; — 

Diese  so  unchristliche  action  habe  die  tibrigen  Tascaruros  und 
Carolinisch  Indianer  obwohlen  sie  Heyden  vast  erbittret,  wie  billich, 
so  dass  sie  den  Christen  nicht  mehr  getrauwet,  desswegen  Sie  noch 
vester  verschanzet,  und  viel  ravage  in  Neus  and  Bamtego  Grafschaft 
oder  Distrikt  gethan,  ja  das  Lestere  erger  als  das  erstere  wurd. 
Welches  uns  bewogen  starcke  Klagten  wider  den  Obristen  Barnwell 
zu  thun,  und  schrieben  widerumb  nach  Slid  Carolina  fur  Neuwe  Hiilf, 
welche  aber  nicht  so  starck  als  die  Erstere  erfolget,  doch  langt  bald 
nach  eine  zimlich  Anzahl  unter  dem  Commando  Capitain  Moore 
welcher  sich  besser  verhielt:  Nach  dem  man  zusammen  gezogen,  was 
man  aufbringeu  konnte,  ist  man  an  dieses  indianische  Fort,  bey  Cate- 
chna  oder  Hancock  Town  gerahten,  und  ist  solches  endlich  gliick- 
lich  gestiirmet  in  brandt  gesteckt  und  erobret  worden. — 

Die  Wilden  hatten  sich  darinn  unsaglich  dapfer  gehalten,  so  weit 
da  man  des  forts  meister,  und  Weib  und  Kind  so  unter  der  Erden, 
darin  sambt  Ihrer  Provision  verborgen,  herausnemen  wolten,  die  Ples- 
sierten  wilden,  am  boden  winselnd  noch  um  sich  schlugen,  da  wahren 
bey  200  so  in  einer  redoute  verbrant  viel  sonsten  nidergemacht,  so 
dass  in  allem  bey  900  sambt  Weib  und  Kindern  Tod  und  gefangen. 
Von  den  unsrigen  wahren  auch  viel  plessierte,  und  etliche  auf  dem 
Platz  geblieben. — 

Auf  dieses  hin  hatten  wir  ruh,  doch  streiften  noch  etliche  uber- 
bliebene  hin  und  her,  wahre  nun  zu  thun  wie  fur  das  Konftige,  von 
den  tiberbliebenen  benachbarten,  uns  in  follige  Sicherheit  zu  setzen, 
cedierten  unterschiedliche  Konige.  N.B.:  die  Konige  sind  Eigenlich 
nur  die  Cheff  einer  gewissen  quantitet  wilden  Indianern,  doch  ist  es 
erblich,  und  stelt  auf  die  Posteritet,  mit  denen  wir  conferierten,  und 
es  entlich  zu  einem  Erwiinschtens  Frieden  brachten:  Ist  nun  nicht 
das  geringste  mehr  zu  beforchten,  weilen  die  Wilden,  so  hinder  Vir- 
ginien  und  selbiger  Provinz  Tributari  sind,  des  Friedens  garandt,  die 
tiberbliebenen  Carolinischen  Indianer,  sind  nun  auch  der  Lords  Prop: 
Tributary  worden. — 

Indessen  obwohlen  im  Friden,  so  wahren  unsre  armen  Colonisten 
nicht  gar  wohl,  sondern  hin  und  her  bey  englischen  oder  Carolinischen 
Planters  verstossen,  andre  miechen  sich  widerumb  nach  Neu  Bern, 
alwo  sie  etwas  Landes  zu  ihrer  Nohtdurft  bauweten,  und  Erlaubt  ich 
ihnen,  fur  2  jahr  condition  zu  suchen,  in  Dienst  zu  eint  und  andern, 
vermoglichsten  Caroll:  Einwohnern  zu  gehen,  um  da  ihr  Subsistenz  zu 
haben,  und  etwas  fur  zu  sparen,  damit  sie  hernach  wiederumb  auf 
ihre  Lachen,  oder  Plantationen  gehen  konnten;  Fiir  diese  Zwey  Jahr 


142  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

aber:  Sollen  sie  von  dem  auferlegten  Bodenzins  frey  seyn;  H:  Michel 
und  den  Bernern  aber  liess  ich  wiissen,  dass  ich  nun  nacher  Virginien 
um  die  nohtigen  anstalten  zu  thun,  der  Hofnung  sie  dorten  besser  als 
in  Carolina  zu  setzen,  mich  auch  H:  Michel  gegebenes  wort  Trostend, 
als  gesinnt  bey  unserm  vormahl  gemachten  Schluss  zu  verbleiben:  zu 
mahlen  mir  unmoglich  aus  eigenen  Kraften  und  Mittlen  einer  so  de- 
labierten  Colloney  aufzuhelfen,  und  von  Bern  aus  nicht  nur  schlechter 
Prospect,  sonder  gar  kein  Hoffnung  einiger  Assistenz  gemacht  worden. — 

Nahme  hiermit  meinen  abscheid  von  H.  Goub:  und  Raht;  und 
mieche  mich  zu  H:  Goub:  in  Virginien,  bey  welchem  ich  erhielt,  dass 
er  wegen  gefahrlichen  Krieg  Zeiten  inbesonder  mir  der  Capitain  nur 
ein  Krieg  SchifT,  meine  Leuth  zu  begleiten,  vergonnt,  welches  ein 
grosse  und  sonderbahre  Gunst,  fur  einen  particularen,  hierauf  wahre 
H:  Michel  avisiert,  welcher  dann  bey  einer  Converentz  auf  den  fron- 
tieren  zwishen  beyden  H:  Goub:  H:  Hide  und  Spotswood  gehalten 
worden,  sich  auch  einfunde,  und  da  ward  Zeit  und  Tag  gesetzt,  wann 
und  wo  Sie,  in  der  Insul  Caratuix  in  Carolina  sich  recontrieren  solten : 
Ich  indessen  gienge  weiter  in  Virginien  gegen  Potomaex  und  Marien- 
land  zu,  um  alles  paraht  zu  halten  mit  quartieren,  Lebensmitlen  und 
Vich.— 

Das  ohrt 4  5  wahre  ohnweit  den  fahl  von  Portomaec  bey  einem  Civ- 
ilischen,  generosen  und  wohlhabenden  H:  Rosier  genant  auf  mainen 
Landsitzen,  alwo  ein  gewtisser  H:  Bart,  neben  andern  H:  von  Pensil- 
vania  mir  entgegen  kammen  um  auch  zu  sehen,  wie  es  mit  dem  von 
H:  Michel  angegebenen  Silbermine  worm  sie  auch  interessiert,  und 
dess  wegen  viel  Kosten  gehabt,  Ein  bewantnus.  Nachdeme  wir  nun  in 
erwartung  H:  Michels  und  der  Berneren  so  mit  kommend,  halten, 
wegen  so  langer  Verzogerung  und  keinen  Berichts,  ungedultig  wurden, 
auch  in  betrachtung  H:  Michels  seltsamer  Demarchen  der  Minen 
halber,  gefassten  gedanken,  selbsten  das  ohrt  laut  gegebenen  Plans  zu 
besuchen,  und  die  Wahrheit  grundlich  zu  erfahren,  rtisteten  wir  uns 
zu  dieser  Zwar  gefahrlichen  Reis,  doch  weilen  diss  im  Sinn  hatte  zu 
thun,  wann  schon  die  iiberigen  H:  nicht  waren  angelangt:  hatte  ich 
per  precaution  von  H:  Goub:  in  Virginien,  als  deme  mein  dessin  com- 
municiert,  patenten  erhalten,  und  war  auch  Ordre  gegeben,  dass  auf 
erste  avise  ich  von  den  nachst  bestelten  grenzenwachren,  so  viel 
nohtig  erachtet,  aufmannen  konnte.  Da  wir  nach  Canarvest,  ein 
uberaus  schones  ohrt,  ungefehrt  4  Meilen  oben  fuhr  dem  fahl  kamen, 
funden  wir  da  einen  Haufen  Indianer  und  insbesonders  Einen  Frant- 
zosen  Martin  Chartier  genannt,  welcher  mit  einer  Indianerin  ver- 
heurahtet  und  darbey  den  wilden  Indianern  der  Nation  so  Hinter 
Pensilvania  und  Marien  Land  in  grossem  Credit,  auch  auf  angeben 
H.  Michels  Pensilvania  verlassend,  und  sich  da  gesetzt,  welcher  hier 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  Xew  Bern       143 

vor  auch  mit  H.  Michel  die  Minen  aufzusuchen  gegangen,  viel  Miih 
und  Kosten  gehabt,  dieser  wamet  uns  dass  die  Indianer  selbiger 
gegne  wo  die  Silber  Minen  zu  seyn  vermeinet,  vast  allarmiert  von 
dem  Krieg,  so  wir  mit  Tuscorussen  Nation  hatten,  hiemit  solten  wir 
uns  nicht  ohne  sonderbahre  Noht,  in  solche  gefahr  zu  setzen,  wel- 
chem  wir  geglaubt,  die  Sach  auf  eine  bequeme  Zeit  aufschiebend,  in- 
dessen  miechen  wir  einen  Bund  mit  den  Canavest  Indianer  als  sehr 
nohtwendig,  so  wohl  in  ansehen  der  verhofenden  Silber  Mines,  als 
auch  unser  kleinen  Berner  Colloney,  so  wir  der  Enden  sezen  wolten, 
besachen  die  trefliche  Situation  selbiger  gegne  Landes,  wie  auch  ins- 
besonders  die  Charmante  Insul  der  Potomac  Revier  ob  dem  Fahl,  auf 
diese  Stund  bedauerend,  dass  dies  Schone  Land  nicht  bewohnen 
kann. — 

Von  danen  giengen  weiters  zuriick  auf  einen  Berg  den  Hochsten  der 
Enden,  Sugarlowe  genannt,  als  da  hatte  die  Form  eines  Zucker  Stocks, 
nahmen  mit  uns  den  Martin  Chartier,  einen  Feltmesser  hatten  wir 
auch  bey  uns,  und  kamen  noch  Etliche  Indianer  mit  uns,  von  dem 
Berg  besahen  wir  eine  uberaus  grosse  Seite  Landes,  Ein  Theil  Vir- 
ginien,  Marienland,  Pensilvanien  und  Carolina,  bedienten  uns  des 
Compasses,  miechen  ein  Plan,  und  observierten  insbesonders  den  Berg, 
wo  die  Silber  Minen  sein  solte,  funden  dass  er  hinder  Virginien,  ver- 
nahmen  auch  anbey  von  2  Indianern,  dass  sie  alles  auf  und  urn  den 
Berg  aufgesucht,  nicht  aber  das  minste  Zeichen  von  Mineralien  ge- 
funden,  und  der  Plan  so  uns  gegeben  worden,  dem  bericht  nach  ganz 
nicht  respondiert,  welches  uns  besturtzt.  Was  weiters  desswegen  be- 
schachen  ohnnohtig  hier  zu  erzellen,  endeckten  da,  noch  viel  schoner 
Landes,  und  drey  Ketten  Bergen,  eine  allzeit  hocher  als  die  andere,  da 
wir  vom  Berg  hinunter,  blieben  wir  bei  Martin  Charitier  ubernacht, 
und  kehrten  den  andern  Tag  wider  nach  H:  Rosier  quartier  unter 
dem  fahl,  wo  ich  eine  geraume  Zeit  verbleiben,  der  Hofnung  da  meine 
Leuth  zu  Empfahen,  als  denn  abgeretet,  die  iibrigen  Verreisten  widrum, 
aber  nicht  gar  verntigt,  wegen  dem  Confusen  plan,  nacher  Pensil- 
vanien.— 

Kein  schoneren  Sitz  4  6  glaube  in  der  Welt  zu  seyn  als  dieser,  welchen 
wir  in  zwey  kleine  Colloneyen  abtheilen  wolten,  die  Erste  grad  unter 
dem  fahl,  wo  eine  uberaus  Lustige  Insul  von  gutem  Grand  und 
gegeniiber  an  Einem  Eggen,  zwischen  der  Potomax  Rivier  und  einer 
kleineren  Gold  Crec  genannt;  alles  was  aber,  fur  dem  fahl  hinunter 
oder  hinauf  willens  zu  empfahen.  Und  konnen  die  grossten  Kauf  Mann 
Schif  dahinfahren,  der  andere  Sitz,  solte  seyn  bey  Canarvest  wie  das 
Plan  aufweist.  Nach  demme  nun  bey  2.  Monath  lang,  nicht  den  min- 
sten  Bericht,  aus  Carolina  empfangen,  kame  entlich  der  hinckende 
Bot  mit  bosen  Zeitungen,  da  mich  H.  Michel  nur  mit  wortenberichtet 


144  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

dass  iiberbringer  diss  Zedelin,  verlangte  das  Commando  unserer  Sloop 
zu  haben,  solte  mit  ihnen  accordieren  die  Sloop  nach  deme  Sie  das 
Lang  verlangte  getreid  entlich  nacher  Neus  gebracht,  Sie  in  der  Zu- 
riickkunft  auf  einem  Sand  bank  angefahren,  seye  in  schlechter 
Condition  sie  bey  heissem  Wetter  etwas  wurmstichig  worden:,  Mangle 
Segel,  Seil  und  anderst  ausgeriistet  zu  werden,  konne  da  nicht  ab- 
kommen,  solte  mich  Eilends  nacher  Carolinam  begeben,  und  meldet 
nichts  weiters,  kein  Meldung  von  Krieg  Schif,  so  von  Virginien  uns 
entgegen  geschickt,  und  was  weiters  in  der  langen  Zeit  vorgangen, 
dass  ich  halb  vor  ungedult  verschmachtet  und  vergangen. — Solche 
widerwertige  Zeitung  und  seltsamer  bericht,  bestiirzte  mich  der- 
gestalten,  dass  nicht  wunder,  wann  ich  von  Sinnen  kommen  ware, 
nachdeme  alle  Anstalten  und  provision  gemacht,  Nun  alles  vergebens, 
sandte  den  Capitain,  nicht  gar  vernugt  zu  seyn,  dennoch  mit  ordre 
die  Schif  so  gut  als  moglich  auszuriisten,  und  das  Eillends,  weilen  es 
doch  nur  einen  kleinen  Traject  auf  den  Meerktisten  hatte,  Schriebe 
auch  an  H.  Obrist  Pollock  als  der  da  am  besten  versehen,  weilen  das 
Schif  in  der  Provinzen  dienst,  dass  man  fur  die  Noht,  das  nohtwen- 
digste  verschafen  solte,  mit  verdeuten,  ich  wolte  durch  Virginien 
schon  das  tibrige  machen,  wurde  aber  alles  auf  den  langen  banck 
gezogen,  wolt  ich  mein  Sach  befordret  haben;  Musst  ich  selbsten 
hingehen,  da  ich  nun  zu  H:  Goub:  kame,  funde  ich  ein  ganz  ander 
gesicht  als  vormahls,  ganz  Kalt,  Indifrent  und  konnte  dessen  Ursach 
nicht  errachten,  Entlich  half  er  mir  aus  meiner  Bestiirzung,  mir  den- 
noch Ernstlich  vorhaltend,  ftir  wem  wir  ihne  ansehen,  hatte  verhofet, 
wir  wurden  seine  friindlichkeit  und  Diensten  besser  Erkennen,  ja  solche 
nahmhafte  Dienst,  die  nicht  einem  jeden  particularen  bald  erwiesen 
worden,  anstatt  unsre  Schuldige  Dankbarkeit  waren  wir  sehr  Cava- 
lierisch  gegen  Ihne  verfahren,  wer  im  hochsten  grad  bestiirtzt,  der  war 
ich,  excusierte  mich,  ich  wiisste  noch  nicht  was  das  alles  bedeuten 
Solte,  bate  doch  um  Erlauterung,  so  brache  H:  Goub:  aus,  Ja,  ja,  Euwer 
schone,  M :  hat  mich  vast  dargesetzt,  Erzellet  mir,  wie  das  abgereter 
Maasen  er,  H.  Goub:  Ein  Krieg  Schif  ausgesendt,  unsres  Sloop  mit 
Volck  abzuholen,  und  zu  Convoieren,  selbiges  aber  vor  der  Coratuex 
Insul  bey  6.  Tagen  gewartet,  entlich  der  Capitain  ungetultig  da  er 
niemand  sahe,  sich  herzumachen,  sendte  seinen  kleinen  Bargunen  ans 
Land  umb  zu  erfragen,  ob  von  unsrer  Slop  mit  Schweizeren  nichts  zu 
erfahren,  wolt  niemand  das  geringste  darvon  wissen,  da  er  weiters  zu 
einem  Dorflin  Little  genandt,  fuhr,  vernahme  er  endlich  dass  M.  M: 
zu  Neu  Bern  und  die  Slop  in  einer  schlechten  Condition  auf  einem 
Sandbanck  und  nicht  abkommen  konnte.  Nachdeme  der  Lieut:  solche 
Zeitung  vernommen,  miech  Er  sich  eilends  zu  seinem  Haubtmann, 
welcher  halb  aus  der  Haut  Sprung,  dass  er  so  amusiert  und  vergebens 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  iSTew  Bern      145 

eine  so  gefahrliche  Reis  gethan,  dann  warm  ein  Sturm  sich  hatte 
mercken  lassen,  Er  in  das  weite  Meer  hinaus  miissen,  und  so  es  gegen 
das  Land  geblasen  hatte,  ware  er  in  grosser  gefahr  gewesen,  weilen 
der  Enden  das  Wasser  nicht  Tief  ist,  also  unmuhtig  nacher  Virgin- 
ien  gekehrt.  Da  nun  dieses  alles  angehoret,  ward  mir  halb  ohnmachtig 
von  Vertruss  und  Scham  dass  ein  soleher  H:  von  deme  so  viel  frund- 
lichkeit,  Diensten,  ja  das  Leben  selbsten  neehst  Gott  hatte,  so  dar- 
gesetzt:  Fienge  an  mich  best  ends  zu  entschuldigen,  respondierend, 
wie  das  ich  selbsten  vast  dargesetzt,  als  alles  schon  auf  Potomac  be- 
stelt,  sey  im  grossten  Kummer  wie  mich  aus  einem  solchen  Labirint 
zuschwingen.  Nachdeme  nun  H.  Goub :  mich  zu  Erlaben  Einen  Trunck 
anpresentiert,  fieng  Er  mich  zu  bedauren  an,  dass  ich  mit  einem 
solchen  wunderlichen  Kopf  zu  thun  hatte,  Riehte  er  mir  seiner  zu 
mussgen. 

Nachdeme  nun  frundlich  Tractiert,  da  ubernachtet,  so  mieche  mich 
dess  andern  Tags,  Eilends  in  Carolina,  um  die  vorgemelte  nohtige 
Anstalten  zu  thun,  hatte  auch  an  einem  ohrt,  Sagel  und  Cartag: 
Bestelt,  um  im  fahl  der  Noht  die  Slop  zu  Montieren:  da  ich  nun  bey 
H.  Goub:  Hide  in  Carolina  ankam,  vernahme  Ich  erst  recht  griind- 
lich  alien  Handel,  und  weiss  nicht  was  noch  mehr  unbeliebiges  darzu, 
Schrieb  alsbald  H.  M.  zu,  um  mich  der  Bewantnus  aller  dingen  zu 
berichten,  wurde  aber  schlecht  Satisfaciert,  verlangte  darauf  er  solte 
zu  mir  kommen,  damit  wir  iiber  Eint  mid  anders  die  nohtigen  Men- 
suren  nehmen  konnten,  war  aber  nicht  zu  erhalten,  und  mochte  ich 
aus  guten  Ursachen  nicht  zu  ihme  gehen,  so  date  anderwerts  anstal- 
ten, hielte  bey  H:  Goub:  und  Raht  an,  dass  weilen  die  Sloop  in  der 
Provinz  Diensten,  so  zugerichtet,  seye  nicht  billichers  als  dass  man 
mir  sie  im  guten  Stand  widrum  iibergebe:  Welches  auch  gut  befunden 
so  hat  man  Einen  der  Sachen  Verstandiger  mann  gesendt  die  Slop  zu 
visitieren,  und  remitieren  wurde  aber  mit  Lebens-Mittlen  und  andrer 
Hiilf  so  schlecht  versehen,  dass  er  widerum  zuriick  kame,  und  zwar 
kranck  weilen  es  im  Heyssen  Summer  wahre,  Er  theilte  auch  den 
bericht  dass  die  Schlop  nicht  lang  halten  konnte,  weilen  Sie  durch  den 
Sommer  aus  an  der  Hitz  gelegen,  von  den  Einwohnern  beschadiget, 
und  musste  sie  ganz  Neuw  Montiert  werden,  welches  sie  nicht  wehrt. 
Hiemit  iibergabe  ich  der  provintz  die  Schloop,  und  wolte  sie  geschetzt 
haben,  in  dem  wahrt  und  preis,  da  sie  in  Diensten  kommen,  ist  mir 
aber  bey  weitem  nicht  zugesprochen  worden,  was  ich  verlangt,  so  dass 
ich  den  halbigen  Theil  daran  verlieren  mussen,  ist  aber  noch  nichts 
entrichtet  so  wenig  als  von  der  Kleinren./ 

Indessen  wo  hinaus  mit  meinen  Leuthen,  schriebe  widerum  H:  M. 
beweglich  zu,  und  verlangte  eine  Converentz,  bey  so  schlipfrigen  Con- 
juncten,  insbesonders,  da  die  Creditoren  verlangten  bezahlt   zu  seyn, 

10 


146  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

erfolgte  kein  Antwort,  wohl  aber  vernahme  dass  der  M.  alles  unter 
dem  Vorwand  Meine  sachen  zu  salvieren,  einpackten  und  nach  Slid 
Carolina  zu  fahren  gesinnet,  auch  etliche  Pfelzer  beret  mit  ihme  dahin 
zu  gehen,  dieser  nimmer  Erwartete  anschlag  gefiel  mir  nicht,  und 
ward  ich  gewarnet,  meine  Sachen  in  bessere  Verwahrung  zu  thun, 
aber  zu  spaad,  auf  das  hinweilen  der  Obrist  Pollock,  deme  ich  Eine 
Zimliche  Summa  zu  thun  Schuldig,  fur  vorgestreckte  Provision  der 
Coloney,  Etwas  verdacht  fassete,  wie  billich,  so  ersucht  ich  Ihne  alles 
authorisiert  durch  geschworene  Manner  zu  inventarisieren,  so  wohl  der 
Pfalzer  restierende  Mittel  als  meine,  und  so  wahren  sie  in  verwah- 
rung gethan,  allein  meine  beste  Sachen  wahren  fort. — 

Da  ich  nun  reflectierte  auf  H.  M.  Conduite  wie  er  alles  so  seltsam 
angestelt,  wie  er  alle  Interessierten  amusiert  und  nichts  verfolget,  so 
traute  nichts  gutes,  Schriebe  ihme  noch  zur  Letze  einen  Brief,  ime 
sehr  per  relation,  verdeutend,  was  ich  von  eint  und  andren  ver- 
nohmen,  als  aber  verwis,  und  so  man  Ihne  in  einichen  Verdacht,  er 
wahrhaftig  selbsten  die  Ursach  darzu  gegeben,  durch  seine  Con- 
duite, Tergiversationen  und  wanckelmuhtige  VerEnderung  wie  dann 
solches  besser  ab  apahrto  mundlich  zu  erzellen,  wie  die  Sachen  nun 
seyn,  in  solcher  extremitet  miissten  starke  resolutions  genommen  wer- 
den,  und  seye  apsolute  nohtwendig  das  wir  uns  mundlich,  gegen 
andren  expectorieren  und  die  letste  Mensuren  nehmen.  Es  seye  per- 
riculum  Mora,  anstatt  einer  zusammenkunft  Erhielte  nichts  als  das 
unverschandeste  Schreiben,  so  konnte  erdenckt  werden,  glaube  wohl 
sey  froh  gewesen  einen  pretext  zu  finden,  Seinen  Tiicken  Eine  Farb  zu 
geben,  und  sich  los  zu  machen.  Von  deme  was  er  seinem  angeben  nach 
nicht  ausfiihren  konnte;  hatte  hier  weitlaufige  Mater j  fiber  sein  unver- 
sprechliches  Verf ahren,  zu  klagen :  Seinen  ansehnlichen  Verwanten  aber 
mehr  als  ihme  zu  verschonen,  will  ich  mit  Seufzen  und  Stillschweigen 
ubergehen. — 

Es  wahren  in  diesem  Brief  so  viellerley  Sachen,  die  klar  zeigten, 
dass  ich  und  andere  mehr  Dubiert  insbesonders  eine  das  ermelter 
M:  von  einer  neuwen  Entreprisen  gemeldet,  als  welcher  er  fast  zu 
gelten  miech,  nemlich  eine  Colloney  der  Rivier  Mesesipy 4  7  nach  zu 
setzen,  an  welcher  3  Cronen  Spanien,  Frankreich  und  Engelland  Pret: 
der  Meinung  es  werde  der  Stand  von  Bern  als  Neutral  diss  land  grad 
von  diesen  3  Cronen  erhalten:  Kann  mann  aber  liecht  betrachten  l.48/ 
die  Jalousie  solcher  machtiger  Potentien,  da  keiner  der  andern  Cedieren 
wiirde,  2./  die  Unfahigkeit  des  standes  von  Bern  als  da  kein  Seemacht, 
Entferhnt  Land  zu  Colonieren,  so  siehet  man  liecht  dass  wahrhaftig 
H.  M.  Sein  Calcul  nicht  wohl  betrachtend,  und  dass  solche  Sprung 
von  Pensilvania  in  MarienLand  von  da  in  Virginien,  weiters  in  Nord 
Carolina  zu  denen  in  Slid  Carolina  und  Entlich  auf  Mesesipy,  nicht 


Graffeneied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      147 

passieren  mogen.  Der  Schluss  ist  nun  der  Virginischen  oder  Marie- 
landischen  Silber  Mines  halben,  bald  gemacht,  dann  ist  da  Etwas 
realisches,  warumb  darvon  Abstrahieren  und  nach  dem  Golfe  von 
Mexico  zu  gehn;  die  Haar  stehen  mir  zu  berg,  warm  betrachte  wie 
viel  famillien,  dargesetzt,  insbesonders  _  .  _  so  viel  famillien  der 
Bergleuth  die  auf  ein  formalischen  Tractat  sich  fondierend  ihr  Vater- 
land  verlassen,  mit  grossen  Kosten  in  Americam  verreiset  und  nun 
dorten  noch  H.  M.  angetrofen,  noch  jemand  der  Ihnen  angegebene 
Minen  zeigte,  ich  muss  nun  von  der  vertriesslichen  Matery  aufhoren 
zu  reden,  sonst  wurde  mich  so  darin  Vertiefen,  dass  fiir  die  iibrigen 
Sachen  nicht  Raum  genug,  clami  Eigendlich  diss  nicht  mein  Vor- 
haben. 

Komme  wider  auf  meine  Carolinische  relation,  nach  deme  nun  auf- 
gemeltes  referirt  wie  wenig  assistenz  von  Bern  aus  zu  gewarten,  Ein 
Wachselbrief  liber  den  andern,  protestiert  wahre  mir  obgelegen,  was 
fiir  experient  in  solcher  dringender  Noht  zu  ergreifen,  dennoch  hatte 
noch  keine  Gedancken  in  Europam  zu  gehen,  weilen  bey  H:  Goub: 
Hide  noch  Zwey  Negers  Sclaven,  die  mir  zugehorten  wahren,  trach- 
teten  solche  mit  mir  zu  nemen,  in  gedanken  mich  derer  zu  bedienen 
bey  Kanavest  bey  welchen  Indianern,  mich  retirieren  wolte,  und  nach 
und  nach  von  den  Collonisten,  aus  Carolina  nach  hier  vorgemelten  an- 
schlag  dahin  zu  ziechen  welche  auch  ein  grosses  verlangen,  darzu 
Erzeigten:  allein  H:  Goub:  Hide,  hielte  mich  so  lang  auf,  weilen  der 
Frieden  mit  den  Indianern  noch  nicht  genzlich:  rattificiert,  welchen 
Schluss  er  auch  absolute  haben  wo  It,  dass  Einer  meiner  Creditoren 
Eine  Invention  erfunden,  Subtiler  weis  auf  diese  Negers  zu  wachen, 
dass  sie  nicht  fortkommen  konnten. — 

Indessen  wurden  wir  von  der  grossen  Hitz  und  ohne  Zweifel  weilen 
wir  so  viel  Pfersich  und  apfel  gegessen  alle  in  H:  Goub:  krank,  so  dass 
auch  Endlich  H:  Goub:  In  wenig  Tagen  gestorben,  welches  mir  viel 
geschatt,  da  Er  mein  sehr  guter  Fnind,  dieser  Tod  brachte  seine  ehl. 
Liebste  Made:  Hide  schier  in  Desperation  und  hielte  sie  mit  heissen 
Tranen  bey  mir  an,  ich  solte  sie  in  einer  so  traurigen  Conjunctur  nicht 
verlassen,  sondern  bey  ihr  bleiben,  bis  die  Sachen,  theils  wegen  des 
Gouv:  in  Pdchtigkeit,  theils  mit  ihren  wegen  ihrer  Verstorbenen  H: 
Pretentionen  mid  restanzen  alles  geschlichtet :  mir  weiters  representieren 
dass  dem  rang  und  gesezen  nach,  als  Landgrafen  das  Presidium  mir 
gebuhrte,  und  dass  sie  lestlich  zu  Londen  bey  des  Lord  propriet:  ver- 
spiirt  dass  so  vacants,  sie  mir  das  Gouvern:  anvertrauwen  wurden, 
bedankte  mich  dessen  hofiich,  gab  Ihr  aber  andre  grund  vor,  welche 
mich  solches  anzunehmen,  abhielten,  das  bedeutete  dass  noch  ein 
paar  Wochen  da  verbleiben  wolte,  und  mein  bestes  beytragen,  Ihre 
Sachen  richtig  zu  machen,  da  doch  meine  eben  so  pressierten. — 


148  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Nach  der  Begrabnus  kame  Obrist  Pollock  der  Elteste  des  Rahts, 
sambt  iibrigen  Richtern  zu  mir,  und  Ersuchten  mich  das  Presidium 
anzunehmen,  welches  aber  ausschlug,  aus  vielen  wichtigen  Griinden, 
vorgebend  H:  Obrist  Pollock  als  der  Elteste  in  Jahren  und  auch  im 
Raht,  solte  solches  annehmen,  Seye  ihme  die  Sachen  der  Provintz 
auch  besser  bekannt  als  mir  der  da  ganz  frembd  in  diesen  Landen, 
welches  nach  vielen  Complimenten  Er  Entlich  angenommen. — 

Indessen  wurde  von  diesem  Alles  die  Lord  proprietet  berichtet,  gabe 
von  weitem  zu  verstehn,  dass  so  mir  das  Gouvern:  angetragen,  ich  es 
nicht  ausschlagen  wurde:  wolte  aber  darfur  nicht  anhalten,  dieses 
wahr  ohne  einiches  bedenken,  wie  schon  berichtet,  gut  befunden 
weilen  aber  bekannt  dass  ich  in  Carolina  vast  in  Schulden,  und  schon 
etliche  Wexel  protestiert,  so  wurde  inngehalten,  bericht  von  Bern  aus 
erwartend, :  da  dann  ich  geschrieben,  ob  Hofnung  einicher  Bezahlung, 
denne  ist  auch  brauchlich,  dass  die  Pretendenten  persohnlich  sich  in 
solchen  Conjuncturen  stellen,  also  wurde  verzogen,  6  ganze  Monath, 
bis  ein  Goub:  bestelt  wurde:  Da  doch  zu  Londen  sich  etliche  hervor- 
gethan,  und  grad  dieser  jetzige  Goub:  Eden  wurde  Entlich  schier 
ungedultig,  so  da  noch  von  Bern  Bericht  noch  meiner  persohn  zu  Londen 
angelanget,  sind  Endlich  die  Lord  propriet:  zu  Wahl  geschritten,  und 
haben  obigen  H:  Eden  Erwehlt,  welchen  ich  noch  zu  Londen  ange- 
trofen  und  besprochen,  ja  ihme  mein  Interesse  so  wohl  als  der  Coloney 
bestends  anrecommandiert,  zu  welchen  Er  seine  officia  Sinceriter  ver- 
sprochen,  ist  ihme  auch  von  den  Lord  Propriet:  selbsten  anbefohlen 
worden,  Intransiter  vermelde,  dass  da  ich  zu  Londen  lestlich  ange- 
langt,  und  mich  bey  H:  Collector  Chevalier  Baronet  auch  Lord  Pro- 
priet: als  meinen  Special  guten  frund  aufgehalten,  8  Tag  bey  ihme 
auf  seinem  Landgute  8  Meil  von  Londen  verbleiben,  er  mir  beim 
ersten  anblick,  sein  transport  bezeuget,  dass,  ware  ich  nur  ein  Monath 
Eher  angelangt,  ich  nun  Goub:  Inn  Carolina  sein  wurde,  welches  mich 
aber  minder  als  Ihne  verdrossen,  weilen  mir  leyder  wohl  bewusst,  dass 
zu  Bern  keine  Disposition  meine  Schulden  zu  bezahlen,  noch  weder 
von  den  meinigen  noch  von  den  Propriet:  die  da  von  so  vielen,  wider- 
wertigkeiten  Deguragiert. — 

Nun  bin  ich  schier  nach  Londen  anstatt  nach  Virginien  kommen, 
fahre  fort  wo  ich  geblieben,  wenig  tag  zuvor  Eh  ich  von  der  Fr:  Goub: 
Hide  abscheid  genommen,  liess  ich  durch  meinen  Knecht  in  geheim  der 
Negers  anzeigen,  sie  solten  sich  in  der  Stille  liber  die  Rivier  des  Nachts 
machen,  und  driiben  meiner  Erwarten,  mit  mir  in  Virginien  zu  gehen, 
worzu  sie  ganz  freudig,  dann  sie  da  hart  tractiert,  weis  aber  nicht  wie 
sie  es  angestelt,  jemand  bekame  Luft  darvon,  und  wurden  arrestiert, 
so  musste  ich  Sie  dahinden  lassen,  und  wurde  hierbey  der  Compass 
gantz  verrlickt,  darauf  nahme  alsobald  abscheid,   mir  selbsten  nicht 


Graffenkied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been       149 

trauend,  und  kame  zu  H:  Goub:  Spotswood  in  Virginien  welchem  alle 
dise  widerwertigkeiten  Erzellet,  Er  mich  heftig  bedauerte,  weillen  aber 
an  mein  rendevous  mit  H.  Bard  auf  der  Potemack  rivier  gedachten, 
so  hielte  mich  nicht  lange  zu  Viliams  Burg  auf,  sondren  miech  ich  mich 
auf  den  weg  Marienland,  der  Meinung  ihne  bey  H.  Rossier  bey  dem 
fahl  anzutrefen,  und  da  einen  Schluss  als  Mitt  Interesierten  zu  fassen, 
Eilte  hiermit  so  stark  ich  konnte,  da  ich  aber  bey  MarienLand 
point  eine  fahrt  mit  meinen  Pferdten  iiber  die  rivier  wolte,  hinderte 
mich  Ein  starker  Wind,  so  bald  der  Wind  nachliess  fuhr  ich  hiniiber 
und  mieche  mich  dem  fahl  zu,  wolte  aber  nicht  das  ungluck  dass  wo 
ich  bey  H:  Rosiers  Haus  angelangt,  noch  den  H.  noch  die  Fr:  dess 
Hauses  noch  H.  Bart  antrefe,  die  zwey  erstren  wahren  eine  ganze 
Tag  Reis  weit  zu  ihren  Verwandten  Visits  und  H.  Bart,  wahre  just 
den  Tag  zuvor  verreisst,  mich  in  Virginien  vermeind  anzutrefen,:  ich 
alsobald  obwohl  mud  von  einer  langen  Reis,  nahme  nur  Etwas  Speis 
und  einen  Trunck  in  der  Eyl,  reisete  im  Sprung  zuruck,  so  dass 
meine  Pferdt  zu  starck  geritten  wahren,  gezwung  en  einen  Tag  Ehe  wir 
zu  Villiams  Burg  ankamen,  zu  Fuss  zu  gehen,  so  bald  da  angelangt  be- 
fragten  mich  ob  H:  Bart  vorhanden,  Erfuhr  aber  dass  er  zu  Hamton 
dem  Ersten  Virginichen  Seeport  wahre,  sandte  alsbald  meinen  Knecht 
mit  einem  lamen  Pferdt  dahin,  welcher  ihne  auch  nicht  mehr  an- 
traf,  dessen  Ursach  war,  weilen  H.  Bart  da  ungefahrt  Ein  Krieg 
Schif  fertig  nacher  Neuw  jorck  zu  seglen,  antraf,  und  dessen  Cap- 
itain  sein  guter  Friind  sich  gern  dieser  Gelegenheit  zu  seiner  Riickreis 
bediente,  nachdeme  er  sich  meiner  und  der  Colloney  Sachen  Innvor- 
miert,  vernommen,  dass  H.  Goub:  Hide  gestorben,  meine  Sache  alle 
denn  Krebgang  gewunnen,  mir  einen  Brief  hinderlassen,  welchen  auch 
Niemahlen  Empfangen,  ist  er  auf  Neuw  Yorck  verreist,  welches 
ohnweit  von  Bartington  einem  schonen  Flecken,  auf  die  Holendische 
Manier  gebauwen,  Ein  Grenzohrt  zwischen  Neuwjork  und  Pensilvan- 
ien  wo  er  sich  meistends  aufhielt,  da  war  ich  aber  neben  ab,  dann 
dieser  mein  letste  ressource  war,  weillen  Er  ein  Verstandiger  Er- 
fahrner  und  aufrichtiger  Kaufmann  wahre,  Ein  Gascon  de  Nation, 
welches  mich  verwundert,  dass  er  als  ein  listiger  Mann,  M:  M:  soviel 
vertrauwet  und  fiirgestreckt,  gedachte  es  ware  noch  etwas  an  der 
Sach  der  Silber  Minen  halben,  und  ware  die  minste  aparentz  da  ge- 
wesen  Einicher  realitet,  hatte  mich  noch  gelitten. — 

Was  nun  zu  thun,  so  ich  liecht  etwas  gehabt,  das  mich  zu  Cana- 
vest  hatte  setzen  konnen,  so  wir  demnach  zu  weit  gegangen,  anstatt 
zu  H:  Goub:  Spotswood,  gienge  zu  einem  bekannten  particular 
friind,  wolt  noch  Einen  Sach  thun, 4  9  sandte  meinen  Knecht  in  Caro- 
lina, theils  zu  vernehmen  er  hatte  sich  etwas  anders  besinnt,  theils  zu 
vernemen,  was  er  eiggendlich  fur  ein   Routen    genomen,    Item 5  °    zu 


150  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

sehen  ob  villicht  die  Negers  entrimen,  in  solchem  fahl  so  ich  Sie  be- 
kommen  konnte,  hatte  noch  zu  Canavest  etwas  ausrichten  Konnen, 
dan  sie  nur  Korn  pflanzen  konnen,  und  zu  etwas  wenix  Vich  Achtung 
gegeben,  Es  kam  aber  mein  Knecht  unverrichteter  Sachen  zuriick, 
doch  wurde  Ihme  angesagt,  dass  wan  ich  meinen  Berner  Colonisten, 
und  etwelchen  Erlichen  Pfalzern,  eine  Schlop  oder  grosse  Barquen,  mit 
Provision  senden  wolte,  sie  willens  zu  mir  zu  kommen,  getrostete 
mich  noch  zu  Erhalten  mit  den  Bergwercken,  so  mit  H:  Goub: 
Spotswood  hatte. — 

Auf  diesen  bericht  schriebe  ich  an  Obrist  Fitzhugh,  ein  richer  mann 
Koniglich.  Rahts  und  mein  bester  frund,  welcher  mit  dieser  Neuwen 
Colloney  gern  einstehen  wolte  mit  officieren,  des  nohtwendigen  proviant 
und  andren  Hiilf  Mittlen,  da  ich  nun  streng  an  dieser  Arbeit,  ver- 
meinend  ich  hatte  da  ein  loch  gefunden,  auszuschleuffen,  wurde  ich 
gewarnet.  Ein  Virginischer  Kaufmann,  der  einen  Carolinischen  Ein- 
wohner  auf  meine  Wexel  Brief  wahren  verkauft,  wolte  auf  den  pro- 
testierten  Wexel  mich  arretieren  lassen,  und  ward  der  arrest  wurklich 
in  dem  Haus  wo  mich  aufhielte  angelegt,  ich  aber  verbarg  mich, 
hierauf  gieng  ich  bey  guten  Friinden  zu  Raht,  erfragte  ob  zu  Canevest 
ich  vor  den  Creditoren  sicher  ware,  oder  an  andren  orten  America 
wurde  mir  zur  antwort  an  keinem  ohrt,  dann  warm  ich  schon  unter 
den  Indianern  ich  vermittlest  der  Indianischen  Handlern,  oder  Nego- 
cianten  Entdeckt  wurde,  da  stunde  ich  aber  an,  so  dass  keine  ressource 
in  america  fur  mich  zu  finden,  Es  ware  dann  sach,  dass  hofnung  gelter 
von  Bern  aufzubekommen,  oder  funden  Neuwe  associerten,  deren 
wohl  zu  finden  gewessen,  wolten  aber  mit  den  alten  Schulden  nicht  zu 
thun  haben./ 

Warm  aber  refectiert  auf  etliche  Briefen  die  ich  empfangen,  welche 
mich  wenig  Satisfactierten,  verfiigte  mich  ganz  verniinftig  zu  H: 
Goub:  Spotswood,  nacher  Viliamsburg  sein  residentz  ohrt,  warf  ihme 
meine  Fatalitaten  gleich  einer  Handvoll  oblige  oder  mit  diesen  Worten, 
Mon.  Le  Gouv:  Je  suis  tenement:  Nachdeme  nun  die  Zeit  in  acht 
genommen,  dass  er  in  guter  Humor  und  mtissig,  fragte  ob  gelegen- 
heit,  mir  audientz  zu  ertheilen,  und  das  Zwar  eine  Lange,  worauf  er 
Ein  wenig  lachte,  und  bekame  von  diesem  generosen  H:  ein  gantz 
gunstig  Verhor,  nach  deme  nun  meine  Ungluckafftige  avantiere  er- 
zellt,  wie  auch  dass  man  mich  arrestieren  wollen,  so  bezeugte  H :  Goub : 
hiertiber  ein  hertzliches  Mitleiden,  sich  verwundrend,  dass  man 
mich  so  im  Stich  liess,  insbesonders  die  Societet,  wusste  nichts  bessres 
zu  rahten,  als  mich  in  Europam  zu  begeben,  offerrierte  mir  eine  rec- 
ommandation  an  Einen  guten  Frund,  der  procurieren  solt,  dass  der 
Graf  Orknay  der  Konigin  fur  mich  ein  Sublication  presentieren  wurde, 
dene  solt  ich  nacher  Bern  meiner  Societet  alles  kreftig  vorstellen  und 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern       151 

die  gelter  zur  Bezahlimg  der  Wexelbrieffen  Solicitieren.  Diesen  Raht 
communicierte  etlichen  meiner  besten  friinden,  welche  auch  mitstimm- 
ten. — 

Weilen  aber  der  Winter  anbrach,  und  zu  diesen  Zeiten  keine  Schif  in 
Europam  Segleten,  hielte  mich  den  Winter  durch,  welcher  dorten 
nicht  so  lang  wahret,  bey  einem  guten  friind,  und  weilen  doch  ungern 
in  Europam  widrum  gieng,  viel  minder  nacher  Haus,  so  thate  ich  alle 
diese  Zeit  unaufhorlich  bitten,  dass  der  allmachtige  Gott,  mir  in  Sinn 
geben  wolte,  was  in  einem  so  schlipfrigen  geschaft  thun  solte,  dass  er  es 
alles  nach  seinem  heiligen  Willen  leiten  wolle,  damit  inskonftig  mehr 
segen  in  meinem  Vornemen  hatte,  ich  also  eine  solche  resolution  nemen 
mochte,  welche  meiner  seelen  am  Erspriesslichsten  sejoi  wiirde,  dann 
wann  nichts  andres  gesucht  als  nun  mich  die  Zeit  meines  Lebens  zur 
Nohtdurft  durchzubringen,  hatte  noch  wohl  experient  gefunden  allein 
die  Coloney  zu  verlassen,  mieche  mir  auch  Gedanken:  wan  be- 
trachtet  was  ich  Gott  schuldig,  insbesonders  fur  eine  sonderbahre 
erlosung  und  wie  mir  alles  so  fatal  und  wiclrig  gienge  so  konnte  ich 
schier  errachten,  dass  es  Gottes  willen  nicht  wahre,  dass  ich  langer 
in  diesen  Landen  verbliebe,  und  da  kein  guter  Stern  fiir  mich  schien, 
so  nahm  ich  Endlich  die  resolution  fortzureisen. 

Mich  trostend  dass  meine  Colonisten  villicht  besser  unter  diesen 
Carolineren  vortkommen,  als  die  inen  zur  Zeit  besser  helfen  konnten 
als  ich,  hiemit  desshalb  keine  grosse  Versprechung  auf  mir  hatte,  dann 
was  ich  thate  wahre  nicht  der  Meinung  sie  gentzlich  zu  verlassen,  da 
doch  mir  ihrer  ein  grosser  Theil  Ursach  gnug  darzu  gegeben,  sondern 
im  f ahl  bey  Ihr  Koniglichen  Ma37esteht  von  Engelland  giinst :  audientz, 
zu  Bern  auch  mehrere  assistenz,  so  konnte  dann  mit  freuden  und 
Nutzen  widrum  zu  ihnen  kommen. — 

Wahre  ich  aber  in  dieser  Negotiation  auch  ungluckaftig  so  musste 
ich  wohl  Gott  diese  Coloney  und  den  Lord  propr:  anbefehlen,  und 
mich  in  meinem  Vaterland  still  halt  en,  die  tibrige  Zeit  meines  Lebens 
da  Verschliessen  in  bereuwung  der  Verlohrnen  Zeit,  Einer  wahren 
Demiithigung  und  aufrichtiger  bekehrung  in  betrachtung,  dass  die 
Siinden  meiner  jugend  mir  diss  ungluck  als  zuwegen  gebracht,  obwohlen 
diese  Ztichtigung,  alle  der  Menschlichen  Natur  hart,  dennoch  nicht  so 
scharpf,  wie  ich  es  wohl  verdient  hatte:  Solt  mir  nun  obligen  alle  welt- 
liche  mid  Eitele  Sorgen  zu  verlassen,  hingegen  mehrere  Vorsorgend  fur 
meine  arme  Seel  zu  thun,  darzu  mir  Gott  die  gnad  geben  wolle. — 

NB.  habe  hiervor  von  dieser  Coloney  gemelt,  wann  ich  sie  schon 
verlassen,  und  sie  so  viel  Ungluck  uberfallen,  haben  Sie  solches  selb- 
sten  auf  sie  gezogen,  1./ wahren  Sie,  will  sagen  die  meisten  abtrunnig 
von  Ihrer  rechtmassigen  Oberkeit,  was  sie  gegen  diesen  gethan,  thaten 
sie  hernach  auch  mir,  da  der  halbe  Theil  in  der  grossen  Noht  sich  von 


152  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

mir  gezogen:  Item  wahren  Sie  Gottloos  Volck  dass  nicht  zu  verwun- 
dren,  warm  der  allmachtige  Sie  mit  Heyden  hat  heimgesucht,  dann  Sie 
Erger  Lebten  als  die  Heyden,  mid  so  ich  gewusst,  was  diese  Leuth 
wahren,  Berner  so  wohl  als  die  Pfaltzer,  hatte  mich  Ihr  wohl  nicht 
angenommen;  Von  Pfaltzeren  gedachte  das  boste  auszulassen,  wie  es 
der  apparentz  nach  schiene,  was  die  gewesen,  so  auf  dem  meer  und  eh 
ich  in  americam  kommen,  gestorben,  ist  mir  unbewusst,  von  denen  aber 
die  ich  noch  angetrofen,  darunter  etliche  Verloffene  Schweitzer  under 
Pfalzer  nahmen,  Erf  und  ich  Sie  meistends  Gottlose  aufruhrische  Leuth, 
darunter  Morder,  Dieben,  Ehebrecher,  Flucher  und  Lesterer,  was  im- 
mer  ich  fur  Sorg  und  Miihj  anwendte  sie  in  gebiihr  zu  halten,  es  hulfen 
noch  kreftige  Vermahnung  noch  treuwung,  noch  Strafen,  was  ich  mit 
ihnen  ausgestanden,  das  weiss  Gott,  unter  den  Bernern  wahren  Zwey 
Haushaltungen,  welche  wohl  die  excrementz  dess  ganzen  Berngebiets, 
ein  Gottloser  Gesind  hab  ich  nie  gesehen  noch  erfahren,  und  da  die 
Frommen  sturben,  blieben  diese  als  das  Unkraut  liber,  so  nicht  bald 
verdirbt. — 

Das  schone  und  gute  Land  durte  mich  mehr  zu  verlassen  als  so 
ein  boses  Volck,:  doch  wahren  etlich  wenig  fromme  Leuth,  die  sich 
wohl  gehalten,  mir  lieb  wahren,  denen  wtinschet  dass  es  ihnen  wohl 
gehe,  der  H.  bekehre  die  iibrigen.  Es  wahre  nun  zu  thun  wie  meine 
Reis  fortzunehmen,  per  Wasser  oder  Land,  per  Wasser  konnt  es  nicht 
geschachen,  weilen  kein  Schif  Capitain  einiche  persohn  bey  Verlusst 
einer  Summa  annehmen  darf ,  die  in  Schulden  und  nicht  im  Vermogen 
mit  den  Creditoren  abzuschafen,  so  musste  es  per  Land  geschachen, 
welches  eine  lange  Reis,  und  worzu  ich  kein  Gelt  hatte,  etwas  Silber- 
geschirr,  so  ich  noch  behalten,  musste  ich  zu  gelte  machen. — 

Indessen  schrieb  ich  briefen  an  die  Coloney,  ihnen  mein  und  ihren 
klaglichen  Zustand  representierend,  und  wie  nohtig  meine  Reis,  sendte 
zugleich  auch  Schreiben  an  die  H.  Presidenten  des  Rahts,  ihnen  auch 
meine  Grtind  vorstellend,  und  recommendierte  bestends  die  Ver- 
lassene,  und  Delaprierte  Coloney. — 

Nachdeme  nun  meinen  Abschied  von  H.  Goub:  Spootswood  genom- 
men,  der  mich  zur  Letze  wohl  regaliert,  und  fur  mein  present,  das  ich 
ihme  zu  Einem  kleinen  Zeichen  meiner  schuldigen  Dankbarkeit  iiber- 
reicht,  mir  an  gold  ein  gegen  present  thate,  welches  meines  gar  weit 
tibertraf,  ring  ich  meine  Reys  mit  des  allerhochsten  beystand,  grad  auf 
ostren  1713  an,  per  Land  durchzoge  schier  gantz  Virginien,  ganz 
Marienland,  Pensilvaniam,  Jersey,  und  kam  entlich  zu  Neuw  York, 
Gott  sey  Danck  glucklich  an,  welches  Eine  auf  die  Holandische  Manier 
wohl  gebauwte  schone  Statt  auf  einer  Insul  einer  seits  an  einem  schonen 
Seehafen,  und  Zwischen  Zweyen  Schifbahren  rivieren  die  Situation 
uberaus  wohl  gelegen,  mit  einem  Vesten  Schloss  und  ist  die  Landschaft 


Gkaffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been       153 

daherum  Charmant,  in  der  Statt  sind  3  Kirchen,  ein  Englische,  ein 
frantzosische,  und  Holendische,  in  welcher  auf  teusch  gebrediget 
wirdt,  da  ist  aller  iiberfmss  und  kann  man  da  haben,  was  man  begehrt, 
die  besten  Fisch,  gut  Fleisch,  getreidt  und  allerley  Erdgewachs,  gut 
bier  und  allerley  der  kostlichsten  Weine. — 

In  diesem  so  lustigen  ohrt,  blieb  ich  10  oder  12  Tag,  hernacher 
Seglete  ich  in  einer  Slopp  nach  Engelland,  muss  bekennen,  dass  an- 
fangs  mich  forchtete,  in  einem  so  kleinen  Schif,  iiber  den  grossen 
Occeanum  zu  fahren,  weilen  ich  aber  vertrostet  es  ware  in  so  kleinem 
minder  gefahr,  indem  Sie  l./der  Seglen  in  Sturmen  besser  meister 
seyen,  2./  dass  es  besser  und  geschwinder  fort  kombt,  3./  waglet 
minder  als  die  grossen,  4./bequemer  Ein  und  auszuladen,  und  in  der 
Handlung  Niitzlich,  indem  ein  solch  Schif  Zwey  Reysen  thut,  da  der 
grossen  nur  Eine  6 1./ 

Obwohlen  wir  das  Ungltick  hatten,  dass  meistends  Widerwind 
bliesen,  und  ofterns  starcke  Sturm,  so  langten  wir  dennoch  Gott  sey 
Dank  zu  End  6  Wochen  zu  Bristoll  glucklich  an:  Diese  Statt  kann 
wegen  bequemer  zufuhr  wegen  ihrer  grosse,  grosser  Handlung,  Reich- 
turn  an  Volck  oder  Einwohnern  und  gelt,  wohl  das  kleine  Londen 
genennt  werden;  Da  Ruhete  ich  etliche  tag  aus  und  mieche  mich  zu 
Pferdt,  weilen  es  in  der  Land-Gutschen  unsicher  wahre  in  guter 
Gesellschaft  nach  Londen,  allwo  ich  mich  etlich  Monath  aufgehalten, 
der  Hofnung  ich  wurde  etwan  meine  Suplication  bey  der  Konigin  Anna 
durch  den  Hertzog  Beaufort  als  meinem  H:  Patron,  der  der  Erste 
Lord  Propp:  und  Palatinus  von  Carolina  war,  eine  kleine  Zeit  aber 
zuvor,  da  Er  willig  meine  Suplication  der  Konigin  vorzutragen,  hat 
ihne  einsmahls  der  gehe  Tod  tiberfallen,  aber  ein  streich  meiner  un- 
gunstigen  fortun,  bald  hernach  sturbe  die  Konigin  selbst, :  so  geschache 
solche  nahmhafte  Endrung  am  Englischen  Hoof,  dass  meine  Suplica- 
tion unter  den  Tisch  gemust,  wie  ich  fur  eine  lange  Zeit  kein  Hofnung 
sahe,  zu  Einicher  favor  an  diesem  Neuwen  Hof;  obwohlen  doch  zu 
seiner  Zeit  apparentz,  es  wurde  der  Neuwe  Konig  als  Teuscher  Na- 
tion, diesem  Geschaft  geneigt  seyn,  weilen  die  Winters  Zeit  beschwer- 
lich  zum  reisen,  und  ich  zu  Londen  nichts  ausrichten.  Kann  unter- 
dessen  nicht  ubergehen  zu  erzellen,  dass  wie  ich  zu  Londen  angelanget 
mit  Bestlirtzung  vernommen,  wie  dass  der  Berg  Haubtmann  J.  Justus 
Allbrecht  mit  etlichen  40.  Bergleuthen  angelangt,  welches  mir  nicht 
wenig  Miihj,  Sorg,  Verdruss  und  Kosten  verursachet:  Indemme  diese 
Leuth  so  blinderweis  ohne  ordre  daherkommen  vermeinend  da  alles 
Nohtwendige  zu  ihrer  Erhaltung  und  Verschaffung  nach  den  Ameri- 
canischen  Bergwercken  zu  finden.  Es  wahre  aber  nichts  fur  sie  vur- 
handen,  und  ward  ich  selbst  so  lehr  an  gelt,  dass  kaum  ich  fur  meine 
Nohtdurft  bekommen  konnte.     Indeme  aus  America  kein  Gelt  ver- 


154  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

blieben  und  zu  Londen  kein  wexel  noch  fiir  mich  Vermacht,  so  dass 
mir  unmoglich  ein  so  menge  Leuth  zu  assistieren:  was  dis  mir  fiir  ein 
unertraglicher  last  ist  wohl  zu  dencken,  in  dem  Sie  Vermeinten,  dass 
Lauth  habender  Tractats  ich  schuldig  sie  zu  versorgen,  welche  zwar  also 
auf  meinen  Befelch  kommen  wahren,  hatte  aber  aus  America  ge- 
schrieben,  und  das  ofters  sie  etliche  Brief  en  empfangen,  dass  nem- 
lich  der  Berghaubtmann  Justus  Allbrecht  mit  seinem  Gesind  nicht 
kommen  solte  bis  auf  meine  ordres,  mit  verdeuten  dass  wegen  en- 
standenen  Unruhen  in  Carolina  und  Indianischen  Kriegs  mit  den 
Bergwercken  nichts  zu  thun,  solche  von  H:  Michel  auch  noch  nicht 
gezeigt,  so  aber  H.  Berghaubtmann,  in  einen  weg  kommen  wolte  nur 
selbst  ander  oder  dritt,  um  den  Augenschein  zu  Nehmen.  Dieseraber 
ist  unbedachter  weis  in  Einen  weg  fortgefahren, — Was  nun  zu  thun, 
wusste  nichts  besser  als  diese  Leuth  wiederumb  zuriick  nacher  Haus 
weisen,  welches  aber  ihnen  so  unbeschwerlich  viel  dass  sie  lieber  sich 
fiir  4.  jahr  lang  zu  Knechten  in  America  verdingen  wolten,  als  zu- 
riickgehen,  indessen  war  kein  Schif  fertig  in  America  zu  Saglen,  mussten 
sie  den  ganzen  Winter  durch  bis  im  Friihling  zu  Londen  sich  aufhalten, 
woraus  aber  leben,  diss  mieche  mir  viel  Miihj  5  2,  Endlich  lof  ich  zu 
einem  und  andren  grossen  H:  um  ihnen  Arbeit  und  Brodt  zu  procurie- 
ren:  theilen  fund  ich  platz  andren  nicht,  unterdessen  ward  ich  pressiert 
nacher  Haus  zu  gehen;  fund  zu  Letst  Zwey  virginische  vorneme  Kauf 
H:  denen  die  Sachen  bestends  vorstellte,  und  recommandierte  mich 
hierbey  berathen  mit  H :  Obrist  Blanckistone  an  welchem  von  H :  Goub : 
von  Virginien  recommandiert  eben  von  wegen  den  Bergwerck,  damit 
seine  Officien  fiir  mich  bey  hof  leisten  solten,  ward  hieriiber  resultat 
dass  diese  Leuth  Ihr  Gelt  zusammenschossen  nach  proportion  dessen 
Rechnung  zu  tragen,  das  iibrige  solte  einiger  obigen  Kaufh:  darschies- 
sen,  den  Transport  und  Zehrung  dieser  Leuthen  auszumachen,  bey 
Ihrer  anlandung  solte  H.  Goub:  von  Virginien  sie  annehmen  und 
versorgen  den  Schif  Capitain  auszahlen,  welcher  dann  den  Londischen 
Kaufh:  ihr  vorgestrecktes  restituiren  solte.  darzu  schrieb  ich  einen 
umbstandlichen  Brief,  an  H.  Goub:  Spotswood,  deme  eint  und  anders 
bestends  representierten,  mit  verdeuten,  dass  sie  die  kleine  Coloney/: 
auf  dem  Land  in  Virginien  so  wir  zusammen  hatten:/  ohnweit  dem 
ohrt  wo  Mineralia  gefunden,  und  anscheint  Mines  vermuhtet,  solten 
Destiniert  seyn,  wo  sie  sich  durch  die  weisen  anstalt  und  gutes  fiir- 
sorg  H:  Goub;  setzen  konnten,  indessen  wo  da  nicht  gnugsame  Indicia 
zu  Silber  Mine,  anderwehrts  zu  sehen,  und  weilen  doch  in  Virginien 
noch  Eisen,  noch  Kupfer  Schmelze  vorhanden,  an  solchen  Mineralia 
doch  alle  fiille,  konnte  man  bey  diesen  anfangen,  und  brauchten  wir 
darzu  kein  Konigliche  Patenten  wie  zu  den  SilberMines,  der  Hofnung, 
dieses  wurde  angehen,  befahl  ich  diese  guten  Bergleuth   der  Obsorg 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  ]STew  Bern      155 

dess  allerhochsten,  so  verreisten  sie  anfangs  Jahr  1714.  Nun  ist  ein 
ganzes  jar  verflossen,  dass  noch  von  H.  Goub:  noch  von  Ihnen  kein 
Bericht  empfangen,  desswegen  in  grossen  Sorgen  stehe. — 

Es  scheint  dass  nun  meine  americanische  Traverses  zu  End  ge- 
kommen,  allein  eben  der  Ungliick  stern  so  mich  aus  meinem  Vaterland 
gefiihrt,  begleitete  mich  bis  nacher  Haus: — ■ 

Aus  forcht  es  wurden  meine  americanischen  Creditoren  deme  der 
allerscharsften  einer  zu  allem  Ungliick  zu  Londen  befunden,  anstalten 
thun,  dass  man  bey  dem  Meerport  mich  erfragen  und  arretieren  sollte, 
nahm  ich  die  resolution  anstatt  der  gemeinen  Routen  Douvre  oder 
Harwich  zu  nehmen,  in  einem  kleinen  Fahrzeug  so  nacher  St.  Valerio 
destiniert,  und  meine  Reis  nacher  Haus  als  kiirzer  und  sicherer  zu 
thun.  Der  Tag  ward  angesetzt:  Weilen  ich  aber  kein  passport  nemen 
dorfte  aus  forcht  ich  wurde  entdeckt,  rahtete  mir  der 5  3  welchem 
meine  Sachen  vertrauen  musste,  doch  unter  einem  andren  Nahmen  in 
Einem  kleinen  Schiflein  nacher  Gravesand  zu  fahren,  und  er  mieche 
sich  auch  fertig.  Da  ich  ungefehrt  halben  wex  wahre,  Sturmte  ein  sol- 
cher  starker  Widerwind  daher,  dass  ich  gezwungen  ans  Land  zu  fahren 
und  zu  Fuess  nacher  Gravesand  zu  gehen,  wo  ich  tibernacht,  und 
noch  einen  ganzen  Tag,  weilen  kostlich  zu  zehren,  nicht  wiissend  wie 
lange  dieser  Contrare  Wind  anhalten  wurde,  neben  das  erst  betrach- 
tend,  dass  diss  auch  ein  port,  nahme  den  Weg  wieder  nach  Londen, 
wo  mein  Schifpatron  noch  nicht  fertig  war,  auf  bessern  Wind  war- 
tend,  ich  aber  verbliebe  in  Southwick  innerhalb  der  Terns  bis  auf  ordre, 
da  er  abgestossen,  ward  ich  gewarnet  nachzufahren,  und  trate  noch 
bey  Greenwich  ins  Schif,  zu  Gravesand  liesse  mich  der  Schifpatron 
aussert  der  Statt  jenseits  aus  und  solte  ich  da  warten,  bis  er  angebend 
und  visitiert,  ohngeachtet  dem  visitatoren  gesagt,  meine  Coffre  ge- 
horten  einem  Edelmann  von  St.  Valerio,  Er  konne  bezeugen,  es 
waren  nur  Kleider  und  Hardes  wolten  Sie  nicht  daran  kommen:  So 
sendte  er  mir  Eilends  einen  Jungen  mir  anzuzeigen,  ich  musste  meine 
Coffre  aufthun,  wurde  mir  aber  bey  diesem  nicht  geheim,  doch  hielte 
ich  bonne  Mine,  Sprach  frantzosisch,  nahm  allsobald  mein  Schlussli 
sambt  einer  Englischen  Cronen,  und  gabe  die  dem  Commissarius,  mit 
Bitt,  er  solte  meine  Kleider  als  die  da  gar  wohl  Eingepackt  nicht 
vast  vieggen,  das  passierte  zu  allem  Gliick,  so  sie  meine  Schriften 
erdauret,  ware  ich  entdeckt  und  in  gefahr  kommen. — ■ 

Nachdeme  diss  vorbey  fuhren  wir  fort;  da  wir  aber  schier  zu  der 
embouchure  der  Rivier  bey  einem  Seeport  Margeth  genannt,  er- 
wecket  sich  ein  erschracklicher  Sturm,  mit  Donnern  und  blitzen,  dass 
wir  in  grosser  gefahr,  und  konnten  wir  die  Nacht  clurch  den  ancker 
kaum  behalten,  den  Tag  hernach  da  sich  der  Windt  gelegt,  Segleten 
wir  fort,  und  da  wir  auf  dem  Meere  wahren,  dass  wir  mit  grosser  Noth 


156  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

zuriick  an  ein  ander  Seeport  fahren,  gezwungen,  Ramsey  genannt, 
wahren  die  Leuth  aus  dem  Stettli  und  ein  haufen  Matrosen,  so  sich 
da  befunden,  uns  nicht  zu  Hulf  komen,  waren  wir  zu  grund  gangen, 
da  mussten  wir  8  ganzer  Tag  wegen  Widerwind  und  unsere  verrissene 
Seegel  und  andre  Sachen,  zuzuriisten  verbleiben,  welches  mir,  der  nur 
bloss  gelt  fur  meine  Reys  nacher  Paris  hatte,  Schwar  ankommen,  da 
sich  der  Wind  um  etwas  gelegt  fuhren  wir  aus,  wurden  zum  andren 
mahl  zuriickgetrieben.  Entlich  Endert  sich  der  Wind  Nordost,  welcher 
uns  gunstig,  da  ruckten  wir  vor  Dover,  abermahl  enderten  sich  die 
Wind,  so  dass  diese  Reys  mir  mehr  uberlegen  als  da  ich  zweymahl 
iiber  den  occeanum  gefahren,  brachten  anstatt  3  Tagen  die  ganze 
wochen  zu,  nach  St.  Valerio  zu  kommen,  und  ist  da  eine  so  gefahr- 
liche  Zufahrt,  dass  ohne  guides  die  uns  entgegen  fahren,  und  fortge- 
holfen,  wir  niemahlen  in  selbigen  hafen  kommen  waren,  von  dar 
kam  ich  die  Rivier  hinauf  nacher  aberville  von  wannen  ich  in  der 
Land-Gutschen  nacher  Paris,  von  dar  auf  Lion  bis  zum  fort  de  Cluse 
wo  mich  der  Commandant  aufgehalten,  weilen  kein  passport  hatte, 
da  doch  mir  nach  Eydmass  in  gantz  Frankreich,  keines  gefordret. 
Hatte  ich  nicht  ungefehrt  mein  Amts  Patenten  von  Yferten  in  meiner 
Coffre  gehabt,  und  furgewiesen,  erzellend  wie  das  sich  mit  H.  Bernern 
gute  Nachbahrschaft  gehalten,  dessen  auch  etliche  nahmhafte  Urn- 
stand  geben,  hatte  ich  da  bleiben  mussen,  bis  einen  Schein  von  Bern 
bekommen,  so  reiste  ich  fort  auf  Genf,  von  da  auf  unser  Reb  Gut  zu 
Salatz  bey  Vevay  wo  ich  lauth  geschriebenen  berichts  meine  famillien 
gedachte  anzutreffen,  ja  gar  zu  verbleiben,  alles  war  zuvor  8  Tag 
nacher  Bern  gereist,  so  musste  ich  auch  dahin,  zwar  mit  grosstem 
unwillen,  langte  Gott  sey  Danck  auf  Martyny  1714  gesund  an  und 
trafe  auch  zu  Haus  alles  in  gutem  Stand  an. — 

Aber  ach  was  vor  Enderung  inder  Statt  wie  ich  alles  gefunden,  wie 
kalt  die  alten  Friind,  was  stolz  und  hochmiithig  bey  vielen,  und  was 
weiter  ist  Verdriesslich  zu  melden,  dass  boste  war,  dass  wo  ich  ver- 
meint  Souccours  zu  finden,  meine  Delapierte  Coloney  zu  restituiren 
theils  abgewiesen,  theils  sonsten  nicht  zu  recht  kommen  5  4  kann,  so 
dass  gezwungen  aus  Mangel  an  assistenz  insbesonders  von  meiner  So- 
cietet,  welche  mich  im  Stich  lasste  die  Coloney  zu  abandonieren, 
welches  zu  bedauren. — 

Indeme  nun  andre  im  triiben  Wasser  fischen  werden  und  profitieren 
von  dem  was  mit  grossen  Kosten,  gefahr,  Muhj,  Sorg  und  Vertruss  zu 
wegen  gebracht.  Dann  die  Sachen  nun  in  Carolina  in  einem  guten 
Stand,  das  Gouvernement  besser  eingerichtet,  die  wilden  Indianer 
ausgereutet,  Ein  guter  frieden  gemacht,  fornembsten  Dificulteten  aus 
dem  weg  geraumbt,  das  bequemste  ohrt  der  Coloney  gesaubret,  hiemit 
gesunder  und  mit  Einwohnern  besetzt:  So  dass  die  Nachkommen  Es 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern       157 

weit  besser  finden  werden,  als  wie  dann  alle  anfang  schwar  sind,  thut 
mir  im  Herzen  weeh  ein  solch  gut  und  schon  Land  zu  verlassen,  allwo 
in  so  schoner  prospect  mit  der  Zeit  procurieren  und  die  Coloney  in 
Ein  Nahmhaftes  aufzubringen., — 

Weilen  die  fortun  in  dieser  Welt  mir  nicht  gtinstiger  seyn  wollen, 
nichts  bessres  ist  als  zu  verlassen  alles  was  der  Welt  ist,  und  die 
schatz  suchen,  die  im  Himmel,  welche  die  Schaben  noch  der  Rost  f res- 
sen,  und  die  Dieben  nicht  nachgraben  konnen. 5  5 — 

Hatte  hierby  ein  ordentliche  Beschreibung  der  Englischen  provint- 
zen,  im  Continuierten  america  welche  durch  reisen  machen  konnen: 
weilen  aber  hieriiber  unterschiedliche  autous  geschrieben,  lass  ich 
darbey  bewenden,  konnen  hieriiber  gelesen  werden.  P.  Henepin, 
Bloms  Englisch  America,  Baron  de  la  Honten  Fischers  gross  Brittania 
Americe,  und  Von  Carolina  inspecie  H:  Ochsen  Neustes  Tacktatli 
Vishers  Translation  Lawsons  Journal  und  Description  Carolina. 

Copey  deren  von  H:  Eduart  Hide  Goub:  in 
Nord  Carolina  den  23.  Oktober  1711  uber- 
schriebenen  relation  betrefend  meine  wunder- 
bahre  Errettung  von  den  Wilden./. 

Hochgeehrter  Herr! 

Durch  die  wunderbahre  und  gnadige  Fiirsehung  und  Hiilf  des  Aller- 
hochsten,  bin  ich  entlichen  aus  den  barbarischen  Henden  dieser  wilden 
Tuscoraro  Nation  Entrunnen,  und  in  meiner  kleinen  Behausung  zu 
New  Bern  angelanget,  aber  halb  Tod,  weilen  Zwey  ganzen  Tag  allein 
durch  die  Welder  gegen  Catechna  aus  zu  fuess  so  starck  und  vast 
immer  konnte  marchieren  musste,  gezwungen  mein  Quartier  bey 
Einem  Erschrocklichen  wilden  graben,  alwo  ein  tiefes  Wasser,  weilen 
die  Nacht  mich  iibernommen,  und  vor  miide  nicht  weiters  konnte,  zu 
nehmen,  wie  ich  diese  Nacht  zugebracht  ist  wohl  zu  denken,  nicht  in 
geringen  forchten  von  den  wilden  oder  fremden  Indianeren,  Erdappet 
zu  werden,  und  von  einer  Menge  Beren  so  die  ganze  Nacht  ganz  nach 
bey  mir  herumb  brumelten,  zerrissen  zu  werden:  Zu  deme  wahre  ganz 
lam  von  gehen,  ohne  Gewehr,  ja  nur  nicht  ein  Messer  bey  mir  etwas 
feur  zu  schlagen  und  weilen  der  Nordwind  vast  blies  ward  es  ein  Kalte 
Nacht.  Des  Morgens  da  der  Tag  anbrach  und  ich  aufstehen  wolte,  von 
dem  Kalten  und  harten  liegn,  waren  meine  beyn  so  steif  und  geschwol- 
len,  dass  ich  kein  Drit  gehen  konnte,  weilen  es  aber  doch  sein  musste, 
suchte  mir  zwey  Stock  aus,  daran  ich  mit  grosser  Muhj  und  Schmerzen 
gehen,  hatte  genug  zu  thun,  mich  liber  diss  Wasser  zu  machen,  welches 
mit  Schnagen,  iiber  einen  langen  ast  aus  geschache,  Entlichen  kame 
nacher   Haus,   da  eine  kleine   Distanz   darvon   Eine  Behausung  Ins 


158  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

G'sicht  bekomen,  befestiget  und  voller  Leuth,  wahre  ich  um  Etwas 
getrostet,  weilen  vermeinte  es  ware  alles  von  den  Indianern  abge- 
brunnen  und  verderbt,  so  wohl  als  der  Colonier  Hauser,  ja  dass  auch 
wenig  meiner  Leuthen  antreffen  wurde,  indeme  mir  der  wilden  grau- 
same  expedition  nur  zu  wohl  bekannt,  so  sie  den  rivieren  nach  von 
Pamtego  Neuws  und  Trent  gebrandt,  gemort  und  gebltindret  was  sie 
angetrofen,  auch  resolviert  das  ganze  Land  zu  verderben,  da  meine 
guten  Leuth  mich  erblickt  aussehend  und  schwarz  wie  ein  Indianer, 
dennoch  meine  Statur  und  blauwen  Rock  betreffend,  wussten  sie  nicht 
was  zu  gedencken,  sondren  der  Meinung  gentzlichen  ich  ware  Tod, 
Steiffe  sie  vielmehr  ein  Indianischer  Spach  der  meinen  Rock  ange- 
than,  wolte  dan  etwas  heraus  Spachen,  so  dass  die  Mantschaff  ins  ge- 
wehr  sich  stelte,  da  ich  aber  nacher  Haus  kam,  an  Zweyen  Stocken 
ganz  lam  gehend,  sahen  sie  bey  meiner  Continentz  und  postur  dass 
ich  kein  Indianer  oder  Wilder  wahre,  doch  kannten  sie  mich  nicht,  bis 
dass  etliche  voraus  giengen,  mich  besser  zu  recognoscieren,  da  ich  sie 
in  angsten  sahe,  tinge  von  weitem  zwar  mit  einer  gantz  brochnen 
Stimm  an  zu  reden,  welche  so  bestiirzte,  dass  sie  etliche  schrit  zuruck 
giengen,  zu  den  tibrigen  Schreyend,  sie  solten  nur  hervorkommen,  es 
seye  ihr  vermeinter  Ermorter  H:  so  kam  alles  iibern  haufen  Mann 
und  Weib  und  Kinder  gelofen,  mit  Starcken  exclamationen  theils 
weinend,  theils  ganz  stumm  vor  bestiirzung,  mich  Salutierend,  als  ein 
wunderbahres  Spectacul,  da  ward  trauern,  Freud  und  bestiirzung  ver- 
mischt,  und  gieng  mir  solches  zu  Hertzen,  dass  es  mir  gute  tranen 
heraus  presseten:  Nachdeme  mich  nun,  obwohlen  sehr  mild,  mit  diesem 
Volck,  so  mich  umringte  etwas  verweilet,  mieche  mich  entlichen  in 
mein  altes  quartier,  verschloss  meine  Kammer  und  thate  mein  Hertz- 
liches  Gebet  der  Danksagung,  zu  dem  giitigen  Gott  fur  solche  gnadige 
und  wunderbahre  Errettung;  die  dieser  Zeiten  wohl  fur  ein  Miraculum 
passieren  mag./. 

Den  nechsten  Tag  fragte  ich  was  in  meiner  abwesenheit  sich  zuge- 
tragen,  kam  aber  so  viel  vertriessliches  herfur,  dass  mir  im  Hertzen  weh 
thut,  das  boste  wahr,  dass  neben  dem  Verlust  60  oder  70.  Pfeltzer  so 
ermordet  worden,  die  tibrigen  so  sich  Salvieren  konnen,  gebliindert, : 
und  von  diesen  restierenden  Mein  Haus,  worin  Ihre  Eigne  giiter  wahren, 
und  das  Stetli  verlassen,  welche  ein  gewiisser  Viliam  Brice  undank- 
bahrer  mann  deme  viel  gutes  erwiesen,  ja  welchem  mein  und  der  armen 
Colonisten  gelt  und  gut  von  der  Armuht  ausgesetzt  von  mir  abge- 
zogen,  Sie  durch  allerley  Verheissung  und  List  auf  die  Trent  Rivier 
zu  sich  gebracht,  womit  er  sambt  noch  Etlichen  Englischen  planters 
oder  Einwohnern,  Eine  garnison  zu  wegen  gebracht,  sein  Haus  zu  de- 
fendieren,  so  musste  ich  zu  frieden  seyn,  mit  einem  haufen  Weib  und 
Kindern,    an    bewehrter    Mannschaft    wahren  nicht   mehr   dann  40 


Geaffeneied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been       159 

Dieses  Musste  ich  alles  Erhalten,  Zwei  und  Zwanzig  wochen  lang,  so 
ist  all  mein  getreid  so  zu  allem  gliick  in  Vorrath  hatte,  mein  Vich  gross 
und  klein  dahin,  wann  wir  nicht  fiirderlich  die  Nohtwendigkeiten  be- 
kommen,  mussten  wir  Nohtwendig  verderben,  oder  den  platz  und  posten 
verlassen:  desswegen  hochgeEhrter  H.  wir  instandig  bitten,  verlangte 
provision,  Munition  und  bewehrte  Mannschahft  so  bald  hnmer  mog- 
lich  und  aller  Eyl  zu  senden,  damit  wir  diese  Barbarische  Morder 
zurtick  treiben  konnen  sonsten  wurd  das  libel  je  grosser  und  ist  zu 
beforchten  das  ganze  Land  wiirde  zu  grunde  gehen :  Ist  nicht  genugsam 
zu  verwundren,  ja  Ergerlich  eine  solche  Kaltsinnigkeit  und  so  wenig 
Liebe  bey  den  Einwohnern  der  Grafschaft  Albemarle  zu  sehen,  dass 
sie  so  mit  gebogenen  Armen  zusehen  konnen,  wie  ihre  nachste  Briider 
schrocklich  von  dieser  Barbarischer  Nation  Ermordet  werden, :  ja  sie 
selbsten  nicht  eines  bessern  zu  erwarten,  sollen  sich  wohl  schamen  und 
eines  Immerwehrendes  Verwisses  wehrt.  Ist  sich  auch  nicht  minder  zu 
verwundern,  uber  eine  so  schlechte  Policey  und  ordres  der  Vorgeset- 
aten,  exceptieren  aber  hier  in  bester  Vorm  eure  herlichkeit,  Vergwiis- 
seret  dass  meine  HochwohlgeEhrteste  H.  alle  Nohtwendige  befelchen 
und  anstalten  gethan,  solches  aber  schlecht  oder  gar  nicht  exequiert, 
welches  zu  bedauren. — 

HochgeEhrter  H.  obiges  nur  zum  bericht,  wie  ich  nacher  Hans 
kam,  zu  meiner  entladnus  und  justification  aber  wird  notig  sein  zu 
vermelden,  wie  ich  unter  diese  Barbarische  Nation  gerahten. — ■ 

Bey  diesem  Schonen  und  Scheinbahren  bestandigen  Wetter  kame  der 
General  Feldmesser  Lauson  mich  zu  Infitieren  die  Neusrivier  hinauf- 
zufahren,  seyen  da  ein  quantitet  guter  wilden  Trauben,  konnten  uns 
ein  wenig  darmit  ergetzen,  das  war  aber  nicht  gnug,  mich  dahin  zu 
persuadieren,  so  kam  ermelter  Mons:  Lauson  bald  wider,  gabe  mir 
bessre  griind  vor,  namlich  dass  wir  zugleich  sehen  konnten,  wie  weit 
hinauf  die  rivier  Schifbaar,  dass  da  ein  kurzer  weg  nach  Virginien 
einzurichten,  anstatt  dass  der  ordinari  Weg  weit  und  beschwerlich, 
Item  zugleich  zu  sehen,  was  fur  Land  dahinauf :  dieses  und  wie  weit  es 
zu  den  bergen,  hatte  schon  langst  gern  gewust,  und  selbsten  gesehen. 
So  resolvierte  mich  hiermit  zu  dieser  kleinen  reis,  und  nahme  alles 
Nohtwendige  sambt  provision,  fur  14.  Tag  mit,  fragte  aber  insbeson- 
ders  H.  Lauson  ob  gefahr  wegen  den  Indianern  sonderlich  deren,  mit 
welchen  wir  nicht  bekannt,  gabe  mir  zur  ant  wort,  hatte  nichts  zu  be- 
deuten,  Er  habe  diese  reis  schon  gethan,  und  das  ganz  sicher,  kannten 
auch  an  diesem  arm  der  Rivier  keine  Wilden,  sondern  wahren  zimlich 
abgelegen,  damit  wir  aber  desto  Sicherer  gehen  konnten,  so  nahme  ich 
neben  Zweyen  Negers  zum  Rudern,  noch  Zwey  bekannte  nachtbahre 
Indianer,  welchen  viel  guts  erwiesen,  und  da  einer  die  Englische 
Sprach  verstund,  gedachte  wann  wir  diese  Zwey  Indianer  mit  uns 


160  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

hatten,  wir  von  andern  nichts  zu  beforchten;  So  fuhren  wir  ordent- 
lich  hinauf,  hatte  lang  nicht  geregnet,  das  Wasser  wahre  nicht  dief, 
der  Strohm  oder  Lauf  des  Wassers  ward  nicht  starck,  den  ganzen 
Tag  wahren  wir  auf  der  Rivier,  des  Nachts  Spannten  wir  unsre  Zelten 
auf  dem  Land  nach  beim  Wasser,  und  Ruheten,  dess  Morgens  fruh 
fuhren  wir  wider  fort. — 

Es  beliebe  H.  Goub:  zu  vernemen,  dass  ermelter  Feldmesser  Lauson, 
fast  um  meine  pfert  anhalten  thate,  vorgebend,  Er  wolte  ein  wenig  in 
die  Walder  reiten,  warm  wir  droben  waren,  um  zu  sehen  wo  der  weg 
nacher  Virginien  am  bequemsten  konnte  angefangen  werden:  wolte 
mich  aber  anfangs  nicht  darzu  verstehen,  doch  entlichen  hielte  er  nur 
um  eines  an,  welches,  ihme  accordiert,  der  Einte  Indianer  Ritte  per 
Land,  musste  aber  an  Einem  Ohrt  liber  die  Rivier  welches  unser 
ungliick,  dann  Er  den  Indianern,  weiss  nicht  ob  er  Verirret  oder  ver- 
rahterischer  weis,  zu  dem  grossen  Indianischen  Dorf  Catechna  kam, 
wo  allso  bald  gefragt  was  das  Pferdt  thate,  dann  die  Indianer  der 
Enden  keine  gebrauchen,  antwortete  dass  er  das  Pferdt  uns  fuhren 
musste,  wir  aber  fahrten  indessen  die  rivier  hinauf.  diss  allarmierte 
alsobald  die  Indianer  insbesonders  die  Einwohner  Catechna,  so  dass  sie 
zusammen  gerottet,  in  der  ganzen  Nachtbahrschaft,  behielten  das 
Pferdt,  und  sagten  unsrem  Indianer  er  solte  alsbald  zu  uns  gehen,  und 
vermelden,  sie  wolten  nicht  gestatten,  dass  wir  weiters  hinauf  durch 
Ihr  Land  fahren,  aus  befelche  dess  Konigs  der  da  residiere  solten  wir 
zuriick,  so  gabe  durch  ein  Schusz,  den  unser  Indianer  abliess,  das 
Signal  darmit  wir  still  stunden,  welches  wir  gethan,  nachdem  wir 
unsre  flinten  auch  zum  zeichen  abgeschossen.  Es  ward  schon  Spaat, 
als  er  zu  uns  kam  mit  der  bosen  Zeitung,  beim  ersten  Brunnen  lendeten 
wir  an  unser  nachquartier  zu  nemen,  da  trafen  wir  schon  zwey  be- 
wehrte  Indianer  an,  als  Kamen  sie  vom  Jagen,  ich  sagte  hierauf  diss 
gefiel  mir  nicht,  wir  wolten  da  nicht  bleiben  sonder  zuriickf  ahren,  Er  der 
Generalfeldmesser  lachte  meiner,  aber  Ehe  wir  uns  umkehrten  ward 
Ernst  daraus,  so  dass  ihme  das  Lachen  Vergieng,  augenblicklich  kam 
aus  alien  Buschen  und  durch  die  rivier  geschwummen  eine  solche 
menge  Indianer  und  ubernahmen  uns,  dass  uns  unmoglich  zu  Deffend- 
ieren:  Wir  wolten  uns  dann  mutwilliger  weis  zu  Tod  schiessen  lassen 
oder  gar  Erschrocklich  Martren.  wurden  hiemit  gefangen  genommen, 
geblundret  und  weggefiihrt, :  wir  wahren  schon  3  starcker  Tagreisen 
hinauf  gef ahren,  ohnweit  von  einem  andren  Indianischen  Dorf,  Zuruta 
genannt,  die  rivier  ist  da  noch  zimlich  breit,  aber  nicht  mehr  als  2 
oder  3  Schuh  dief  Wasser,  und  ist  noch  weit  von  den  Bergen,  wir 
verlangten  dass  man  uns  diese  Nacht  da  lassen  solte,  mit  einer  wacht, 
warm  sie  an  uns  Zweifleten  prextierend,  ich  konnt  nicht  so  weit  zu 
fuess  gehen,  wolte  des  Morgends  fruh  per  Wasser  zum  Konig  nach 


Geaffeneied  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been       161 

Catechna  fahren,  und  uns  da  Versprechend,  war  aber  nicht  erheblich, 
eine  so  seltsame  und  Considerable  Captur/:  dann  sie  mich  fiir  den 
Goub:  der  ganzen  Provintz  hielten:/  Blaseten  ihren  barbahrischen 
Hochmuht  dergestalten  auf,  dass  wir  gezwungen  wurden  die  ganze 
Nacht  durch  Walder  gesteud  und  Morast  mit  ihnen  zu  laufen,  bis 
dass  wir  gegen  Morgen  um  9.  Uhr  nacher  Catechna  kamen,  wo  der 
Konig  Hencoex  genannt  in  aller  seiner  Glori  mit  seinem  Raht  auf 
einem  Erhabenen  geriist  sassen,  da  sonsten  die  Heyden  oder  Wilden 
auf  dem  boden  pflegen  zu  sitzen:  Nach  Einer  Consultation  und  dess 
fiihrers  oder  haubtmanns,  unser  Escorten  gethaner  scharfen  red, 
brach  der  Konig  mit  seinem  Raht  auf,  und  kam  mit  dem  Obrist 
Kriegshaubtmann  zu  uns  ganz  hoflich,  konnten  aber  mit  uns  nicht 
reden,  wenig  Zeit  hernach  gienge  der  Konig  in  sein  Cabinet  oder  hiit- 
ten,  wir  blieben  bey  einem  feur  mit  7  oder  8  Wilden  bewachet,  gegen 
10  Uhr  kam  ein  Wilder  hier,  der  andere  dort  aus  seiner  Hutten  heraus, 
da  ward  Raht  gehalten,  und  ward  fast  disputiert  ob  wir  solten  als 
Criminalen  gebunden  werden  oder  nicht,  ward  geschlossen  Neyn, 
weilen  wir  noch  nicht  Verhort  waren.  Gegen  mitag  brachte  uns  der 
Konig  in  einer  Lausigen  Pelzcappen,  selbsten  etwas  Speis  als  ein  gat- 
tung  Brod  von  Indianischem  Korn  gemacht,  pre  um  plins  5  6  genannt, 
und  gekochtes  kalltes  Willdbret,  darvon  Zwar  mit  Widerwillen  weilen 
mich  fast  hungerte,  ass  ich,  wir  hatten  die  Freyheit  in  dem  Dorf 
herumb  zu  spatzieren,  gegen  Abend  ward  ein  grosses  Vest  oder  Zu- 
sammenkunft  von  alien  benachtbahrten  Ohrten,  diss  wahre  bestimmbt 
aus  Zweyen  Ursachen.  l./weil  sie  das  bose  Tractament  etlicher  boser 
und  unwirschen  Englischen  Carolinern  rechen  wolten,  so  vom  Pam- 
tego  Neuw  und  Trent  rivier  2./  umb  zu  erfahren,  was  sie  fiir  hiilf  zu 
gewarten  von  Ihren  benachtbarten  Indianern.  NB:  hierbey  ist  zu 
observieren  dass  noch  weder  wir  noch  unser  Coloney  die  Ursach  dieses 
Erschrocklichen  Mords  und  Indianischen  Kriegs,  wie  zu  sehen  und 
mit  mehrerem  zu  berechnen. — 

Dess  abends  kamen  von  aller  ohrten  her  eine  Menge  Indianer, 
sambt  den  benachtbahrten  Konigen,  um  10  Uhr  nachts  auf  einem 
Schonen  weiten  Platz,  insbesonders  zu  grossen  Festiviteten  oder  exe- 
cutionen  geriistet  und  destiniert,  wahre  die  Versammlung  der  grossen, 
wie  sie  es  nennen,  Verstehend  in  40  aller  Verstandigster  Indianer  auf 
dem  boden  nach  Ihrer  art,  und  Manier  Sitzend,  in  Einem  Ring  um 
ein  grosses  feur,  Konig  Hencox  Presidiert,  da  war  in  dem  Ring  Platz 
fiir  uns  gelassen,  wo  Zwey  Mats  das  ist  gehurd  von  kleinen  rohren 
geflochtene  Bletzen,  gelegt  darauf  zu  sitzen,  welches  ein  Zeichen  grosser 
Defferentz  und  Ehr,  so  sassen  wir  nider,  mid  unser  Vorsprecher 
welches  der  Indianer  ward,  so  mit  uns  gekommen,  der  gut  Englisch 
konnte,  an  unsre  linke  Seiten,  der  Konig  gab  ein  Zeichen  dem  Redner 

11 


162  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

der  Versammlung,  welcher  eine  lange  Red  gantz  grafitetischen  thate, 
so  wahre  geordnet  einer  von  den  jiingsten  der  Versammlung  dess 
Rahts  oder  Indianischer  Nation  interesse  und  sach  zu  representieren, 
und  Defendieren,  welches  er  so  viel  ich  vermercken  konnte  in  bester 
Form  thate,  Sasse  grad  neben  unsrem  Dollmetscher  und  fiirsprecher, 
der  Konig  formierte  allezeit  die  questionen,  das  war  dann  pro  et 
contra  descutirt,  hieruber  alsobald  consultiert  und  concludiert. — 

Die  erste  Question  war,  was  die  Ursach  unsrer  reis,  unser  antwort  ward 
dass  wir  fur  unser  Lust,  da  hinaufgefahren,  driiben  zu  gewunnen, 
zugleich  um  zu  Erfahren,  ob  die  rivier  bequem  dass  per  Wasser  wir 
ihnen  wahren  zufiihren  konnten,  mit  ihnen  zu  Negotcieren  und  gute 
Correspondentz  zu  halten,  so  befragte  uns  der  Konig  warum  wir  uns 
bey  ihme  nicht  angemelt  und  unser  Vorhaben  Communiciert.  Her- 
nacher  kam  in  question  eine  generals  Klag,  dass  sie  die  Indianer  sehr 
iibel  von  den  Einwohnern  der  Pamtego  Neuws  und  Trent  Rivier 
Tacktieret  und  gehalten  worden,  welches  nicht  mehr  zu  dulden,  und 
Namseten  in  Specie  die  autores,  so  war  unter  andren  der  General- 
feldmesser  auch  angeklagt,  welcher  aber  als  gegenwertig  bestmoglichst 
sich  Verantwortet :  Nach  Zimlichen  Desputieren  und  erfolgter  De- 
liberation ward  geschlossen,  dass  wir  wohl  konnten  Liberieret  werden, 
und  ward  der  nechste  Tag  zu  unsrer  heim  Reis  ernamset. — 

Den  andren  Tag  Verzug  es  sich  zimlich,  Eh  wir  konnten  unser 
Canou  oder  Schiflein  haben,  Indessen  kamen  etliche  ihrer  Grandes  und 
Zwey  Konige,  welche  Curios  zu  wissen,  was  fur  Justificationsgrund 
wir  hatten,  so  wahren  wir  noch  einmal  in  dess  Konigs  Hencok  Cabi- 
net Zwey  Meyl  vom  Dorf  examiniert,  gaben  gleiche  Antwort  zu  allem 
ungliick  war  da  der  Konig  von  Cartuca  welcher  Mons.  Lauson  etwas 
verwisse,  so  dass  sie  beyderseits  in  streit  gerahten,  und  sich  zimlich 
erhitzet,  welches  all  unser  sach  verderbte, 

Und  wie  ich  immer  den  Lauson  von  seinem  Disputieren  abzuhalten 
trachtete,  konnte  nichts  erhalten :  die  Examination  endete  sich  endlich, 
wir  stunden  alle  auf,  wir  Zwey  spatzierten  mit  einander,  und  that  ich 
ihme  sein  unbehutsamkeit  in  solcher  gefer lichen  Conjunctur  starck  ver- 
weisen,  in  allem  deme  kamen  Einsmahls  3  oder  4  Grandes  gantz 
erztirnt,  Ergrifen  uns  hart  bey  den  armen,  fiihreten  und  setzten  uns  in 
das  alte  ohrt  hart  darunder  wahren  keine  Mattes  fur  uns  gelegt, 
nahmen  uns  Hutt  und  Baruque  warfen  sie  ins  feur,  darauf  hin  kamen 
junge  bose  gesellen,  thaten  uns  zum  andren  mahl  blundren,  unsere 
Seek  visitierend,  welches  zu  vor  nicht  geschachen,  dass  sie  sich  im 
ersten  mahl  nur  an  die  grossren  Sachen  hielten. — 

Hierauf  wurde  Kriegsraht  gehalten  und  wahren  wir  beyde  zum  Tod 
verurtheilt,  ohnwussend  was  die  ursach,  so  wahren  wir  die  ganze 
nacht  in  gleicher  postur  auf  dem  Boden  sitzend,  bis  am  Morgen,  da 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      163 

bey  anbrechendem  Tag  wir  von  dannen  weg,  wiederum  auf  den  gros- 
sen  richt  und  Sammelplatz  gefiihrt  wurden;  boses  Omen  fiir  uns 
kehrte  mich  umb  gegen  Mon.  Lauson  ihme  bitter  klagend  wie  dass 
seine  Unfursichtigkeit  unser  Ruin  ein  ursach,  wahre  geschachen  urn 
uns,  nichts  bessres  den  frieden  mit  Gott  zu  machen,  und  uns  zum 
Tod  bezeiten  zuriisten,  welches  ich  in  grosster  Andacht  thate,  da  wir 
an  Gemelten  ohrt  angelanget,  wahre  der  grosse  Raht  schon  beysam- 
men,  ohngefehrt  seche  ich  Ein  Indianer  wie  ein  Christ  gekleidt,  Ehe 
wir  in  den  Ring  beruefen,  welcher  Englisch  reden  konnte,  befrieg  ihn 
ob  er  nicht  sagen  konnte,  was  die  Ursach  unserer  Condemnation 
welcher  mir  mit  einem  Sauren  gesicht  geantwortet,  worum  Lauson 
sich  so  mit  Cortom  gezankt  und  worumb  wir  getreut  wir  wolten  uns 
an  den  Indianern  rachen,  auf  das  nahme  ich  den  Indianer  auf  die 
Seiten  Ihme  alles  was  ich  konnte  versprachend,  so  Er  mich  anhoren 
wolte  und  hernach  meine  Unschuld  Etlichen  der  grandes  erzellen, 
hatte  genug  zu  thun,  ihne  nur  dahin  zu  persuadieren,  entlich  gabe  er 
mir  gehor,  so  erzellt  ich  ihme,  dass  mir  leid,  dass  Mon.  Lauson  so 
unfursichtig  mit  Cortom  Disputiert,  es  haben  die  Raht  ja  selbsten 
mogen  sehen,  dass  ich  dem  Mon.  Lauson  mehrmahls  abgemahnt,  so 
dass  ich  hierzu  kein  Schuld,  und  was  das  bedrauwen  wahre,  dessen 
nicht  das  minste  nur  gedenkt  worden,  were  ein  Missverstand  oder 
Lauson  sich  iiber  mein  Negers  beklagend  dass  sie  ihne  in  der  ersten 
Nacht  von  seiner  Ruh  verstort,  hieriiber  Bedreute  ich  die  Negers 
starck  wegen  ihrer  Unverschandheit  und  diss  wahre  alles,  nachdem 
mich  der  Indianer  angehoret,  gieng  er  von  mir,  ich  hielte  Ihme  meine 
Versprachung :  Ob  nun  dieser  Sehr  zu  meinen  gunsten  geredt,  kann 
ich  nicht  wissen,  aber  eine  Viertelstund  hernach  kamen  die  alten 
grandes,  ftihrten  uns  auf  den  Richtplatz,  und  Bunden  uns  da  an  arm 
und  beynen,  darzu  noch  den  grossern  von  meinen  Negers,  aldann 
finge  an  unser  traurige  Tragedie  welche  erzellen  wolte,  so  Euer  Lieb 
nicht  zu  lang  und  vertrtissig,  dennoch  weilen  bereits  schon  angefangen 
will  ich  Continuieren. — 

In  der  mite  dieses  grossen  platzes  sassen  wir  neben  einander  ge- 
bunden,  auf  dem  Boden  Sitzend,  der  Generalfeldmesser  mid  ich,  die 
Rock  ausgezogen  mit  blossem  haubt,  hinder  mir  mein  grosser  Neger, 
vor  uns  ward  ein  grosses  Feur  umb  das  Feur  herum  miecht  der  Con- 
jurer/: das  ist  ein  alter  grauwer  Indianer  als  ein  priester  unter  ihnen 
welcher  insgemein  Ein  Schwarzkunstler  ja  der  Teufel  selbsten  besch- 
weret :/  Zwey  weise  Ring  ob  von  Mehl  oder  gar  weisen  reinem  Sand  Kries 
weis  ich  nicht  grad,  vor  unsren  fuessen  lag  eine  Wolfshaut,  ein  wenig 
besser  vornen  stunde  ein  Indianer  in  der  allerhoflichsten  und  erschrock- 
lichsten  Postur,  als  konnte  Erdenckt  werden;  Welcher  nicht  von  dem 
Platz  wiche,  mit  Einem  Beil  in  der  Hand,  wahre  dem  Ansehen  nach 


164  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

der  Scharfrichter :  Weiter  vor  uns  jenseit  dem  feur  wahre  ein  grosser 
Haufen  Indianer  Gesind  durchmist  mit  jungen  Gesellen,  Weib  und 
Kindern,  diese  Tanzeten  alle  in  abscheulichen  Posturen.  In  der  Mitte 
war  der  Priester,  oder  Beschwerer./  Welcher  wann  im  Tanzen  Ein 
Pausen  war,  seine  Beschwerung  und  Treuwungen  mieche,  um  den 
Tantz  oder  Ring  an  vier  Eggen,  stunden  ein  Gattung  officier,  mit 
Flinten,  welche  mit  den  Fuessen  Trapeten,  und  die  tibrigen  Danzer 
anjourierten,  und  wann  ein  Tanz  aus  ward,  Ihre  Flinten  abschussen, 
in  Einem  Eggen  des  Rings  wahren  noch  2  Indianer  am  boden  Sitzend, 
welche  auf  einem  kleinen  Trumlin  Schlugen  und  sangen,  und  sangen 
darzu  so  wunderlich  in  eine  solchen  Melodey  die  Eher  Zorn  und 
Traurigkeit  provizierte,  als  aber  freud,  jaden  Indianern  selbsten  nach 
dem  sie  mud  wurden,  vom  Danzen,  Laufen  Sie  alle  Einsmahls  darvon 
in  einen  Wald,  mit  erschrocklichem  Geschrey  und  Heulen,  kamen 
bald  wider  aus  dem  Wald  mit  schwarz,  weiss  und  Rohtangestrichenen 
gesichtern,  theils  noch  mit  aufgethanen  haaren,  voller  Federflaum, 
theils  in  allerley  Thier  Balgen,  Summa  in  solchen  ungeheuren  Posturen, 
dass  Sie  mehr  einer  Truppen  Teuflen  gleichsahen,  als  aber  andren 
Creaturen,  wann  man  je  den  Teufel  in  der  apscheulichstern  Postur  als 
kan  Erdenk  werden  representierend,  Laufend  und  Tanzend,  aus  dem 
Wald  rangierten  sie  sich  wiederum  an  den  Alten  Platz,  und  Tantzten 
um  das  Feur:  Indessen  wahren  hinder  uns  2  Reyen  Bewehrter  In- 
dianer als  Wacht,  nicht  von  Ihrem  Posten  weichend,  bis  alles  aus 
ward,  hinder  dieser  Wacht  wahre  der  Kriegs  Raht  in  Einem  Ring  am 
Boden  Sitzend,  im  Consultieren  vast  beschaftiget,  gegen  Abend  da  die 
Sonnen  untergieng  liess  das  vorrige  gesind  von  Tanzen  ab,  und  gienge 
in  den  Wald  Holz  zu  holen,  das  Feur  an  Eint  und  andern  ohrt  zu 
erhalten  insbesonders  aber  miechen  sie  Eines  etwas  weit  im  Wald  so 
die  gantze  Nacht  wahrte,  und  so  gross  dass  ich  vermeinte  der  ganze 
Wald  ware  in  einem  feur.— 

Es  gedencke  Mons:  Goubernat.  was  Traurigen  und  Schrocklichen 
Spektacul  mir  das  ward  zu  sterben,  dennoch  ward  ich  ganz  resolv- 
iert,  so  wahre  ich  in  einer  Starcken  Devotion  den  ganzen  Tag  und 
nacht,  ach  was  hatte  ich  fur  allerly  Gedancken,  alles  kam  mir  fur 
was  immer  in  Meinem  Leben,  sich  mit  mir  zugetragen,  so  weit  ich 
mich  erinnern  konnte,  thate  mir  alles  aplicieren  und  zu  Nutzen  machen, 
was  immer  aus  der  Heiligen  Schrift  denn  Psalmen  und  andren  guten 
Btichern  gelesen,  kurz  riistete  mich  so  gut  ich  konnte  zu  einem  guten 
und  Seligen  End,  ja  der  giitige  Gott  verliche  mir  so  viel  Gnad,  dass 
unerschrocken  gelassenlich  alle  augenblick  Erwartete  solte  nach  aus- 
gestandener  Seelen  Angst  mehr  als  Todesforcht,  dennoch  blieb  in  mir 
weiss  nicht  was  fur  eine  Hofnung,  ungeachtet  kein  Zeichen  Einicher 
Errettung  Sahe,  ob  ich  wie  hievor  meine  Stinden  vor  mir  Schwebten, 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  ISTew  Been       165 

so  funde  hernacher  grossen  Trost  in  Betrachtung  der  Wunderbahren 
so  der  H.  Jesus  in  seinen  Zeiten  auf  der  Erden  gethan,  diss  erweckt  in 
mir  ein  solches  Zutrauwen,  dass  hierauf  mein  Einbrunstiges  Gebett  zu 
meinem  Heyland  Riistende,  dess  starcken  Zutrauwens,  Es  wurd  mein 
Gebett  erhort,  und  diese  Wilde  gemuhter,  steinerne  und  Barbarische 
Hertzen  etwan  endren,  so  dass  auf  mein  anhalten  und  representieren, 
sie  Gedancken  Endren,  zur  Gnad  geleitet  und  bewogen  wurden,  wel- 
ches auch  durch  Gottes  wunderbahre  Fursehung  geschachen  ist.  Dann 
da  die  Sonne  vast  undergieng,  so  versammlet  sich  der  Raht  noch 
einmahl,  ohne  Zeifel  ein  End  dieser  vatalen,  erschrocklichen  und 
traurigen  Ceremoney  zu  machen,  ich  kehrte  mich  etwas  hinderwehrts 
ungeachtet  gebunden,  wiissend  dass  Einer  unter  Ihnen  die  Englische 
Sprach  zimlich  wohl  verstunde,  und  thate  eine  kurze  Red,  represent- 
ierend  meine  unschuld,  und  wie  so  sie  mir  nicht  verschonten,  die 
grosse  und  machtige  Konigin  von  Engelland,  mein  Blut  rechen  wiirde: 
Weillen  aus  Ihrem  Befelch  diese  Coloney  in  dis  Land  gebracht,  nicht 
ihnen  einichen  Schaden  zuzufiigen,  sondren  mit  ihnen  wohl  zu  leben, 
und  was  weitres  gut  funde  zu  sagen,  sie  zu  einer  Miltrung  zu  engag- 
ieren,  mit  anerbieten  meiner  Diensten  und  allerley  gutes  so  ich  liberiert 
wurd:  Nachdeme  nun  ausgeret,  observierte  dass  einer  der  furnemsten, 
der  auch  zuvor  mir  ganz  genigt  Schine,  ja  mir  auch  einmahls  Speis 
gebracht,  und  der  des  Konigs  Taylors/:  deme  das  Land  wo  das  Stett- 
lin  Neuw  Bern  abgekauf:/  Verwundert  ganz  ernsthaft  rette,  nicht 
zweifelnd  seye  zu  meinen  gunsten,  welches  auch  also  wahre,  dann 
hierauf  resolvieret  worden,  alsobald  etliche  ihrer  Glieder  zu  denn  be- 
nachtbarten  Touscarusco  Dorfern  zu  senden,  und  bey  inhen  der  re- 
sulat  kam  heraus  dass  ich  solte  bey  leben  bleiben,  der  Arme  General- 
feldmesser  Lauson  aber  exequiert  werden:  Zwtischen  Leben  und  Tod 
brachte  die  Nacht  durch  alle  Zeit  gebunden,  an  gleichem  Ohrt  in 
Continuirlichem  Gebett  und  Seufzen  zu,  Examinierte  indessen  auch 
meinen  armen  Negers  und  Sprach  Ihme  zu,  So  gut  ich  konnte,  welcher 
mir  mehr  Satisfaction  gab  als  Verhofete,  H:  General  Feldmesser 
aber  als  ein  Mann  von  Verstamd  nicht  aber  von  Conduite  Hess  ich 
sein  Devotion  thun,  dess  Morgends  ohngefehrt  um  3.  oder  4.  Uhr 
kamen  die  Precatierten  von  Ihrer  Comission  zuriick,  mit  Bescheyd 
von  Ihrer  Negotion  aber  sehr  geheim,  einer  von  ihnen  kam  Einsmahls 
mich  loszumachen,  von  meinen  Banden  nicht  wiissend  was  das  zu 
bedeuten,  Ergab  ich  mich  gedultig  in  den  Willen  dess  H:  dess  aller- 
hochsten,  stunde  auf  und  folgete:  ach  wie  Bestiirtz  warm  etlich  Schrit 
vom  alten  Ohrt,  der  Indianer  mir  ins  Ohr  auf  ein  gebrochen  Englisch 
sagte,  ich  solte  mich  nicht  forchten,  man  wurde  mich  nicht  toden, 
wohl  aber  den  General  Lauson,  welches  mir  sehr  zu  Herzen  gieng, 
ungefehr  20.  Schritt  von  dem  Platz  wo  ich  gebunden  wahre,  brachte 


166  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

mich  der  Indianer  gegen  dem  Cabinett  oder  Hutten  und  gab  mir 
Speis  zu  essen,  ich  aber  hatte  kein  apetit,  Es  kamen  alsbald  ein 
grosser  Haufen  Indianisch  Gesind  um  mich  herr,  welche  insgesambt 
grosse  freudt  erzeigten  meiner  Erlosung,  eben  derselbe  Mann  brachte 
mich  wieder  auf  den  Platz  aber  ein  wenig  weiter  hervor  wo  der  ganze 
Raht  sich  gelegret  mir  auf  Ihre  Manier  gratulierend,  Lachlend,  in- 
dessen  ward  mir  verboten  Mon.  Lauson  das  minste  zu  sagen,  ja  auch 
kein  Wort  mit  ihme  zu  reden,  mein  Neger  Liessen  sie  auch  loos,  sahe 
ihn  aber  nimmermehr,  der  amre  Lauson  im  alten  Platz  bleibend, 
konnte  liechtlich  Errahten,  dass  es  aus  und  keine  Gnad  fur  ihne, 
nahme  Abschied  von  mir  mich  ersuchend  in  dieser  gefahr  zu  sehen, 
und  nit  dorfen  mit  ihme  reden  noch  ihm  den  minsten  Trost  gebend, 
bedeutete  mein  Mitleiden  mit  etwelchen  Zeichen,  so  ich  ihm  gab. — 

Eine  Kleine  Zeit  hernacher  nahme  mich  der  so  im  Raht  fur  mich 
gerett,  und  furte  mich  in  sein  Gabinet  wo  ich  mich  still  halten  solte, 
bis  auf  weitere  Ordres:  Indessen  ward  der  Ungliickhaftige  Lauson 
exequiert:  was  Todes  weis  ich  nicht  eigendtlich,  wohl  hatte  ich  hier- 
vor  von  etlichen  Wilden  gehort,  dass  ihme  gedreut  worden  Es  Musse 
ihme  die  Gurgel  mit  dem  rasierMesser  so  in  seinem  Sack  gefunden 
worden,  abgehauwen  werden,  welches  auch  der  kleinere  Neger  so  bim 
Leben  bliebe,  bezeuget,  etliche  aber  sagten  er  ware  gehanckt  worden, 
andere  er  wahre  verbrant  die  Wilden  hielten  es  fast  geheim  wie  er 
getodet  worden,  Gott  erbarme  sich  seiner  Seele. — 

Den  andren  Tag  nach  des  Feldmessers  Lauson  Execution  kamen  zu 
mir  der  furnimsten  des  Dorfs  mich  berichtend  dass  sie  gesinnet  Nord 
Carolinam  zu  bekriegen:  Insbesonders  aber  wollen  sie  hinder  die  von 
Pam  Tego  Neus  Trent  rivier  und  Corsund,  so  dass  sie  aus  guten  ur- 
sachen  mich  nicht  konnten  gehen  lassen,  bis  sie  mit  dieser  expedition 
fertig  wahren,  was  wolt  ich  thun:  Musste  gedult  tragen,  dann  alle 
meine  grand  da  nicht s  hulfen,  Ein  hartes,  dass  ich  so  bose  Zeitung 
anhoren  musste,  und  doch  nicht  helfen  konnte,  noch  diese  arme  Leuth 
das  minste  wiissen  lassen,  mir  zwar  versprachen  sie,  Es  solte  in  Caduca^: 
welches  der  alte  Nahmen  des  stettlin  Neu  Bern/ :  kein  Schaden  gescha- 
chen,  die  von  der  Coloney  aber  solten  alle  hinunter  in  das  Stettlin  sonst 
wolten  sie  nicht  gut  sprechen  fur  den  Schaaden,  diss  wahren  gute  Wort, 
wie  wolt  ich  es  aber  den  armen  Leuthen  zu  wissen  thun,  weillen  kein 
Wilder  die  Avisen  bringen  wolte,  musste  es  also  dem  allerhochsten 
iiberlassen.  Bey  500.  Streitbahren  und  wohlbewehrten  Mannschaft  so 
wahren,  Ein  zusammengerottetes  Volck,  theils  Tuscaruscos  doch  wah- 
ren die  Haubtflecken  oder  Dorfer  dieser  Nation  nicht  mitbegrifen  die 
andern  Marmusiken  Bay,  Rivier  Weitoc,  Pamtego,  Neuws  und  Cor 
Indiens  fiengen  diss  morden  und  Bliindern  an  auf  einmahl  zugleich 
abgetheilt  in  kleine  Plutons  thaten  diese  Barbaren  die  armen  Leuth 


Geaffeneied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  ]N"ew  Been       167 

zu  Pamtego  Neus  mid  Trent  bltindren  und  Ermorden,  in  wenig 
Tagen  hernach  kamen  diese  Morder  mit  ihrer  Beudte  beladen,  ach 
was  trauriges  Spectacul  solches  und  die  armen  Weib  und  Kinder  ge- 
fangen  zu  sehen,  das  Hertz  mochte  mir  zerbrechen,  konte  zwar  mit 
ihnen  reden  aber  mit  grosser  Behutsamkeit :  Die  Ersten  kamen, von 
Pamtego  die  andren  von  Neuws  und  Trent,  grad  eben  der  Indianer 
bey  welchem  Logierte,  brachte  mit  sich  ein  jungen  Knaben,  Einer 
von  meinen  Lechen  Leuthen,  viel  Kleyder  und  Hausrath,  das  ich 
kannte.  ach  wie  gieng  mir  ein  stich  durchs  Hertz  in  forchten  meine 
Coloney  wahre  alle  dahin:  sonderlich  wann  da  ich  den  jungen  fragte, 
was  da  geschachen  und  Vorgangen  were,  Er  mir  bitter  weinend  er- 
zellte  dass  von  eben  den  Wilden  wie  obvermelt  sein  Vater,  Mutter 
und  Bruder  ja  ganze  famillen  ermordt,  bey  diesem  all  em  dorfte  nur 
nicht  dergleichen  thun,  als  thate  ich  solches  empnnden:  bey  6.  Wochen 
musste  ich  da  gefangen  bleiben  in  diesem  beschwerlichen  ohrt  Ca- 
techna,  Eh  ich  nacher  Haus  konnte,  in  was  gefahr,  schrecken,  Schimpf 
und  Vertruss  ist  liecht  zu  gedenken, :  da  Truge  sich  in  der  Zeit  al- 
lerley  zu,  Einmahls  war  ich  in  grosser  perplexitet,  die  Mannschaft 
wahre  alle  in  dieser  Morder  expedition  die  weiber  alle  zimlich  weit 
vom  Dorf  Kirsen  zu  gewinnen  andre  Batatos,  eine  Gattung  gelbe  sehr 
gute  und  angeneme  Wurzel  zu  graben,  so  dass  ich  mich  ganz  allein 
selbigen  Tags  im  Dorf  befund,  da  Stritte  es  mit  mir,  ob  mich  darvon 
und  nach  Haus  machen  wolte,  studierte  lang  hieriiber,  in  diesem 
Zweifel  funde  das  beste  meinen  Gott  um  beystand  anzurufen,  dass  er 
mir  in  Sinn  geben  wolte,  was  in  solchen  gefahr  lichen  umstand  zu 
thun,  nach  verrichtetem  Gebett  examinierte  und  betrachtete  den 
Handel  pro  et  contra  befunde  endlich  das  bessere  zu  bleiben,  mich 
trostend  dass  der  mich  aus  erster  gefahr  Errettet  mir  noch  ferners 
helfen  wurde.  Dann  wann  mich  Einicher  Indianer  angetrofen  oder 
gesehen,  ich  des  Todes,  da  dan  kein  Gnad  ward  zu  hofen,  zu  demen 
wehren  sie  verbittret  worden,  dass  sie  Eheich  zu  Haus  in  deme  die  wagen 
nicht  wohl  wusste  in  das  Stettlin  kommen,  wahre  alles  geblundret, 
verbrannt  und  ermordt,  die  erfahrung  hat  es  hernach  Erwiesen,  dass 
ich  das  bessere  erwehlte. — 

Nachdeme  nun  diese  Heiden  das  meiste  von  ihrer  barbarischen 
expedition  gethan,  kamen  sie  nacher  Haus  und  Ruheten  aus  fur  eine 
Zeit  lang,  da  nahm  ich  die  gelgenheit  in  acht,  und  wann  ich  die  vor- 
nemsten  des  Dorfs  in  guter  Humor  antraf,  fragte  ob  nun  nicht  bald 
nacher  Haus  konnte:  Sie  zu  Einer  glmstigen  Disposition  zu  bringen, 
proponiere  ein  particularfrieden  mit  ihnen  zu  machen,  versprach  zu 
gleich  einem  jeden  grandes  der  10  Dorfer  ein  Tuchener  Rock,  etwas 
noch  fur  mein  Rantzion,  dem  Konig  2.  Buteillen  Pulver,  500.  Schrott, 
2.  Bouteille  Raum,  Prantenwein  von  Zucker  gemacht:    Die  Indianer 


168  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

wolten  aber  vielmehr  haben,  als  Flinten,  mehr  Pulver  und  bley  oder 
Schrot,  ich  aber  representierte  dass  dieses  Contrebande,  das  ist  wahre, 
welche  Sie  bey  Hancken  verboten,  sie  zu  verkaufen  zu  geben,  dass 
ich  miisse  aufs  minst  Neutral  sein,  und  noch  dem  Eint,  noch  andren 
beystehen,  sonsten  gebe  es  nichts  aus  unsrem  frieden,  diese  und 
mehrere  Grtind  nahmen  sie  an,  so  verglichen  wir  uns  wie  Euwer 
Herrlichkeit,  Es  im  beyliegenden  Tractat  und  articlen  sehen  wird. — 

Aber  obwohlen  wir  uns  Verglichen  so  wolten  diese  Misstreuwige 
Gesellen,  mich  doch  nicht  lassen  gehen,  ohne  Sichere  und  gewtissere 
precautionen  wolten  haben,  dass  ich  mein  Kleinern  Neger  hinunter 
sandte  nacher  Neuw  Bern,  dass  alles  was  ich  versprochen  nacher 
Catechna  hinauf  gefuhrt  werden  solte,  doch  wolte  kein  Wilder  mit- 
gehen,  obwohlen  ein  passport  oder  sicher  geleit  mitgeben  wolte,  repre- 
sentierte dass  von  meinen  Leuthen  so  noch  ubrig  als  erschrocken 
liber  die  raubereyen  und  Mortthaten,  wohl  keiner  hinauf  fahren,  und 
mein  Neger  allein  nicht  konnte  gegen  dem  Strohm,  mit  einem  geladnen 
Schif  fahren,  da  wir  uns  nicht  vergleichen  konnten,  remetierte  ich  dem 
Indianer  wo  ich  logierte,  welcher  eine  Vernunftige  Decision  unsres 
Streits  herausgabe,  so  dass  wir  beyderseits  zufrieden. — 

Grad  eben  an  dem  Tag  dass  ich  den  Neger  nacher  Neu  Bern  senden 
wolte,  mit  einem  Brief  an  den  so  zu  meinem  Haus  sorg  hatte,  dass  er 
halben  wex  die  Obermelte  Guter  senden  solte  beyderseyts  Sicherheit, 
kamen  fromde  Indianer  zu  Pferdt  von  H.  Goub.  von  Virginien  mit 
einem  Brief  wie  beyliegende  Copey  ausweisst:  Niemand  konnte  den 
Brief  lesen  als  ich,  der  Brief  wahre  sehr  scharpf,  wusste  nicht  was  fur 
Continentz  haltend,  Endlich  dachte  die  Boten  wiissten  dessen  inhalt 
wohl,  so  las  ich  den  Brief,  derm  Vornemsten  des  Dorfs  vor,  da  ich 
ausgelesen  observierte  etwas  In  ihren  Gesichteren,  so  nicht  beliebig, 
dass  sie  mich  angesicht  des  Briefs  alsobald  sicher  solten  nacher  Haus 
liefern:  Wo  aber  nicht  und  mir  das  minste  Leyd  von  Ihnen  wieder- 
fuhre:  Wolte  und  wahre  er  H.  Goub:  parat  mich  zu  rachen,  ja  alles 
exterminieren  noch  weib  und  Kinder  verschonen,  hierauf  hielten  sie 
Raht,  und  ward  geschlossen  mich  zu  dem  Dorf  lassen  gehen,  bey  den 
Touscaruscos  wo  der  Indianische  Negotiant  von  Virginien  war,  wel- 
cher grad  zuvor  da  Mon.  Lauson  exequiert  in  selbigem  Dorf  sich  auf- 
hielte,  und  ihm  zurlickreissen  H.  Goub:  unsere  traurige  avanture 
erzellet,  worauf  alsbald  dieser  generose  H.  Goub.  Spotswood  diesen 
Virginischen  Kaufmann,  der  mit  den  Indianern  handlete  und  Ihre 
Sprach  ger  wohl  verstund  und  redete,  mit  obigem  Brief  zu  den  Tous- 
caruscos gesendt,  Er  aber  H.  Goub.  Selbstem  im  Ersten  Indianischen 
Dorf  Natoway  genannt  indessen  mit  einer  starcken  escorten  wartend, 
mit  ordres  an  die  benachtbarten  Militen  sich  parat  zu  halten,  grad  zu 
agieren,  wann  nicht  beliebige  antwort  ankomme:    So  mieche  mich  des 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern       169 

Morgends  friih  zu  Pferdt,  Mit  den  Indianern  Botten  auf  den  weg, 
und  kamen  viel  von  den  Vornemsten  Indianern  von  Catechna  mit 
mir  gegen  den  Haubt  Dorf  genannt  Tasky  zu,  welche  so  g'schwind  Mar- 
chierten  als  ich  zu  Pferdt,  des  Abends  zwischen  Tag  und  Nacht 
langten  wir  an,  wo  sich  der  Virginische  Kaufmann  auch  aufhielt,  diss 
Dorf  ward  befestiget  mit  Balisaden,  und  wahren  die  Hauser  oder 
Cabinet  so  artig  von  Binden  allein  gemacht,  in  einem  Cirkel  oder 
Ring  herumb  gesetzt:  so  dass  ein  grosses  Feur,  der  Raht  so  von  den 
Vornemsten  des  Touscarusco  Nation  bestund,  auf  dem  Boden  herum 
sitzend,  da  ward  platz  gelassen,  fur  obgemelten  Kaufmann,  fur  mich 
und  die  Indianer  so  mit  mir  kamen,  nachdem  ich  diese  H.  Salutiert 
sassen  wir  aueh  hernieder,  bey  diesem  allem  wahre  ich  schon  in  einer 
heimlichen  Freud,  der  Hofnung  nacher  Natoway  zu  gehen,  H:  Goub: 
von  Virginien  auf  mich  wartete,  und  so  dermahlen  eins  von  dieser  Wil- 
den  gefangenschaft,  erloset  zu  werden,  gienge  mir  aber  leyder  nicht  an. 
Der  Redner  der  Versammlung  fing  eine  lange  Red  an,  befragte  die  4. 
Indianer  so  mit  mir  kamen,  was  die  ursach  meiner  Detention  und 
Verbrechen  nach  Verhor,  wahre  unschuldig  erfunden  worden,  und  er- 
kannt:  dass  H:  Goub:  von  Virginien  nach  begehren  solte  entsprochen 
werden,  bedeutend  was  fur  gefahr  aus  dem  Abschlag  entstehen  wiirde. — 
Der  Virginische  Kaufmaim  als  Dollmetsch  redte  was  er  konnte  zu 
meinen  gunsten,  die  4.  Indianer  von  Catechna  wolten  sich  aber  darzu 
nicht  verstehen,  aus  forcht  es  wurde  alsdann  keine  rantion  erfolgen, 
obwohlen  der  virginische  Kaufmann  sicherheit  darfiir  versprache,  pre- 
texierend,  sie  darfen  nicht  ohne  Consens  der  iibrigen  Vorgesetzten  und 
des  Konigs  thun,  doch  versprechend  mich  los  zu  lassen,  sobald  der 
Konig  und  Raht  wurden  bey  einander  sein,  wolten  aber  mein  Neger 
zur  sicherheit  behalten,  bis  die  rantion  ausgericht,  den  tag  hernach 
gentzlichen  meiner  Hofnung  frustriert,  nahme  von  dem  Virginischen 
Kaufmann  mein  Abschied,  welchen  dieser  Wilden  unfriindl:  Manier 
sehr  vertross,  so  Marchierte  ich  ganz  traurig  wiederumb  zuriick,  da 
wir  3.  oder  4.  Meilen  nach  bey  Henecon  Town  oder  Catechna  kamen, 
horten  wir  ein  gross  geschrey  und  rufens  dort  herumb,  und  kamen 
hier  etliche  dorten  andre  Wilden  aus  den  Biischen  hervor,  welches  mir 
nicht  ohne  ursach  etwas  Forcht  einjagte,  sondern  warm  sie  gleichsam 
ganz  aus  dem  atem  und  erschrocklichem  .  _  _  die  Englischen  und 
Pfalzer  wahren  nacher  bey  Insbesonders  aber  deuten  sie  mit  einem 
sauren  gesicht  die  Pfelzer  mit  retirirenden  ja,  ja,  verspotten,  zu  be- 
deuten  darmit,  dass  eben  auch  meine  Leuth  als  find  sich  da  mercken 
liessen,  und  miechen  mich  ein  abweg  zu  nemen,  durch  einen  wiisten 
graben,  da  ich  von  feme  ein  feur  sache,  da  fieng  es  mir  an  lang  zu 
werden,  in  forcht  sie  wolten  mich  da  in  geheim  Ermorden:  Studierte 
wie  Sie  zu  bereden,  dass  die  Pfelzer  gar  nicht  mit  den  Englischen  Con- 


170  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

jugiert,  bedeutet  dass  diese  Wort  ja,  ja,  nicht  Teutsch  waren,  sondern  ein 
Rauches  Englisches  Wort  ay  ay  welches  sonst  in  gut  Englisch 
yess  Heyst,  das  1st  ja;  behielte  sie  also  in  der  Meinung  so  gut  ich 
konnte :  wann  wir  an  das  ohrt  wo  das  f eur  ware  kommen,  sache  mit 
besturtzung  alle  das  gesind,  von  Catechna  wo  ich  gefangen  ward, 
sambt  ihrem  Hausgeraht  wenig  Lebens  Mittel  in  einem  schonen  korn- 
feld,  wo  ein  Jed:  Ind.  mitten  in  einem  Swamp,  das  ist  einem  Wilden 
Ohrt  einem  Stuck  Waldes  im  Morast  und  Wasser  einerseits,  anderseits 
neben  diesem  Fluss : 5  7  alle  nemlich  die  Alten  ohnvermoglichen  Menner, 
Weiber,  Kinder,  und  Junges  under  jahriges  Gesind  vast  erschrocken 
mich  beliebt  zu  machen,  und  sie  meinerseits  in  Sicherheit  zu  halten, 
ermanglete  nicht  Ihnen  alien  Trost  zu  geben,  Sie  versichernd  so  lang 
ich  bey  Ihnen,  nichts  Boses  widerfahren  wurde,  representierte  auf  den 
Kriegs  Leuthen,  so  kamen  das  Gesind  aufzuMuntren,  Sie  solten  mich 
Vornenherbey,  und  mit  Ihrer  Mannschaft  gehen  lassen,  wolte  trach- 
ten  die  Engellander  zum  frieden  zu  bereden,  wolten  mich  aber  nicht 
gehen  lassen. — 

Denn  Tag  hernach  all  die  umliegende  Indianer  in  der  Zahl  300 
Tapfere  Kerl,  kamen  zusammen,  stossten  sich  zu  den  tibrigen,  und 
suchten  die  Christen  auf,  welche  nicht  mehr  als  60.  an  der  Zahl,  und 
nur  4.  Meillen  das  ist  3.  Viertel  stund  ohngefehrt,  von  unsrem  Dorf 
wahren,  die  Pfelzer  aber,  so  nicht  wussten  wie  mit  den  wilden  Indian- 
ern  zu  kriegen,  als  nur  bloss  sich  zu  zeigen,  wahren  meist  alle  ver- 
wundt,  und  ein  Engellander  zu  Tod  geschossen,  da  sie  von  den  Wilden 
ubermeistret,  kehrten  den  riicken,  und  Eylten  nach  Haus,  welchen 
die  Wilden  nachjagten,  thaten  aber  nicht  grossen  Schaden,  als  das  sie 
etwas  erbeuteten,  so  kamen  die  Wilden  Zwey  Tag  hernach  zuriick 
nacher  Catechna  mit  Pferdten,  Lebens  Mittlen  mit  huten,  stieflen, 
auch  etwelchen  Rocken,  da  ich  dis  alles  sahe,  insbesonders  ein  sauber 
Barboutine  mit  Silbernem  Carniture,  mir  zugehorig,  war  ich  ganz  be- 
sttirtzt  und  in  grossen  forchten,  sie  hatten  mein  Haus  und  Magazin 
geblundret,  war  aber  kein  schaaden  gethan,  worumb  von  meinen 
Sachen  darunter  ist  weilen  sie  namlich  meine  Leuth  sich  der  sachen 
bedienten,  was  sie  zu  dieser  expedition  vonnohten  wahren:  So  kamen 
diese  Wilde  Kriegs  Leuth  oder  Morder  welcher  in  grosser  glori  und 
Triumph  heim,  und  giengen  wir  also  aus  dem  Verborgenen  ohrt,  alle 
wiederumb  in  unser  altes  Quartier  nacher  Catechna  dess  abends  und 
die  ganze  Nacht  durch,  miechen  sie  grosse  Freudenfeur,  insbesonders 
eins  in  dem  grossen  Richtplatz,  wobey  sie  3.  Wolfs  Heut  steckten,  So 
viel  protectores  oder  Gotter  vepresentierend,  darbey  die  Weiber  von 
Ihren  Zierden  oferten,  als  Halsbander  von  Vampon,  welches  wie  eine 
Gattung  Corallen  von  Calinierten  Muschlen,  weiss,  braun,  und  Gold- 
farb,  in  der  Mitte  des  Rings,  wahre  ein  Conjurer  als  ihr  Priester, 


Graffenried  :  Account  op  the  Founding  of  New  Been       171 

welcher  allerley  seltsame  posturen  und  bedeurungen  miech,  und  die 
iibrigen  danzten  in  einem  Ring  umb  das  feur  und  obvermelte  Hiiet. — 

Nachdeme  dieses  Indianische  Vest  verbey,  fieng  ich  an  ungedultig  zu 
werden,  fragte  Etliche  der  grossen,  ob  sie  mich  jetzunder  nicht 
wolten  nacher  Haus  gehen  lassen,  in  deme  Sie  Victorios  villicht  alle 
meine  Leuth  zu  Tod  geschlagen  haben,  einer  aus  den  Truppen  ant- 
worteten  lachend,  Sie  wolten  sehen  was  zu  thun,  den  Konig  und  seine 
Raht  berufend. — 

Zwey  Tag  hernach  Morgends  frtih  brachten  sie  mir  ein  Pferdt,  Zwey 
der  Vornemsten  begleiteten  mich  bewehrt  aber  zu  fuess,  bis  ungefehrt 
2.  Stund  weit  vom  Dorf  Catechna  da  gaben  sie  mir  ein  stuck  In- 
dianisch  Brodt  und  Verliessen  mich,  da  ich  einen  langen  weg  vor  mir 
sahe,  Ersuchte  ich  Sie  mir  das  Pferdt  zu  lassen,  wolte  es  ohne  fehlen 
zuruck  senden,  oder  solten  mit  mir  etwas  nacher  zu  meinem  Quartier 
gehen,  konnte  aber  nichts  erhalten,  blieben  an  dem  Ohrt  wo  ich  sie 
verlassen,  und  miechen  ein  grosses  feur  mir  bedeutend,  es  seyen  in 
dem  Wald  framde  Indianer,  solte  eilen  und  wacker  gehen,  ja  fur  Zwey 
stund  laufen  so  vast  immer  moglich,  welches  ich  auch  gethan,  bis  die 
Nacht  mich  ubernahm,  und  ich  zu  meinem  erschrocklichen  wiisten 
Graben  kam,  uber  welchen  wegen  diefen  Wasser  im  Finstren  nicht 
konnte,  sondern  da  ich  ubernachtet  bis  Morgends.  Das  iibrige  von 
dieser  Reis  habe  schon  meinem  H.  Goub:  Erzelt,  ist  Zeit  abzubinden. 

Etwelche  Anotationes,  dess  was  ich  in  meiner  Touscarusco,  und 
wehrender  Gefangenschaft  bey  den  Indianern  observiert  nur  wie  es 
mir  in  Sinn  Kommen,  ohne  sonderbahre  Ordnung,  was  unterzeichnet 
mit  Littres  a.  b.  c.  zu  finden./ 

Etlich  Jalouse  und  indiscreten  Einwohner  Caroline  haben  fiirgeben 
als  war  ich  oder  meine  Leuth  der  Coloney  die  Ursach,  dieses  Indianischen 
Kriegs  und  Mordens.  Zu  meiner  Justification  konnte  wohl  viel  Griind 
dargeben,  will  aber  desshalben  nicht  vast  bemuhen,  weilen  meine 
Unschuld  gnugsam  bekannt,  doch  kann  ich  mich  nicht  enthalten, 
diese  Grtind  hier  anzubringen.  l./So  ich  die  Ursach,  worumb  haben 
die  Wilden  mich  nicht  sowohl  als  den  Generalfeldmesser  Lauson  hin- 
gerichtet  und  getodet,  2./hab  ich  das  Land  oder  Stuck  Erdtrich  so  die 
Wilden  Catouca  nennen  dreyfach  bezahlt  den  Lord  proprietarys,  dem 
Generalfeldmesser,  dem  Indianisch  Konig  Taylor. — Dieser  Indianer 
Konig  wohnte  mit  seinem  Volck  an  solchem  ohrt,  wo  jetzund  mein 
Haus  und  das  Stattlin  Neu  Bern  angefangen  worden,  mit  welchen 
Indianern  ich  und  die  Meinigen  frundlich  und  wohl  gelebt,  das  tibrige 
Land,  hate  auch  bezahlt  so  Etwas  gefordret  worden,.  3./wahre  kein 
Klag,  noch  wieder  mich  noch  die  Coloney,  Zeugen  dessen  die  grosse 
Versammlung  der  Touscarouscos  wo  dis  in  Question  kommen,  in  bey- 
sein  dess  Virginischen  Kaufmanns,   und  da  sind  die  autores   cheser 


172  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Troublen  mit  Nahmen  angegeben  worden, :  Will  sie  aber  aus  Christ- 
licher  Liebe  nicht  namsen,  beyde  H.  Goub:  von  Virginien  und  Caro- 
lina sind  in  diesem  berichtet. — 

Habe  viel  Notable  Versammlungen  gesehen,  auch  etlichen  selbsten 
beygewohnt,  habe  mich  aber  verwundert,  liber  dieser  Heyden  gravitet 
und  ordnung,  Ihr  Stillschweigen,  gehorsam,  Respect  gegen  den  Vor- 
gesetzten,  keine  Einred  als  in  einem  Kehr,  und  das  nur  einmahl  mit 
grosser  Decentz,  keine  passion  konnte  man  nicht  im  geringsten  Ver- 
mercken,  und  wahre  Zeit  gnug  geben,  zu  replicieren,  Summa  alles  in 
solcher  anstandigkeit  zur  iiberzeugung  und  beschamung  vieler  Christ- 
lichen  Oberkeiten.  Der  Process  wahre  auch  so  ordentlich  gefuhrt,  als 
immer  bey  Christl:  Richtern  seyen  konnte,  und  habe  ich  solche  schone 
Vernunftige  Grund  gehort,  von  diesen  Wilden  und  Heyden  die  mich 
bestiirzt. — 

Da  wahren  Sieben  Dorfer  der  Tuscoruscos  Nation  welche  sich  vast 
inocentieren  wollen,  als  hatten  sie  mit  diesem  Indianischen  Krieg  und 
Massacre  gantz  nichts  zu  thun,  und  mit  ubrigen  Indianern,  deswegen 
kein  Verstandnuss,  diese  sind  etwas  weiter  abgelegen,  mehr  hinter 
virginien,  und  auch  in  ihrer  Devotion  wegen  der  Handlung,  diss  noch 
haltend,  diese  7.  Townes  oder  Dorfer,  die  ubrigen  in  dieser  Gegend  in 
gewussen  Schranken  und  Soumission  dieser  Tom  Blount  ist  ein  Konig 
oder  Fiihrer,  eines  Considerable  Haufens  Wilder  Indianer,  hat  sehr 
guten  Verstand,  ist  gantz  wohl  der  Englischen  Nation  geneigt,  und 
hat  nicht  wenig  zu  einem  guten  Frieden  Contribuirt:  ja  es  um  mich 
zu  thun,  viel  zu  meinem  besten  gerett. — 

Ich  kann  hier  auch  nicht  vergessen,  der  generositat  und  Mitleydens 
Einer  guten  Wittfrauwen,  welche  mir  grad  anfangs  meiner  ankunft 
und  Inwehrender  meiner  Gefangenschaft  allezeit  Speis  gebracht,  so 
dass  mir  an  Nahrung  nicht  gefehlt,  was  aber  das  bedencklichste,  so 
bald  sie  gesehen,  dass  da  ich  gegebunden  wurd,  Junge  Gesellen  mich 
gebliindret  under  andren  sachen  meine  Silbernen  ringen,  von  den 
Schuhen  genommen,  und  selbe  nur  mit  einem  kleinen  Seil  gebunden, 
hat  sie  von  ihrer  Saubren  Maschenen  Schnallen  dardurch  ihr  Har- 
band  an  der  Stirnen  gezogen,  genommen,  und  sie  an  meine  Schuh 
gethan,  hat  keine  Ruhj  bis  sie  entdeckt,  welcher  Indianer  meine 
Schnallen  genommen,  selbige  von  Ihme  erhandlet,  voller  Freuden 
zuriick  gelofen  kommen,  und  die  Silbernen  Schnallen  an  meine  Schuh 
gethan:  Diss  wahre  ja  von  einer  Wilden  Eine  grosse  giitigkeit,  zur 
iiberzeugung  manches  Christen,  muss  hier  zur  Beschamung  der 
Christen  sagen,  dass  insgesambt  die  Indianer  viel  freygebiger,  habe 
unter  ihnen  viel  gute  sachen  observiert,  als  dass  sie  nicht  Schweren, 
ihr  Wort  exact  halten  was  sie  versprechen,  im  Spielen  nicht  bald 
hadren,  nicht  so  vast  gizen,  nicht  so  viel  Hoch  Muht  unter  jungen 


Gbaffenbied  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been       173 

Leuthen  auch  nichts  ungebiihrlich  es  observiert,  obwohlen  sie  vast 
nackend,  so  halten  sie  sich  Decenter  als  viele  Christen.  Das  bose 
unter  ihnen  ist  dass  ihr  Zorn  furios. — 

Hier  ist  zu  observieren  dass  wan  diese  Barbarische  Morder  nacher 
Haus  kammen,  So  wtissen  Ihre  Weiber  zuvor  durch  botten,  Rusten 
sie  Sich  zu  Einem  Fest  in  der  Nacht,  jede  Haushaltung  riistet  sich  die 
besten  Speise  nach  Ihrer  Art,  bringen  dieselben  auf  ihren  grossen 
Richtplatz  wo  sie  auch  Ihre  Tantz  halten,  Jede  Haushaltung  miech 
eine  kleine  Briige,  vor  deren  im  Feur  so  rings  umbher  und  in  der  mitten 
dess  grossen  Platzes  ein  grosses  feur  wobey  der  Priester  Stund,  die 
Weiber  nahmen  sich  alle  Ihre  Zierden,  so  bestunden  in  gehancken 
dieser  Wampan  und  gleserne  Corallen,  da  nahmen  sie  weise  Stockli 
oder  dicklachte  Ruthen,  Stiickli,  sie  grad  als  ein  opfer  in  der  mitten 
im  Ring,  alwo  auch  drey  Hirschen-Heut  auf  gesteckt,  als  eine  Gattung 
abgotter  die  Sie  verEhrten,  die  Konigin  oder  die  erste  nach  ihr  in 
Abwesenheit  fienge  zuerst  an,  die  andren  alle  nach  Einander  allezeit 
singend,  wann  der  Ring  voll  ward,  dann  danzten  sie  alle  umb  dieses 
Feur,  und  die  drey  heut  bis  sie  Mud  wurden,  deme  gienge  eine  jede 
zu  Ihrem  Stand  oder  Brtige  mit  ihren  Mannern  Mahlzeit  zu  halten,: 
wann  sie  fertig,  nahmen  sie  weise  Ruhten,  Schwarz  geringlet  und 
miechen  gleiche  Ceremoney  wie  zuvor,  nahmen  die  Ersten  stocklein 
oder  Ruhten,  Garniert  mit  Corallen  wider,  und  steckten  die  Gering- 
leten  an  Ihren  Platz,  so  kehrten  sie  widrum  zu  Ihren  Standen,  Indessen 
that  der  Priester  sein  officieren,  die  Finde  betreuwend  Ihn  allerley  der 
apscheuwlichsten  posturen,  hingegen  seine  Kriegs  Leuth  erhebend,  und 
zur  Dapferkeit  ferners  anstrengend,  hernach  gienge  das  junge  gesind 
nahmen  grime  Est  von  Laub,  ferbten  Ihre  Gesichter  mit  Schwarz, 
weis  und  Roht,  liessen  ihre  Haar  hinunter  mit  Gensen  Flaumen  so 
sahen  sie  abscheuwlich  mehr  Teuflen  als  Menschen  gleich  und  Lufen 
dem  grossen  Platz  zu,  mit  einem  abscheuwlichen  geschrey  und  tant- 
zten  wie  obgemelt,  hier  ist  zu  observieren,  von  obermelte  Wilden 
Kriegs  Leuth  oder  vielmehr  Morder,  einkamen  mit  ihrer  beut  und 
den  gefangenen,  der  Priester  und  die  Vornemsten  Frauwen  nahmen 
die  armen  gefangenen,  zwungen  sie  zum  Tantz,  und  so  sie  nicht 
tanzen  wolten,  nahmen  sie  sie  unter  den  armen  und  schlepten  sie  auf 
und  Nider  zum  Zeichen,  dass  diese  Christen  nun  nach  Ihrer  Music 
tantzten,  und  in  ihrer  Subjection  wahren. — 

Konnen  also  diese  Heidnische  Ceremoneyen  fur  ihren  Cantum  Di- 
vinum :  oder  abgottischen  andachten  passieren, :  dess  morgens  habe  bis 
weilen  Observiert  dass  sie  ein  Serioses  Kurzes  Liedlein  gesungen, 
anstatt  dess  gebets,  und  wann  sie  in  gar  grosser  gefahr  dess  gleichen. — 

Zu  Neu  Bern  wo  ich  mich  gesetzt  und  das  Stettlin  angefangen,  hab 
ich  unter  den  Indianern  die  zuvor  da  wohnten,  eine  andre  Manier  die 


174  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

da  etwas  nacher  dem  Christlichen  Gottesdienst  observiert  :  Da 
hatten  sie  eine  gattung  altar  gar  artig  unt  konstlich  mit  stecken  ge- 
flochten  und  gewelbten  Dome  an  einem  ohrt,  wahre  eine  ofnung  als 
geriist  zu  einer  kleiner  Thuren  dardurch  mann  das  opfer  ein  legt,  in 
der  Mitten  dieser  Heydnischen  Cappellen,  wahren  kleine  Holen,  worin 
sie  dann  hiengen  Corallen  und  auch  Wanpom  opferten:  gegen  Son- 
nenaufgang  wahre  gesetzt  ein  Holzernes  Bild,  zielmich  wohl  geschnitzt. — 
Der  Figur  wie  neben  verzeichnet,  geferbt  halb  roht,  halb  weiss,  vor 
deme  gesteckt  ein  langer  staab,  oben  Truf  ein  kleine  Cron  der  Stab 
geringlet,  Roht  und  weiss  gegen  Mitternacht  oder  viel  Eher  gegen 
Abend  wahre  oposite  Ein  ander  Bild  mit  einem  hasslichen  gesicht, 
Schwarz  und  Roht  geferbt,  so  representierten  Sie  durch  das  erste 
Bild,  eine  gute  Divinitet  und  durch  das  ander  der  Teufel,  welchen  sie 
besser  kennen.— 

Hier  kann  ich  nicht  fur  liber  zu  erzellen,  was  sich  mit  einem  Meiner 
Lechen  Leuth  zugetragen,  Ein  starker  lustiger  Mann,  da  Er  da  vor- 
bey  gieng,  diese  Zwey  Bilder  betrachtend,  mieche  alsbald  ein  Unter- 
scheid  dessen,  so  den  guten  Gott  und  des  andern  so  den  bosen  repre- 
sentierte,  weilen  dieses  mit  schwarz  und  Roht  gefarbt  welches  Just  die 
farb  des  cantons  von  Bern,  ward  er  so  erbittret,  hieriiber  dass  er  mit 
seiner  ax  oder  Biel  dis  wiiste  Bild  Entzwey  schnitte,  da  er  wider 
nacher  Haus  kam  Rtihmete  er  es  als  eine  wackere  That,  als  hatte  er 
den  Teufel  in  einem  Striech  entzwey  gespalten,  welches  zwar  anfangs 
nur  ein  kleines  Lachen  provociert,  aber  die  Sach  dennoch  nicht  abro- 
biert.  Bald  hernach  kam  der  Indianer  Konig  gantz  vertrtissig  dieses 
fur  ein  Sacrilegium  und  grossen  affront  nemend,  klagte,  sich  bitter, 
deme  zwar  ein  Schertz  bedeutete,  nur  ihr  boser  Abgott  were  beschadiget 
und  dahin,  Sey  kein  grosser  schaden,  wans  aber  der  gute  wahre,  so 
wolte  ich  es  fast  abstrafen:  Werde  aber  hinfuhro  solche  anstalten 
thun,  dass  dergleichen  Vertriesslichkeiten,  Ihnen  nicht  mehr  wider- 
fahren  solten.  Obwohlender  Indianer  Konig  sache,  dass  ich  diss  wesen 
in  Vexaats  zog,  so  gefiel  ihme  solches  nicht,  sondern  ward  ganz  serios: 
So  bezeuget  ich  ihme  auch  im  Ernst  dass  mir  dieses  Manns  action 
ganz  nicht  gefiel,  so  Er  mir  den  Mann  Zeigen  konnte,  der  solches 
gethan  solte  er  dafiir  abgestraft  werden:  Mieche  den  Konig  und  die 
bey  Ihm  wahren  Raum  zu  trincken,  welches  eine  gattung  Pranten- 
wein  so  von  distiliertem  Zucker  Truesse  gemacht,  der  Enden  ganz 
gemein  und  gesundt,  so  man  es  mit  Moderation  trinckt,  wahre  zu 
dem  gantz  friindl:  mit  ihnen,  so  dass  sie  ganz  wohl  zufrieden,  und 
vergnugt  von  mir  giengen,  Bey  ihren  Begrebnussen  miechen  sie  mehr 
Ceremoney  als  an  Hochzeiten  oder  Heurathen,  und  hab  ich  in  der 
Begrebnuss  einer  verstorbnen  Witfrauen  etwas  sonderbahres  observ- 
iert, will  mich  dennoch  hier  nicht  fast  extendieren,  weilen  Viellerley 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern       175 

gedruckte  relationes  der  Indianer  Lebwesen  und  Manier  betrefend, 
nur  im  fiirbeygang  was  ich  an  wunderbahrstem  gefunden,  und  vor- 
nemlich  wann  ein  Indianer  kranck  oder  sterbend,  so  kommen  Ihre 
Priester  ins  Haus,  machen  allerley  viguren  und  posturen  thun  allerley 
beschwerungen,  und  geben  den  Krancken  auch  allerley  artzneyen,  so 
das  nicht  hilft,  blasen  sie  dem  Krancken  durch  den  Mund  Ihren  atem 
ein,  mit  einem  Erschrocklichen  Rurren,  weiss  nicht  mit  was  Segnerey, 
kombt  der  Kranken  auf,  ist  ein  unbeschreiblich.es  Frolocken,  stirb  er 
aber  ist  ein  trauriges  Heulen,  ja  sogar,  dass  es  einem  grauset:  Sie 
machen  Ihre  Graber  mit  grossem  Fleiss,  sind  gewelbt  mit  rinden, 
wann  der  Verstorbene  Ins  Grab  getragen  wird,  da  standen  zwey 
Priester  die  Lamentien  und  machen  auf  ihr  ahrt  ein  Leichbredig,  ist 
da  etwas  zu  erholen,  extollieren  sie  dess  Verstorbemen  Thaten,  oder 
dessen  Verwanten  Trosten  Sie,  und  machen  weiss  nicht  was  fur 
allerley  abenteurliche  beschwerungen:  Summa  da  ist  viel  Tuhns  und 
Schwetzens,  so  dass  sich  die  Conjurer,  oder  Priester  ganz  in  Schweiss 
gesehen,  aber  diss  geschicht  ein  gut  present  zu  erwarten,  wann  alles 
vorbey,  so  geben  die  Erben  etliche  gehenck  vom  Wampon  oder  aus 
Calcimierten  Muscheln  gemacht,  sind  kleine  Dinger  als  Corallen  wie 
obgemelt  weiss,  purper  und  gelb,  diesen  Priestren  und  diss  ist  ihr 
Lohn:  NB:  Es  pflegen  die  Indianer  aus  diesen  Dingern  Hosen  und 
Halsband  zu  machen,  und  wiissens  so  artig  und  ingenios  durch  Ein- 
ander  zu  Stricken  und  zu  flechten,  mit  allerley  viguren  dass  sich  zu 
verwundren.  Wann  alles  vorbey  und  das  grab  gedeckt,  so  hat  sich 
etwas  zu  meiner  Zeit  wunderbahrs  zugetragen,  welches  selbsten  ge- 
sehen, Ein  artiges  feur  oder  Flammen  ohngefehrt  Zweyer  Kerzen 
Liechter  gross,  fuhr  grad  auf  von  dem  grab  in  die  Hoche,  als  wohl  der 
Lengste  und  Hochste  baum,  fuhr  wider  in  grader  Lingien  iiber  der 
Verstorbenen  Cabinet  und  so  weiter  iiber  eine  grosse  Heyd  wohl  eine 
halbstund  lang  bis  es  in  Einem  Wald  Verschwunden,  da  ich  solches 
sahe  und  meine  Verunderung  bezeugte,  lachten  die  Wilden  mich  aus, 
als  wolt  ich  wussen,  dass  dieses  bey  Ihnen  nichts  Neuwes,  wolten  mir 
doch  nichts  sagen,  was  es  ware,  habe  hernach  etliche  gefragt,  Niemand 
konnte  mir  positive  sagen,  aber  sie  halten  viel  darauf,  und  wird  fur 
ein  sonderbahr  gut  Zeichen  fur  den  Toden  geachtet.  Ein  artivitial 
feur  konnte  es  nicht  seyn  wegen  der  Lenge  und  weiten  Distanz  visi- 
calisch  konnte  es  wohl  zugehen  als  Schwefliechte  Dunst  aus  der  Erden, 
aber  diese  Lange  regularitet  ubernimbt  mich.— 

Da  ich  einsmahls  in  H:  Goub:  Hidens  Haus  mich  befand,  presentz 
dess  Rahts  und  Vielen  andren,  da  wir  wegen  dess  Friedens  mit  den 
Indianern  beschaftiget  nahm  ich  in  acht  eines  alten  Indianers  der  mir 
als  ein  Conjurer  oder  Priester  vorkam,  so  fragt  ich  Ihne  was  das  wahre 
was  ich  hier  oben  erzelt,  gesehen,  unter  25  Indianern  die  da  wahren 


176  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

konnte  nur  dieser  alte  neben  noch  einem  andren  bericht  hieruber 
geben,  welches  mir  aber  als  ein  Fabel  vorkam;. — 

So  sagten  diese  dass  solches  nur  grosse  Manner,  alte  erfahrene 
priester,  sehen  und  thun  konnten,  da  ich  sie  weiters  befragte  was  das 
ware,  gaben  sie  mir  zur  antwort,  dass  dis  feurlein  die  Seel  dess  Ver- 
storbenen  Seye,  so  In  Ein  andere  gute  Creatur  fahre,  so  die  persohn 
wohl  gelebt,  und  sich  wohl  verhalten,  habe  sie  sich  nicht  wohl  ver- 
halten,  so  fahr  sie  in  einen  wiisten  rauchen  und  in  ein  Hassliche  un- 
gluckhaftige  Creatur,  diese  Priester  aber  komen  auf  folgende  Manier 
zu  ihren  kunst,  namlich  es  trage  sich  zu  dass  ein  Subtiles  Fuerlein  oder 
Flammlin  von  Einem  Baum  in  den  andren  schiesse,  aber  gar  selten, 
und  wann  ein  Indianer  solches  sicht,  muss  er  so  vast  moglich  laufen 
solches  zu  fassen,  und  so  er  es  fasset  gehets  grad  an  und  wird  zu  einer 
kleinen  Baum-spinnen,  welche  so  Zableten  und  geschwind  in  und  umb 
die  Hand  erwimslete,  dass  sie  schier  mit  der  andren  Hand  zu  ergreifen, 
so  ers  aber  Endlichen  Ergreift,  wascht  diese  Spinnen  und  wird  wie  ein 
Maus,  also  dass  der  wo  solches  wunderding  ergreift,  hernacher  der 
beste  Conjurer  oder  Schwarz-Kiinstler  wird,  und  kann  allerley  Wun- 
der  thun,.  NB:  diese  Ktinstler  oder  Beschwerer  wie  sie  auf  Englich 
genent  werden,  haben  auch  die  facultet  den  Teufel  hervorzubringen, 
und  ihne  wieder  abzufergen; — 

Es  hat  mir  ein  Schif  Patron  bedeuret  dass  er  Einsmahls  etliche 
Indianer  in  seinem  Nachen  oder  kleinen  Schifli  gefiihrt,  und  da  in 
dem  Caroliner  Sund  eine  solche  Stille  ward,  dass  sie  Nirgends  hin- 
kommen  konnten,  einer  unter  den  Indianern  gesagt,  dass  er  wohl 
Einen  guten  Wind  verschaffen  konnte  und  wolte:  Der  Steur  Mann  so 
nicht  viel  proviant  bey  sich  hatte,  und  gern  weiter  rucken  mochte, 
liess  es  an  den  Indianer,  bald  hernach  kam  ein  so  Starcker  Wind,  dass 
ihme  grausete,  und  hatte  er  gern  minder  Windes  gehabt,  allein  es 
musste  dadurch,  So  kamen  Sie  zu  Einer  gar  kurzen  Zeit  an  das  Ver- 
langte  Ohrt:  Ermelter  Schif  Patron  aber  bezeugte  mir,  dass  Er  dess- 
halben  in  Eine  so  grosse  forcht  gerahten,  dass  er  sein  Lebtag  sich 
solcher  Hiilf  nicht  mehr  bedienen  wolte.- — 

Diss  und  obiges  mag  glauben  wer  da  will,  ist  gewtiss,  dass  der  Sathan 
viel  Illusionen  mit  den  armen  Creaturen  thut,  doch  wann  solches 
unglaublich  ware  es  nicht  in  einer  so  ansehnlichen  Gesellschaft  re- 
passieret  und  geredt  worden:  hatte  mich  auch  nicht  erkuhnt  solche 
fabulose  sachen  hier  beyzubringen.- — 

Habe  viellerley  sachen  mehr  gehort  und  unter  den  Indianern  ob- 
serviert,  weillen  aber  schon  so  viel  autors  hieruber  geschrieben,  dass 
meine  remarque  nur  fur  repeditionen  passierten,  sonsten  betrefend  die 
Ruhe  und  Barbarische  Manier  der  Heyden,  Indianern  und  von  hiervor 
Ermelten  so  sage,  dass  ja  selbe  furios  wann  sie  erziirnt,  aber  so   man 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern       177 

sie  im  frieden  lasst,  ihnen  nicht  leidts  thut,  und  sie  nach  Ihrer  arth 
friindlich  und  gutthatig  tractiert, — werden  selten  die  Christen  beley- 
digen,  man  habe  ihnen  dann  die  Ursach  darzu  gegeben:  werden  aber 
bissweillen  hart  und  ubel  von  den  Christen,  tractiert:  habe  mit  man- 
chem  Indianer  wegen  Ihrer  Grausamkeit  geredt,  es  hat  mir  aber  ein 
verstandiger  Konig  geantwortet,  und  Ein  artig  exempel  dargeben  von 
einer  Schlangen,  so  man  sie  in  Ihrem  Ring  unbedastet  ruhwig  und  un- 
verletzt  lasse,  werde  sie  keiner  Creatur  Leids  thun,  aber  warm  man  sie 
Distourbieren  und  verletze,  so  stech  sie,  sonderlich  die  Spanier  seyen  mit 
ihren  Vor  Eltern  gar  zu  hart,  ja  vast  unmenschlieh  umbgangen :  betrefend 
ihr  der  Indianer  Morden  und  hinderrucks  fechten,  mussten  sie  wohl  sich 
Ihres  Vortheils  bedienen,  sonsten  konnten  sie  nicht  bestehen,  sie  seyen 
nicht  so  starck  an  der  Zahl,  und  seyen  nicht  so  versehen,  mit  Stucken, 
Flinten,  Schwertren  und  allerley  andren  Verrahterischen  Inventionen  von 
Pulver  gemacht,  die  Menschen  zu  Destrouieren,  Item  haben  sie  noch 
Pulver  noch  Bley,  oder  sie  bekommen  solches  von  den  Christen  Selb- 
sten,  So  dass  unsere  Weg  viel  betrieglicher  Valscher  und  Schadlicher 
Seyen,  sonst  wir  nicht  mit  ihnen  so  grausam  umgehen  wiirden,  sonder 
unter  uns  selbsten  die  grosste  Tiraney  und  grausamkeit  vertiben, :  diss 
hab  ich  wohl  selbsten  erfahren. — ■ 

TRACTAT./. 

So  mit  den  Indianern  gemacht  Worden  aus  dem  Englischen  Trans- 
latiert.-/. 

Zu  wissen  se^e  hiermit  Maniglichem,  dass  im  Octob:  1711.  Zwischen 
Baron  und  LandGrafen  von  Grafenried,  Goubernatorem  der  Teutschen 
Coloney  in  Nord  Carolina  und  denen  Indianern  der  Touscarusco  Na- 
tion Sambt  Ihren  Nachtbahren  von  Cor  WilkilSons  point,  Konig 
Taylor  denen  von  Pamtego  und  anderen  der  gegend  Verglichen  worden 
wie  folget./. 

l./Dass  beyde  Parteyen  das  Vergangene  Vergessen,  und  fiirrohin 
gute  frtind  sein  sollend;. 

2./Soll  der  unterschriebene  Goubernator  der  Teuschen  Coloney,  in 
Zeiten  die  Engellender  und  Indianer  im  streit,  findschaft  und  Krieg 
gegen  Einander  seyen  werden,  gantz  Neutral  seyn,  Item  soil  er  sich  in 
seinem  Haus  und  Statlin  still  halten,  Noch  Engellander,  noch  In- 
dianer, da  passieren  lassen  noch  keinem  Indianer  was  Leids  thun, 
dessgleichen  Sie  auch  Versprachen  gegen  den  unsrigen:  Im  fahl  sich 
Etwas  Streit  ErEugnete  unter  Vermelten  Partheyen,  sollen  sie  sich 
selbsten  nicht  Recht  schaffen,  sonder  an  gebiihreten  Ohrt  Erklagen, 
namlich  wie  Bey  Beyderseits  Vorgesetzten. 

12 


178  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

3./Verspricht  Ermelter  H:  Goub:  der  Teuschen  Coloney  bey  seinen 
Grenzen  zuverbleiben,  und  kein  Erdtrich  mehr  gegen  ihnen  hinauf  zu 
nemen,  den  Konig  und  Nation  unbegrtisst,./ 

4./Verspricht  er  ferners  ftir  vier  Tag  stillstand  der  Waafen  zu  pro- 
courieren,  damit  innert  dieser  Zeit  Tiichtige  persohnen,  Erwehlt  und 
Verornet  wurden,  heilsame  Friedensprojecten  zu  proponieren,  die  da 
wo  moglich  bey  den  Streiteten  Parteyen  mtissten  angenem  und  gefallig 
seyn./. 

5./Soll  den  Indianern  Erlaubt  seyn  zu  jagen,  wo  beliebig  ohne 
Einiche  Hindernuss,  Es  ware  dann  sach,  dass  Sie  So  nach  unsren 
Plantationen  kamen,  dass  das  fich  verjagt  oder  beschadiget  wurde, 
oder  gefahr  dess  feurs  zu  beforchten.- — 

6./S0II  Ihnen  denn  Indianern  die  Waahren  und  provision  in  einem 
raisonable  und  wohlfeillen  preyss  zu  kommen  Lassen,:  weiters  ist  ver- 
glichen  dass  wo  die  hier  unterzeichneten  Marques  seyn  werden,  an 
den  Thoren  unseren  Hausern,  dass  da  kein  Leyd  noch  Schaden  soil 
zugefugt  werden. — 

So  sollen  hiermit  die  hier  gemelte  Conditiones  und  Clausullen  exacte 
Observiert  werden. — Dessen  zu  wahrer  Urkund  wir  beyderseits  uns 
unterschreiben,  die  angewohnte  Pittschaft  und  Zeichen  Beygesetzt. — 

Zeichen  von  Neuws.  N.  Graffenried  Gouber:  der  Teuschen  Coloney — 

Touscoruscos  Zeichen  v        Touscoruscos  Ind: 

und  Nachtbahren. 


Herren  Gubernator  Von  Virginien  Mandat  Translatiert  aus  dem 
Englischem  Orriginal— 

Alexander  Spootswood  Goub:  Staathalter  und  Commandant  der 
Coloneyen  und  Provintz  Virginien,  als  im  Nahmen  Ihr  Koniglichen 
Mayestet  von  Gross  Britagnien ;— an  die  Indianer  Nation  so  H:  B: 
von  Grafenried  gefangen  halten./. 

Nachdeme  wir  vernommen  dass  H.  Baron  von  Grafenried  Goub 
und  das  Haubt  der  Teuschen  Coloney,  in  Nord  Carolina  unter  Euch 
gefangen  ist;  Verlange  und  gebeute  Euch,  im  Nahmen  der  Konigin 
von  Gross  Brittanien  deren  Er  ein  Unthan  ist,  dass  angesicht  Ihr  ihn 
frey  und  Losslassen  sollend,  und  selbigen  in  unser  Gouvernement 
senden. — 

Und  hier  habt  ihr  zu  vernemmen,  dass  wo  Ihr  Ihne  Todend,  oder 
willends  Schaaden  zuzufuegen  Im  Sinn  hattet,  Ich  Sein  Blut  rechen 
werde,  und  noch  Mann  noch  Weibspersohnen,  noch  Kindern  ver- 
schonen  werde. 

Gegeben  unter  meinem  grossen  Sigel, 

d.  7.  8.  bris  1711.  (L:  S:) 

A:  Spotswood. 


Geaffeneied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been       179 

Carolina  New  Bern  den  6.  May  1711. 
Messieurs : 

Hier  ubersende  nochmahlen  Eine  Copey  in  antwort  dero  vom  23. 
Aug.  an  mich  und  an  F.  Michel  abgelassenen  Schreibens  den  11.  Ap- 
rillio  hier  Empfangen,  aus  forcht  mein  Voriges  mochte  etwan  ver- 
lohren  gehen,  verdeute,  dass  was  hier  vor  an  die  H:  als  Hh.  Schul- 
theiss  von  Grafenried  geschrieben  worden,  wir  darzu  genug  Ursach 
hatten,  Solche  grosse  Unterfangen  mussen  mit  Kraft  unterstutzt 
werden,  mit  so  wenigem  ist  ohnmoglich  fortzukommen,  were  bessre 
solches  bleiben  zu  lassen,  als  sich  in  Gefahr  zu  begeben,  reputation  und 
Ehr  so  zu  exponieren  und  alien  Credit  zu  verlihren,  warm  ich  aber 
vorsechen  konen,  was  ich  jetzunder  weyss,  hatte  ganz  andere  Men- 
suren  genommen,  forchtsame  Negotianten  machen  selten  grossen  for- 
tun,  und  sind  H.  Ritter  und  H.  von  Grafenried  ausgestanden,  kann 
ich  nicht  helfen,  werden  sich  wohl  andere  an  Ihren  Platz  finden. 
Ware  es  nicht  aus  Consideration  H.  J.  Ritters  und  deren,  so  hiervor 
Fr.  Michel  vorgeschossen  und  an  die  Hand  gegangen,  so  hatten 
wir  uns  mit  einem  Reichen  Engellander  associeren  konnen,  wollte 
aber  allein  mit  uns  seyn,  so  sind  nun  hier  etliche  brave  Manner,  die 
auch  Shines  einzustehen,  aber  nur  in  der  Handlung,  in  dem  Sie  land 
genug  fiir  das  gegenwertige,  ist  aber  uns  mit  diesem  Nicht  bedient, 
dann  diese  grosse  Schuld  muss  bezahlt  seyn:  Fr.  Michel  so  in  Pensil- 
vania,  hat  mir  zwar  vermeldet,  er  wolle  dorten  genug  H.  fiir  Asso- 
cierte  finden,  zweifle  aber  daran,  die  traurige  Erfahrung  lehret  mich 
nicht  allzufest  zu  trauwen,  ist  besser  das  gewussere  zu  spihlen. 

Nimbt  mich  wunder,  durch  wen  die  100£  Sterlin  sollen  zu  Neuw- 
Castlen  entrichtet  worden  seyn,  weilen  mir  Monsr.  Wrag  nichfs  dar- 
von  Meldung  thut./. 

Sie  vermelden  dass  wir  in  Carolina  solten  trachten  auf  Credit  etwas 
zu  thun,  ist  schon  genug  geschachen,  miissten  wohl  unsern  Credit 
alien  anwenden,  die  Nothwendigen  Lebensmittel  und  Vich  fiir  ein 
Jahr  lang  zu  verschaffen,  wann  wir  nicht  mit  dem  gantzen  Volk 
wolten  vor  hunger  verderben,  dann  das  Ungliick  wollen,  dass  wir  das 
Gouvernement  wegen  absterben  des  Goubernatoren  in  hochster  Con- 
fusion bey  unsrer  ankunft  gefunden,  da  ich  den  General-Einzieher  zu 
Haltung  dessjenigen,  was  die  Lords-Proprietarys  versprochen,  treiben 
wollen,  hat  Er  resignirt  indem  der  Lieut.  Gouv.  und  Obrist  Cary  noch 
weder  den  Neuwen  Gouv:  Hide  noch  einichen  der  Lords  Prop. :  Neuwen 
Officieren  annehmen  wollen,  hab'  also  nicht  die  mindste  assistence 
auf  seiten  der  Lords  Prop:  und  Gouvernement  gefunden,  were  uns 
nicht  ein  Ehrlicher  wohlbemitleter  Mann,  Oberst  Pollock  und  ein 
anderer  an  die  Hand  gangen,  hatten  wir  wie  obgemelt  vor  Hunger 
verderben  mussen.     So  wahr  ich  gezwungen  bey  ihm  und  andern  alles 


180  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

auf  Billets  de  Change  zu  nehmen  und  diese  Provision  musste  fur  ein 
jahr  lang  seyn,  das  ist  bis  kunftigen  December,  dann  die  Benacht- 
barten  Insuln,  so  in  grossen  Mangel  an  Victualien,  kaufen  das  Korn 
auf,  ehe  es  zeitig  wird  auf  dem  Felde,  braucht  also  dis  geschaft  gut 
Hertz,  gute  Frtind,  und  Credit,  und  ware  ich  nicht  Landgraf  gewesen, 
so  dass  ich  in  dem  Raath  und  Oberen  Haus  des  Parlaments  konnen 
sitzen,  welches  mir  Autoritat  und  Credit  geben,  so  haten  wir  alle 
verderben  miissen. — 

Sehet  also  Ihr  H.  per  papant.  dass  die  Jalousie  in  ansehen  diesen 
Ehren  Titlen,  so  zwar  nichts  ertragen,  nicht  wohl  gegriindet,  sondern 
vielmehr  der  Colloney  solch  Ehrenstellen,  Vortheil  und  Nutzen  pro- 
courirt:  Konnte  villicht  eingewendet  werden,  dass  solches  grosse 
Kosten  und  viel  wesen  verursachet,  nichts  minder,  habe  deshalb  beim 
Train  ja  nicht  einmahl  ein  Liverey  Rock,  halte  mich  so  genauw  als 
der  minste  Particular,  wie  Sie  es  dann  von  anderen  wohl  vernehmen 
werden. — 

Betreffend  die  Mines,  so  ist  Wahr,  dass  Sie  Fr.  Michel  fur  die  auf- 
suchung  und  Entdeckung  deren  verpflichtet  sind,  wann  ich  aber  nicht 
bey  der  ersten  Handlung  gewest,  ware  nichts  daraus  worden,  und 
wolte  H.  Penn  nichts  thun  noch  schliessen,  es  seye  dann  von  mir  unter- 
schrieben. — 

Meine  Beschwerlichkeiten  und  Muhwaltung  betreffend,  so  ist  dar- 
iiber  viel  zu  sagen,  Melden  von  einer  recompense,  auch  kann  ich  die 
Lebensgefahr,  Verdruss,  unsagliche  Miihe  und  affronte — die  mir  schon 
widerfahren,  aus  Mangel  Erforderlicher  assistence,  und  war  ich  wegen 
Protestation  der  wexel  briefen  zu  gewarten,  so  ist  wahrhaftig  keine 
gross  und  gut  genug  fur  mich,  thue  besser  keine  zu  Pretentiren,  die 
beste  recompense  wird  Seyn,  mich  aus  diesem  Schweren  Labirinten 
forterlich  zu  ziechen,  wird  Ihr  und  mein  Nutz  seyn. — 

In  deme  Sie  melden,  dass  Sie  Villicht  alle  in  diese  Land  kommen 
werden,  freuwet  mich,  mochte  erwiinschen,  Sie  weren  von  anfang 
Hier  gewesen  und  weren  noch  Hier,  So  konten  Sie  Sehen,  ob  alles  so 
liecht  hergehet  und  mit  so  wenigem  zu  machen,  hatten  auch  Ihre  Part 
an  diesem  so  grossen  Beschwerden;  Miihe  Kummer  und  Verdruss 
haben  miissen,  anstatt  dass  alles  auf  mir  ligt: — 

Das  Tage  Buch  von  Begebenheiten  zu  machen  wird  nicht  gar 
kurtzweilig  seyn,  weilen  bis  hieher  wenig  angehnemes,  wohl  aber  viel 
Vertriessliches  vorkombt;  Ein  Journal  oder  Verzeichnuss  der  Un- 
kosten  so  Exact  vom  vergangenen,  wird  schwerlich  zu  machen  seyn, 
Insbesonders  wo  Fr.  Michel  gehandlet,  inskonftig  aber  wird  mehr 
regularitet  observiert  werden,  so  Sie  so  bald  nicht  kammen,  were  gut 
einen  jungen  treuwen  Burger,  der  die  Buchhaltung  versteht  herzu- 
senden,  die  Englischen  sind  gar  zu  thur,  vordern  50£  Sterling  zum 


Geaffeneied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been       181 

Jahr.  was  aber  andere  anlangt  sey  selbsten  Lechen  oder  Handwerks- 
Leut,  so  wird  man  warten,  bis  der  general  frieden  gemacht,  Ein  Pfarrer 
und  Buchhalter  aber  thut  noht,  konten  konftigen  Herbst;  das  ist  im 
Octob.  oder  9.  ber  mit  der  Virginischen  Flotten  komen.  Muss  auch 
wohl  in  acht  genohmen  werden,  alles  dorten  zu  Schliessen  und  zu 
Handlen,  dann  wann  Sie  Einmahlen  hier,  werden  Sie  grad  aufgebla- 
sen,  und  wollen  selbst  H.  seyn.  So  ich  viel  gelt  geben  wolte,  konte 
ich  nicht  einen  Knecht  noch  Magt  von  der  Coloney  in  mein  Dienst 
bekomnien,  Lechenleuthe  und  Bediente  werden  zu  Bern  mussen  be- 
stelt  werden,  wie  auch  allerley  Handwerk  Leuth. — 

Hier  ist  nun  die  antwort  uber  alle  Articul  des  Schreibens,  nun  will 
ich  ein  wenig  den  Zustand  Hiesiger  Sachen,  die  Situation  und  Er- 
tragenheit  dess  Lands  mit  wenigem  berichten,  das  tibrige  referieren, 
bis  mein  Vertriessliches  und  Unruhwiges  gemiiht  in  einer  Stilleren 
Situation.  So  iibersende  nun  Ein  Plan  in  der  E}rl  und  Einfalt  ge- 
macht, die  Situation  der  Stadt  konte  nicht  Schoner,  lustiger  und 
bequemer  seyn.  So  hanget  auch  die  gantze  Colloney  daran  alles 
beyeinander  unci  am  Wasser,  von  Einem  Ort  kann  man  von  dem 
Mehr  hinauf,  und  am  anderen  wider  hinein,  und  nur  6.  oder  8. — 
Meilen  per  Land,  glaube  nicht  dass  ein  Schonere  Colloney  in  der 
Welt  gesetzt  worden,  namlich  die  Situation  betreffend,  wird  so  Con- 
tinuiert  bis  nach  der  Rivier  Clarendon  oder  Cap.  fare,  ist  sicher  dass 
in  wenig  Jahren,  unter  dem  Segen  Gottes  diese  Colloney  fast  wird 
zunehmen.  Das  Land  ist  herrlich  und  gut.  Korn,  Reis,  Hanf,  Flachs, 
Rueben,  Ruebli,  Bonen,  Erbs,  allerey  Gartengewechs  und  Baum- 
friicht,  kombt  alles  wohl  fur,  weyss  wenig  in  unserem  Land,  das  hier 
nicht  auch  man  haben  konne,  "Wilde  Reben  sind  sehr  viel  und  tragen 
iiberaus  viel,  zweifle  nicht  man  kone  sie  auch  zahm  machen,  und  andere 
Pflantzen,  wie  dan  schon  angefangen,  an  getrank  ob  man  schon  zwar 
noch  kein  Wein  hat,  so  macht  man  Generaliter  ein  sehr  angehnemes 
gesundes  und  wohlfeyles  Bier,  von  Malasis,  welches  ein  Saft  von 
Zucker  und  Sasafras,  ein  wenig  gederrtes  Weitzen,  Korn  oder  nur 
Kruseh,  andere  machen  Bier  aus  Fygen,  Quitten,  Maul  Beer, — Einer 
gatung  rother  Neschnen  und  ander  Sachen  mehr.  GeWild  und  Fisch, 
alles  im  Ueberfluss,  allerley  gutes  Fleisch  per  see,— das  klein  Vich 
vermehrt  sich,  kostet  gar  nichts  zu  erhalten,  Winter  und  Sommer,  so 
dass  wan  Einer  nur  ein  wenig  hat  einzusetzen  in  wenig  Jahren,  viel 
Hundert  besitzen  kann,  und  gehet  auch  die  Handlung  darvon  gar 
wohl  ab. — Die  General  Handlung  dan  ist  iiberaus  gut,  geht  aber  alles 
Tauschweis,  Gelt  ist  keines  vorhanden,  als  in  den  Slid  Inselen,  und 
den  Landen  so  die  Spanier  und  Hollander  besitzen,  zu  Landen  aber 
bekombt  man  es  fur  die  Waaren,  die  Waaren  so  dorthin  abgehen,  sind 
Indigo  etwelche  Spetzereyen,  Zucker,  Ruhm,  Malasis,  diese  beyde  von 


182  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Zucker  gemacht,  macht  uns  ein  kostlicher  Brantenwein,  Rysshut,  und 
Fell,/:  Weissgerber  sehr  vonnohten  :/Von  wilden  und  zamen  Thieren, 
Federn  und  Flurn.  NB.  auf  diesen  Rivieren  sind  Schwanen,  Gens 
und  Enten  Milionen  weis,  wilde  welsche  Hiiner  grosse  menge. — 

Das  Climat  betrefend  ist  ziemlich  gut  und  gesund,  nicht  so  gar 
warm  wie  vermeint,  Junius,  Jullius  und  august:  sind  heiss,  dennoch 
geht  bisweilen  ein  kiihler  Wind,  die  tibrige  Zeit  des  Jahres  ist  zimlich 
temperat,  im  anfang  muss  man  den  Tribut  mit  Einem  Fieber  zahlen. — 

Die  Indianer  nun  betrefend,  so  sind  sie  nicht  zubeforchten,  so  man 
einen  Bund  mit  Ihnen  macht,  welches  schon  Sollenisch,  Sie  wahren 
anfangs  uns  aufsetzig,  weilen  Sie  von  Jalousen  Kaufleuthen  dahin 
angestiftet  worden,  ist  aber  jetzund  alles  still. — ■ 

Das  Gouvernement  ist  wohl  angestelt,  die  guten  Ordnungen  und 
gesetz  aber  schlecht  exequiert,  wahre,  wie  gemelt,  bey  meiner  ankunft 
alles  in  grosser  Confusion  zu  meinem  grossten  Schaden,  ist  nun  aber 
besser,  allein  die  Einkiinften,  so  ich  pretentire  sind  hinweg,  weilen  der 
Lieut:  Gouv:  Cary,  der  sich  des  gantzen  Gouvernements  anmassen 
wollen,  den  ich  aber  durch  den  Neuwen  Goubernatoren  und  Raht 
einsetzen  lassen,  aus  der  Gefangenschaft  gerissen  und  fliichtig  worden, 
zuvor  alles  verkauft  und  nun  mitgenohmen :  Dieser  neben  noch  Zweyen 
andern  haben  eine  solche  rebellion  angestelt,  dass  ich  dem  Gouverne- 
ment mit  unsern  Leuthen  zu  Hiilf  Kommen  mussen.  Aus  diesem 
Anlass  vermelde  nochmahlen,  dass  ich  in  einer  so  grossen  extremitat 
gestanden,  aus  mangel  exequierend  guter  Ordnung  und  Gesetzen,  dene 
der  Situation  halben  ernes  neuwen  lands,  dass  es  nur  um  den  Kopf 
gestanden,  wan  ich  anders  Procediert,  dan  ich  der  Koniglichen  Comite 
mussen  fur  5000£  Sterlin  Biirgschaft  geben,  wegen  diesen  Volkren,  so 
ich  nun  anfangs,  da  ich  gesehen,  das  alles  fehlt,  diss  arme  Volk  im 
Stich  gelassen,  mich  anderswo  retiriert  oder  Sie  vor  Hunger  lassen 
verderben:  Ware  ich  umb  die  5000£  verwiirkt  und  ohne  gnad  aufge- 
hanckt  worden,  und  wo  ware  darbey  noch  mein  Gewissen  geblieben, 
konnte  ich  nun  anderst  thun  als  ich  gethan:  Ist  noch  viel  dass  in 
einem  wilden  Lande,  wo  ich  sonderbahr  keine  Frtind  noch  Bekannten, 
so  viel  Credit,  dass  ich  alles  dasjenige  so  uns  zur  Nothdurft  vonnohten, 
bekommen  hab;  Ist  aber  jetzund  zu  thun  wie  mich  aus  diesem  Labi- 
rint  zu  wiglen,  dass  ich  nicht  gar  zu  Schanden  werde,  und  wir  alles 
miteinander  verlieren  mussen,  dan  ich  in  forchten  wegen  der  Protesta- 
tion der  Billets  arrestiert  zu  werden;  und  dorfte  sich  Coll:  Pollock  als 
der  Strengste  Creditor  alles  Emparieren,  welches  uns  alien  ein  un- 
widerbringlicher  Schaden  und  grosste  Schand  verursachen  wiirde,  und 
die  gantze  Colloney  verderben,  dan  Sie  sicher  alle  darvonlaufen 
wiirden. — 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern       183 

So  finde  nun  keine  bessere  Mittel  als  noch  um  8.  assossierte  auf  das 
minste  zu  sehen,  wo  moglich  mehr  per  300£  Einschuss  ein  jeder  oder 
4.  und  mehr  per  600£,  So  wir  in  die  Handlung  etwas  thun  wollen, 
solten  wir  unsres  auch  verdoplen,  dieses  aber  dorfte  noch  lang  her- 
gehen,  und  mtissen  diese  Wechselbriefen,  forderlichst  bezahlt  werden, 
kost  was  es  wolle,  so  dunkte  mich  hierin  noch  ein  experient  gut,  so  die 
Companey  zu  meinem  Vater  gehen  wiirde  Ihne  ansprechen  auf  eine 
Obligation  und  Einsetzung  des  gantzen  Tract ats,  von  seinen  gelteren 
so  er  in  der  Banque  zu  London  hat  2000£  zu  geben,  bliebe  Ihme  dennoch 
eine  Considerable  portion,  und  wurde  Ihn  diss  gantz  nicht  incommo- 
dieren,  ist  aber  diss  experient  nicht  erheblich,  so  wiisste  ich  nichts 
besseres  als  sich  bei  Mng:  Herren  anmelden  Ihnen  gleiche  Sicherheit 
gebend. — 

Ist  hierbey  diss  zu  merken,  dass  diss  nicht  verlohrne  Schulden  die 
verschwendt,  und  nicht  widerzubringen,  sondern  alles  nach  Verfiies- 
sung  3.  Jahren  mit  provit  ersetzt  wird,  Die  Spezial  Rechnung  werde 
diesen  Sommer  maehen  dismahlen  nur  en  gros. — 

RECHNUNG. 

l./Fur  Indianisch  oder  Ttirkisch  Korn  zur  Nahrung  der  Col- 

loney  und  anzuseyen  6000  Maas  p.  2  Schillings  thut__  600£ 

2./Weitzen  400  Maas  p.  4  Schillings 80£ 

3./Saltz  200  Maas  p.  10  dit 100£ 

4./Friisch  fleisch  und  gesaltzes  fiir 250£ 

5./Fuhrlohn  aller  dieser  und  andrer  Sachen 100£ 

6./Die  Schlop  oder  Brigantin,  welches  Fr.  Michel  in  meinem 

Abwesen  gehandlet,  da  ich  nicht  so  kine  wagen  dorfen__  200£ 

7 ./Ein  Stoor  oder  Wirthshaus  zu  bauwen 60£ 

8./Mulli  und  Sagi 70£ 

9./Unser  Losament  so  zugleich  ein  proviant  Haus 70£ 

10/Stiick  10  Kiihe  und  soviel  Kelber  30£.  10  Schwein  10£.  4 
Pferdt  da  zwey  fiir  den  Lechenman  30£.  8  Schaaf  6£. 

noch  4  Kiih  fiir  die  Haushaltung  12£.  Summa 88£ 

ll./Fournierte  Schwein  2  p.  familie 160£ 

12./Provision  fiir  150  Stuck  p.  3£ 450£ 


Summa  Summarum 2228£ 

NB:  das  Brigantin  miisste  erkauft  werden  aus  grosser  Noth  weilen 
die  Fuhren  uberaus  thiir  und  schwerlich  zu  bekommen,  nur  eine  Reis 
mit  600.  Mass  Korn  und  etwas  kleiner  zu  fuhren  kostete  20£.  haben 
schon  den  halben  Theil  an  fuhrung  gewonnen,  ist  _  _  _  gut  zur  Hand- 


184  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

lung  zu  gebrauchen,  ohne  das  ist  hier  nicht  zu  leben,  ist  wiirklich 
jetzund  auf  der  Reis  in  die  Slid — Inselen,  Saltz,  Malasis,  Corn,  Zucker 
und  andere  Sachen  zu  holen./Das  Wirtshaus  auch  nohtig,  diente  an- 
fangs  fur  das  Provianthaus,  dan  wir  Schermen  und  Platz  haben 
mtissen,  die  Provisionen  zu  logieren,  sonsten  ware  darzu  noch  dieser 
Grund,  das  theils  wegen  wanders  theils  Lebens  Mittel  herzubringen, 
alles  daher  kam  solchen  Kosten  verursachet,  dass  in  die  Lenge  nicht 
zubestehn,  dan  in  diesem  Land  keine  Wirthshauser  alles  gastfrey,  wan 
ich  Ihnen  nicht  geben  wollen,  haben  Sie  gefordert,  und  konnte  man  die 
Leuth  welche  10.  20.  50.  bis  100  Meilen  weit  herkamen,  nicht  mit 
dem  hungrigen  Bauch  lassen  gehen,  so  bin  ich  nun  desshalben  ruhwig, 
muss  aber  provision  gemacht  werden,  tragt  aber  ein  Schones  ein. 
Miihli  und  Sagi  sind  auch  sehr  nohtwendig,  waren  darzu  gleichsam 
gezwungen,  dan  die  Leuth  ihr  Korn  nicht  mahlen  konten,  die  Sagi 
tragt  ein  Namhaftes  ein,  so  sie  einmahlen  recht  im  gang,  man  sagt  in 
Engelland,  so  wohl  als  hier  alles  von  hand,  die  laden  kosten  unsag- 
lich  viel,  fur  1.  Laden  will  ich  bey  einer  Sagi  6.  bekommen,  ja  wohl  10. 
Ein  Engellander  hat  mir  fur  das  jahrliche  Einkommen  von  der  Sagi 
50£.  Sterlin  offeriert,  wan  aber  die  Stadt  angeht  wie  sichs  wohl  an- 
lasst  ist  100£.  werth  Jahrlich. — 

Die  Haushaltung  ist  Stark  konnte  wohl  nicht  seyn,  wie  sie  H.  Ritter 
und  Isott  zu  Londen  vermeint  in  particular  zu  leben,  und  in  eine 
Kost  zu  gehen,  Sie  waren  libel  informiert,  musste  die  Plantation 
zuerst  gemacht  werden,  Losament  wahre  sehr  schlecht,  und  in  Eyl 
gebauwen,  damit  man  auch  im  Grund  arbeiten  und  darvon  zu  essen 
habe,  und  nicht  gezwungen  mit  grossen  Kosten  die  Nahrung  zu  ver- 
schafen,  dene  was  nutz  sonsten  das  Land  und  Leuth,  ist  noch  fur 
jemand  in  particular  etwas  aufgenommen  worden,  ich  fur  mich  selb- 
sten,  hab  noch  nichts,  wird  aber  inskonftig  fur  eint  und  anderer  Vor- 
sehung  gethan  werden 

Uebrigens  sind  viel  gute  Sachen  noch  neben  der  Handlung  und 
rentes  zu  verschafen,  diss  ist  ein  Neuwes  Ohrt  vor  5  Jahren  noch 
wild  und  nicht  bewohnt,  haten  die  Leuth  genug  zu  thun,  mit  ihren 
Plantationen,  haben  nicht  Zeit  nach  der  Industriam  Sachen  zu  er- 
finden,  und  zu  nutzen:  Die  Statt  wird  vest  zunehmen,  es  kommen 
schier  alle  Tag  Leuth  die  ein  Lott,  das  ist  ein  Ackerland,  um  Haus, 
Kraut  und  baumgarten  zu  Bauwen,  der  Goubernator  und  die  Fiir- 
nemsten  dess  Lands  haben  schon  alle  ihr  Lott,  ein  Lott  soil  Jahrlich  ein 
englich  Crone  geben.  Euch  H.  haben  wir  schon  einen  schonen  Bezirk 
reserviert,  und  an  dem  gesundest  Ohrt,  aber  was  sage  ich  hier,  diss 
ist  alles  schon  und  gut,  die  bose  und  ungluckhaftige  Bottschaft  so  von 
Londen  angelanget,  verderbt  alles:  Die  Wechsel  Brief e  sind  protest- 
iert,  meine  Ehr,  Credit  und  reputation  dahin,  und  die  Coloney  leydet 


Gkaffeneied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern       185 

im  hochsten  grad,  der  Oberst  Pollock  so  versprochen  mich  mit  Vich  zu 
versorgen,  hat  meine  Leuth  lehr  zuriick  kommen  lassen,  nun  habe  fur 
diss  gantze  Jahr/:  Trachte  demnach  die  aller  Ernsten  zu  versehen, 
damit  die  Klag  nicht  gar  zu  gross  :/Die  Leuth  haben  keine  Kiihe, 
welches  einen  sehr  grossen  Schaaden  verursachet,  gibt  so  viel  Murm- 
lens,  dass  ich  bald  meines  Lebens  nicht  sicher  bin/:  haben  gedroht 
eine  Klag  Schrift  an  die  Koniglich  Comite  zu  senden,  :/ln  solcher 
Desperaten  Condition  was  nun  zu  thun,  mein  gut,  mein  Ehr  dahin, 
nichts  als  grosten  Verdruss,  affront,  schand  und  Spott  zu  erwarten, 
wurde  das  Kurzeste  seyn  mich  zu  absentieren  in  eine  Insul  oder  in  die 
Bergen  oder  gar  in  Canada  zu  den  Frantzosen  iibergehen.  Indessen 
wurde  die  Coloney  verschwinden,  Pollock  sich  dahin  in  possess  setzen, 
so  were  alles  dahin,  und  vergebens  was  bisher  mit  grosser  muh  und 
Kosten  geschachen;  doch  thut  es  weh  ein  so  schon  Ort  wo  ein  so 
schoner  .  _  .  Ausblick  guter  Sachen  zu  verlassen,  eben  mit  dieser 
bosen  Zeitung,  kamen  auch  Schlim  Neuwes  von  Londen  ein,  betrefend 
Virginiam  und  Marienland  wegen  der  Tabak  Handlung:  1st  alle  ver- 
derbt  weilen  von  anderen  orten  her,  Tabac  wohlfeiler  gebracht,  so 
sind  nun  diese  arme  Virginier  schier  ruiniert,  welche  all  ihr  Sach  in 
Pflantzung  des  Tabakes  gehabt,  weilen  nun  Carolina  che  Einzige 
Provintz  in  Englisch  America,  wo  das  Vich  sich  ohne  Kosten  mid 
Miine  wintern  kann,  so  kombt  alles  Schwallweis  daher,  schlagt  das 
land  vast  auf,  so  dass  ich  wohl  versicheren,  dass  was  man  jetzund  mit 
10£.  in  fiinf  Jahren  nicht  mit  100  thun  kan. — 

Messieurs,  Sie  wollen  diss  nur  wohl  erdauren,  den  schonen  provit,  so 
in  den  100000  ackers  oder  Morgen  Landes,  welches  noch  ausser  lassen, 
zu  machen,  und  was  weiter  mehr,  Item  die  schon  ergangenen  Kosten, 
die  er  der  Nation  und  Companey  der  schone  bevorstehencle  Nutzen 
und  profit  anderer  sachen,  so  zweifle  nicht,  sie  werden  alles  thun,  was 
nur  moglich,  einen  so  grossen  Schaaden  abzuwenden,  und  diese  so 
schone  Vorteille  zu  embrassieren :  umb  so  viel  desto  eher,  weilen  nun 
alles  an  seinem  Orth,  keine  grosse  Kosten  mehr  als  die  50  p.  Cent  und 
mehr  eintragen,  gehet  von  nun  an  das  Einkommen  schon  an.  H. 
Betschi  ist  vor  14.  Tagen  verreiset,  sende  Ihne  express  um  die  Leuth  zu 
gstellen,  dene  damit  ihr  H.  von  Ihme,  als  persohnlich  und  Zeugen, 
mundlich  alien  bericht  der  Sachen  vernehmen  konnet,  ist  gern  gangen, 
und  hat  sich  selbst  offeriert./. 

Will  noch  gedult  haben,  ja  so  ich  den  arrest  erwehren  kann,  bis  Ant- 
wort  auf  H:  Betschis  bericht  kombt,  kann  ohngefehrt  wohl  ausrech- 
nen,  wann  es  sein  kann,  so  aber  die  vorgemelte  Guter  bis  darmit 
Einkommen,  so  werde  sicher  zu  einer  grossen  Extremitat  gezwungen 
werden,  und  wird  hernacher  zu  spat  seyn,  zu  remedieren,  ach  wann  ihr 
wtisstet  und  glauben  kontet,  was  hier  ein  wenig  zu  thun,  wtirdet  Ihr 


186  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

H.  mich  nicht  so  stecken  lassen,  sondern  alles  was  nur  moglich  auf- 
bringen,  mich  aus  diesem  Labirint  zu  ziechen,  und  diss  Coloney- 
Geschaft  mit  Kraft  fortzusetzen. — 

Weilen  wir  von  Londen  kein  Hausrecht  noch  Waaren  bekommen,  so 
waren  wir  froh  H.  Haubtmans  Zechenders  Sachen  zu  gebrauchen,  wird 
hiemit  vonnohten  seyn  Ihne  darfiir  zubefriedigen,  und  so  er  noch 
resolviert  hieher  zu  kommen,  Ihne  dessen  zu  wahrnen,  damit  er  sich 
demnach  versehen  konne. — 

Fr.  Michel  hat  die  gewehr  alle  mit  genommen  aussert  zweyen,  hie- 
mit in  Holland  provision  zu  machen,  aber  keine  mit  Moschern,  Pla- 
tinen./ — 

Hatte  aber  liber  eint  und  anders  wohl  noch  viel  zu  schreiben, 
allein  die  Viele  der  geschaften,  mein  verdrossenes  und  verwirtes  ge- 
miiht  lasst  mir  dissmahlen  nicht  zu,  wann  ihr  H:  mich  werdet  aus 
diesem  Labirint  gezogen  haben,  durch  iibersendung  schleuniger  wex- 
len,  so  werde  dann  schon  Exactern  relation,  oder  gar  keine  mehr 
iibersenden,  dann  an  diesem  hanget  alles;  wo  nicht  Efectuirt  wird  alles 
den  Krebsgang  gewinnen,  und  weiss  Gott  was  aus  mir  werden  wird. 
Thue  Sie  dess  Allmachtigen  Obhuet  allerseits  wohl  Empfahlen  und 
verbleibe./. 

Messieurs ! 

Dero  bereitwilliger  Diener 

Von  Grafenried. 

P.  S.  Nach  deme  gantz  verzagt  nach  diesem  Geschriebenen  Brief  in 
meinen  Gedanken  herumb  schweifende,  nicht  wiissend  was  weiters  in 
dieser  so  vertriissigen  und  gefahrlichen  Conjunctur  zu  thun,  So  ge- 
dachte  an  etwelche  Psalm:  so  sich  wohl  auf  meinen  Zustand  schickten, 
meine  Zuflucht  mit  denem  eifrigen  Gebet  bey  meinem  H:  Jesu  dem 
rechten  Heifer  und  Erloser  nehmende,  und  munterte  mich  mit  gewalt 
ein  wenig  auf.  Zwey  Tag  hernach  kam  etwas  daher  so  mich  ein 
wenig  trostete,  kann  doch  nicht  vorbey  selbiges  zu  erzellen,  will  doch 
nur  die  Substanz  vermelden,  da  es  wohl  erne  gantze  Histori  ware,  und 
dieser  Brief  schon  ohne  das  lang  genug. — 

So  kam  zu  mir  ein  altlecht  Englisch  Manli  vom  Meer  hinauf  mir 
Uesters  zu  verkaufen,  welches  nach  Fr.  Michel  fragte,  weilen  er  aber 
nicht  mehr  vorhanden,  fragte  ich  das  Manli,  was  es  wolte,  gab  mir 
zur  antwort,  wunschte  mit  Fr.  Michel  zu  reden,  weilen  er  aber  nicht 
vorhanden  und  verstehe  dass  wir  gute  Friind,  so  woll  er  mir  Etwas 
anzeigen,  so  mir  villicht  angenehm  seyn  werde.  Sagte  er  seye  mit  Fr. 
Michel  und  Goubernator  von  Virginia  .  _  _  Mines  gereiset  schon  vor 
einer  geraumen  Zeit,  Er  wiisste  aber  wohl  eine  bessere  und  reichere, 
darbey  konte  er  mir  alle  Umstand  von  Fr.  Michel   Reis   vermelden, 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern       187 

stimbte  wohl  iiberein  mit  dem  was  ich  schon  wohl  wusste,  da  ich 
Juncker  Michel  Sache  schon  gantz  verschetz  habe,  sache  hierbey  dass 
doch  realitaten,  nun  diesen  Bericht  nach,  hab  ich  etwas  Hofnung,  der 
allerhochste,  der  durch  Seine  unaussprechliche  guete,  dem  Menschen 
so  vielerley  ding  zu  gutem  erschafen,  gebe  seinen  Segen  darzu,  und 
uns  die  Gnad  dass  wir  seyne  gutaten  nicht  missbrauchen,  sondern  Ihn 
ob  allem  preise. — 

Diese  Mine  so  das  Manli  anzeigt  ist  ein  golt  Mine  in  Virginia  da  Fr. 
Michels  ein  Silber  Mines  in  Pensilvania,  und  soil  lauth  aussag  diese 
golt  Mines  8  Tag  von  hier  aus  seyn,  da  die  andere  mehr  als  14  Tag 
von  Philadelphia  aus  ist. — Bey  Erfindung  dieser  naheren  und  bes- 
seren  Mines,  war  Fr.  Michel  nicht,  sonder  der  Goubernator  Nichol- 
son aus  Virginia,  von  der  gold  Matery  wolte  der  Goub:  noch  weder 
ihme  noch  andern  lassen,  auch  Ihnen  verboten  keinem  Menschen 
nichts  zu  sagen,  indessen  sache  sich  der  Goub:  um  einen  in  solchen 
Dingen  verstancligen  Mann,  auch  funde  er  Einen  welcher  die  Sach 
gantz  reich  und  auf  der  prob  befund.  Thaten  schon  alle  anstalten 
dieses  zu  efectuiren,  dieser  Berg  Meister  oder  Chimist  starb  aber 
bald  hernach.  etwas  Zeit  hierauf  entstuncle  erne  Aufruhr  in  Vir- 
ginia, da  wurde  der  Goub:  in  Neuw  Engelland  berufen,  selbiges  Gou- 
vernement  anzunehmen,  und  ist  er  wiirklich  dissmahlen  in  einer  nahm- 
haften  Expedition  gegen  die  Frantzosen  in  Canada  begrifen,  hat  auch 
Fort  Royal  eingenommen,  so  ist  bey  ihm  diese  Mine  verschwunden, 
und  diss  Minenwerk  unterwegen  blieben.  Dieses  Manli  gab  mir  noch 
diesen  Bericht,  dass  einer  von  denen  der  mit  Ihnen  wahre,  mit  Namen 
Clarck,  ein  halber  golt  Schmid,  gotloser  mami,  der  einem  andern  sein 
Frau  geraubet,  unci  mit  ihr  sich  in  die  Bergen  hinaufgemacht,  an 
diesem  Ort  Golt  gefunden,  daraus  Muntz  gebraget,  aus  Forcht,  so  er 
die  Goltklompen  verhandlete  entdeckt  zu  werden,  ist  entlich  seyn  Gelt 
so  gemein  und  etwas  unterscheid  darin  gefunden  worden,  dass  es  an 
Tag  kommen  und  ware  er  als  ein  falsch  Mtintzer  aufgehangt:  Fr. 
Michels  Knecht,  so  in  erwartung  bis  seyn  H.  widerkombt,  nun  bey 
mir,  hat  diesen  Clerck  sehen  aufkntipfen./ 

Diese  obvermelte  Mines  ist  nicht  mehr  als  20  oder  30  Meilen  von 
dem  Land  wo  die  Konigin  uns  geben,  so  diss  geheim,  konnten  wir  ein 
Stuck  Land  weiter  hinauf  nehmen,  konnten  wir  also  der  Mine  uns 
emperieren,  verstehet  sich  der  Konigin  Ihr  portion  vorbehalten,  funde 
gut  den  jetzigen  Goub.  mit  uns  hierin  auch  zu  interessieren,  damit 
er  uns  an  die  Hand  gehe,  hatte  auch  bald  das  Manlein  mit  2.  Berg- 
leuthen  so  ich  hier  bey  mir  hab  mitgenommen  und  wehren  hinauf  in 
die  Bergen  gereiset,  um  da  den  rechten  Augenschein  zu  nehmen,  und 
zugleich  eine  nahmhafte  Curiostat  zu  sehen,  ohnweit  von  diesem  Ohrt 
soil  eine  steinene  Tafel    Seyn    40    Schuh    lang   und  10  breit  auf  4 


188  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

wohlgehauwenen  und  geschnitten  Fiissen.  darauf  Etwas  geschrieben  so 
aber  diese  Leuth  nicht  lesen  konen,  ohnweit  darvon  sind  noch  rudera 
von  einer  Mauren,  und  eine  zerborstene  Schantz./ 

Dissmahlen  aber  ist  nicht  Zeit  wegen  der  dicke  der  Biischen,  da 
man  darvor  die  Schlangen  nicht  sehen  kan,  wird  aber  konftigen 
Herbst  geschachen,  so  mir  Gott  die  Gesundheit  und  das  Leben  lasst, 
von  Bern  auch  Ein  bessere  Zeitung  einlangt,  dass  ich  auch  ein  wenig 
respirieren  kann./ 

NB:  Ueber  diese  Sum  und  noch  etwelche  Fr.  Michels  Schulden 
nicht  bezahlt  zu  Londen,  und  etwas  an  Wahren,  so  wir  mit  ihrem 
eigenen  Consens  zu  Londen  genommen,  Item  wird  von  nohten  sein 
uns  noch  Etwas  an  gtiteren  aufs  minst  fur  300£.  herzusenden,  dan 
ohnmoglich  ohne  dem  hier  zu  leben,  weil  kein  gelt  vorhanden,  alles 
mit  Gtiteren  gemacht  wird,  muss  also  fur  alles  zusammen  wohl  eine 
Sum  von  3000£.  aufgebracht  werden.  Das  ist  in  unserem  Land  tiberaus 
viel,  kcmbt  aber  alles  hernacher  auch  mit  grossem  Nutzen  Eyn. — 

Was  inskonftig  verschrieben  oder  an  gelteren  vermacht  wird, 
wollen  sie  dem  Danson  und  Wrag  nicht  zusenden,  dan  Sie  falsch  an 
uns,  hat  ein  schlimmer  Berner,  er  sey  wer  er  wolle,  uns  sehr  libel  zu 
Londen  angeschrieben,  nebem  dem  haben  wir  erst  hier  ersehen  dass 
Ihre  Sachen  eben  nicht  bim  besten,  Danson  als  einer  von  den  Propriet: 

haltet  zwar  Bona  Mines Commission  zu  geben, 

konnte  aber  durch  mein  Vaters  Conto geschachen, 

welcher  ein  ordentlicher  Mann,  von  Ihme  auch  im  Frantzosisch  ge- 
schrieben werden,  und  blieben  die  Sachen  in  geheim.     Diese  Danson 

und  Wrag  haben  meine  Briefe  aufgethan,  welche  H: mir 

im  Nahmen  der  Societet  geschrieben,  welches  einen  sehr  bosen  Efect 
hier  in  Carolina  gethan,  dann  alles  hierher  geschrieben  worden. 

NB.  glaube  nicht  das  H:  Botschi  wider  komme,  und  so  er  kame 
konnte  ich  Ihn  zur  Handlung  nicht  brauchen,  weilen  Er  die  Buch- 
haltung  gar  nicht  versteht,  aus  vielen  starken  Griinden  ist  nohtig,  dass 
jemand  von  Euch  H:  harkomme  aber  nicht  ohne  wexel  oder  gelt,  und 
das  forderlich,  dann  wann  ich  sterben  sollte,  alles  wunderlich  herging; — 

Die  Reis  ist  nicht  so  beschwerlich  und  gefahrlich,  sonderlich  in 
Friedens  Zeiten,  wie  man  sich  einbildet,  wir  hatten  das  beste  Wetter, 
und  auf  der  gantzen  Reis  von  Londen  aus  nur  einen  kleinen  Sturm,  ja 
so  man  liber  Schottland  saglet  und  im  Meyen  ausf ahrt : — Der  Plan  der 
Stadt  und  Colloney  ist  im  vorigen  Brief  versendet  und  H:  Botschi 
bringt  auch  ein.— 

NB:  So  Wexel  vermacht  werden,  kann  mann  die  Billets  bey  Mon- 
sieur Wrag  zu  Londen  fin  den.  Thomas  der  Balbierer  und  Chirurgus 
will  nur  seine  zwey  Jahr  hier  ausmachen,  wird  also  gut  seyn  einen 
guten  Chirurgum  zu  senden,  kan  hier  gewinnen,  was  er  will,  H.  Botschi 


Geaffeneied  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  ZSTew  Been       189 

hat  eines  der  kleinen  Pistolets  mitgenommen,  wird  gut  seyn  selbiges 
durch  derin  Buchhalter  wider  zusenden  ist  schaad  das  Paar  zu  ver- 
derben./. 

HANDLUNGS— CONTRACT. 

Unser  Hilf  und  anfang  seyn  in  der  Kraft  des  H:  der  Himmel  und 
Erden  geschafen  hat.     Amen./. 

Zuwissen  seye  hiermit,  dass  zwischen  hernach  unterschrieben  H.  und 
Frunden,  als  H.  Frantz  Ludwig  Michel  und  Christofer  von  Grafen- 
ried  an  Einem  und  H.  Georg  Patter  und  H.  Peter  Isot  in  ihrem  und 
H.  Allbrechts  von  Grafenriedts  H:  Johann  Anthoni  Jarsing,  H.  Samuel 
Hopf,  und  H:  Emanuel  Kilchbergers  Xahmen  andern  Theils  mit  ein- 
andern  gegenwertigen  Wahren,  aufrichtigen  Societet  Contract  aufge- 
richtet  und  beschlossen  in  folgenden  puncten  bestehend. — 

1. /Soil en  zum  fundament  dienen  diejenigen  Hundert  Siebenzechen 
Tausend  und  500  Ackerland  in  Xord  Carolina  zwischen  der  Neuws 
Rivier  und  Cap  fear  gelegen,  so  in  dieser  Societet  Xahmen  von  denn 
Lord  proprietaris  von  Carolina  sincl  erkauft  worden,  Lauth  der  der- 
entwegen  erhaltene  Patenten,  mit  alien  darzugehorigen  priviligien  und 
Vorrechten,  was  Sie  auch  firr  Xahmen  haben  mogen,  auch  derjenigen  so 
noch  inskonftig  von  Selbigen  werden  erhalten  werden,  und  konnen 
gehoren  auch  hierzu  diejenigen  1200  unci  50.  Ackerlands  so  von  H. 
Lawson  gekauft,  in  clem  Egen,  bei  Rivier  Xews  und  Trent;  gelegen. — 

2./lst  auch  zum  Fundament  gesetz  die  von  der  Konigin  von  Gross- 
britanien  erhaltene  Concession  in  Virginia,  auch  was  noch  ferners  von 
selbiger  Konigin  oder  von  Ihren  Xachkommen  daselbsten  fiir  Frey- 
heiten,  gerechtigkeiten  BergWerk,  oder  andere  Concessionen,  was 
nahmens  sie  immer  se^m  erhalten  werden  konnten,  so  alles  zu  gutem 
dieser  Societet  seyn  soil. 

3./Wir  sejTL  unter  dem  Segen  Gottes  ftihrende  Handlung. — - 

4./Soll  diese  Societet  unter  dem  Xahmen  Georg  Ritter.  und  Comp. 
Gefuhrt  werden,  sollen  auch  alle  acten  und  Schrhten,  Briefen  und 
Obligationen  in  diesem  Xahmen  unterschrieben  werden.  wird  auch 
darzu  die  Societet  Ihr  eigen  Sigl  haben,  soil  auch  kein  assossierter.  als 
der,  oder  diejenigen  so  die  Societet,  darzu  begwaltigen  wird,  macht 
haben  einige  Acten  noch  Schriften  in  der  Societet  Xahmen  zu  unter- 
schreiben  noch  zu  versiglen. — 

5./Das  Capital  dieser  Socitet  soil  bestehen  hi  7000  und  200£. 
Sterlin  welche  zur  Bezahlung  obbeschriebnen  Lands,  zu  Lnterstiit- 
zung  der  schon  dahin  gesandten  Pfaltsischen  und  Schweitzerischen 
Coloneyen,  und  denen  hernach  volgenden  wie  auch  zu  fiihrung  vor- 
habender  Handlmigen,  und  Bergwerken  sollen  angewent  werden. — 


190  Worth  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

6./Zu  formierung  dieses  Capitals  sind  gesetzt  24.  portionen  jede  zu 
300£.  Sterlin,  welche  allhier  zu  Londen  dem  darzu  bestelten  H.  sollen 
ubermacht  werden,  der  Ihme  dann  auch  ein  Recipisse  darfiir  senden 
wird,  wird  Ihme  auch  in  den  Haubtbiicheren  darvon  Credit  gegeben 
werden.- — 

7./Soll  keiner  mehr  als  eine  portion  fur  sein  persohn  besitzen  kon- 
nen,  wohl  aber  konen  Zwey  oder  aufs  Hochste  drey  fur  eine  portion 
conjungieren,  warm  aber  nach  Verfiiessung  dreyer  Jahren  diese  24. 
Portionen  nicht  complet,  so  soil  es  denen  so  schon  eine  portion  haben, 
noch  eine  zu  nehmen  frey  stehen. — 

8./Bey  Abhandlung  vorfallender  Haubsachen,  als  Erwehlung  eines 
Directoren,  eines  oder  mehr  Deputierten  bey  dem  Koniglichen  Hof, 
bey  den  Lordproprietaries  oder  anderstwo  zu  Negotcieren,  bey  Be- 
satzung  aller  von  der  Societet  Salarierten  bedienten  und  Embteren, 
wie  auch  bey  annehmung  Eines  oder  mehr  neu  assossierten  zu  Bau- 
wung,  und  Einkaufung,  der  zur  Handlung  dienlichen  Schifen,  und 
Erofnung  der  Bergwerken,  soil  alles  nach  dem  Mehr  der  Stimmen 
gemacht  und  erwehlt  werden:  mit  dieser  erleuterung  dass  wo  mehr 
als  einer  zu  einer  gantzen  Portion  sie  nur  fur  eine  Stimm  solten  ge- 
rechnet  werden;  soil  auch  keiner  der  kein  gantze  Portion  hat,  zu 
einem  Directoren  erwehlt  werden; — 

9./Bleibt  einem  jedweden  frey  sich  in  Carolina  oder  Virginia  zube- 
geben,  oder  aber  in  seinem  Vatterland  zu  verbleiben,  da  dann  sein 
befehlhaber  an  seiner  Statt  gleiche  Privilegia  geniessen  soil,  Uessert 
dass  er  zu  keinem  Directoren  kann  erwehlt  werden. 

lO./Stehet  auch  einem  jeden  frey  seine  portion  einem  anderen  zu 
verkaufen,  zu  verhandelen  und  zu  vergaben,  und  zu  schalten  und  zu 
walten  darmit,  gieich  wie  mit  andrem  seinem  hab  und  gut,  und  so  er 
ab  Intestato  absturbe,  soil  selbige  gieich  wie  sein  iibriges  gut  seinem 
Nechsten  Erben  heim  dienen,  behalt  sich  allein  die  Societet  vor  bey 
Verkaufung  das  Zugrecht  darzu  zu  haben,  und  dass  nicht  in  Tode 
Hand  falle,  und  Papisten  verkauft  oder  vergabet  werden  solle. — 

ll./Wird  einem  jeden  participanten  ein  Land  an  einem  Ihme  be- 
liebigen  Ort  in  der  Aufbauwung  einer  Statt  gezeichnet  werden,  wie 
auf  ein  freyes  guth  von  500  Jucherten  in  Virginia  aber  so  viel  ihme 
belieben  wird,  Zins  und  Zehnd  Frey  nur  was  den  Lord  proprietaris 
gebuhrt  vorbehalten./. 

12./Behaltet  sich  der  H.  Michel  vor,  weilen  er  das  Pensilvanische 
Bergwerk  der  Societet  zum  besten  einschiessen  thate,  dass  Ihme  die 
drey  ersten  Jahr  anzufangen,  wann  selbige  Bergwerk  werden  erofnet 
seyn  und  anfangen  Nutzen  zu  bringen  vorauszukommen  sollen,  im  4 
Jahr  dan  wird  der  H.  Ritter  und  H.  von  Grafenried,  das  Mehr  der 
Kosten,  so  sie  als  der  belauf    Ihrer  Portion  eingeschossen  vor  dem 


Graffenkied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been       191 

Eingang  desselben  Bergwerk  vorausnehmen,  das  iibrige  wie  auch  die 
noch  restierenden  17  jahr  soil  der  gantze  sonsten  zuhorende  Theil  der 
Societet  zukommen,  verspricht  hierbey  bey  gliicklichem  Succes  obge- 
melter  Mine  von  diesen  ersten  Jahren  der  Societet  des  H:  Ritters 
Capital  zu  vergtitigen./. 

13./So  wird  H.  Michel  fur  seine  grosse  gehabte  Mtihwaltung,  und 
fiir  die  eingeschossenen  Bergwerk  zu  gutem  der  Socitet,  eine  gantz 
portion  gut  geschrieben,  doch  soil  er  alles  dasjenige  so  ihme  von  der 
Societet  bis  Dato  vorgestreckt :  und  noch  mochte  vorgestreckt  werden, 
so  bald  moglich  wider  vergiiten. — 

14./Dess  H.  Christoph  von  Grafenried  aufgelegt.es  Gelt  fiir  5000 
Ackersland  in  Carolina,  wie  auch  die  wegen  den  Pfaltzeren  und 
anderen  gehabten  Kosten,  lauth  eingelegter  Specification,  soil  Ihme 
fiir  eine  portion  gut  geschrieben  werden,  das  mehrere  aber  soil  er 
lauth  des  13.  artikuls  von  der  Pensilvanischen  Mines  nehmen. — ■ 

15./Dessgleichen  wird  H.  Georg  Hitter  fiir  seine  gehabte  Kosten, 
eine  gantze  Portion  gut  geheissen  und  geschrieben,  das  mehrere  aber 
soil  er  auch  lauth  13.  articuls  von  der  Pensilvanischen  Minen  nehmen. — 

16./lst  keinem  erlaubt  in  Nord  Carolina  fiir  sein  eigen  Conto  land 
aufzunehmen,  aussert  der  genamseten  freyen  Gutern,  sondern  alles 
Land  daselbsten  soil  per  Conto  der  Societet  aufgenommen  werden. — 

17./Soll  auch  kein  mitassossierter  weder  in  Nord  Carolina  noch 
Virginia  keine  particularhandlung  ftihren  konnen,  sondern  soil  dorten 
alles  zum  besten  der  Societet  angewendt,  clenoch  bleibt  einem  jeden 
frey  sich  mit  anderen  die  nicht  in  dieser  provintz  handlen  zu  assos- 
sieren,  und  fiir  sein  eigen  Conto  Handlung  zu  treiben,  alles  in  dem 
Verstand,  dass  es  dieser  Societet  unschadlich  seye. — ■ 

18./Sollen  die  iibrigen  hierobvernammseten,  H.  assossierten,  so  Ihr 
Capital  noch  nicht  follig  eingeschossen,  selbiges  bis  nachst  konftigen 
Herbst  Monath  vollig  einschiessen  mid  an  die  in  Engelland  genam — ■ 
seten  H.  iibermachen, — 

19./Wird  dieser  Societet  kein  bestimbter  Ausgang  gesetzt,  weilen  ein 
jeder  der  nicht  gern  langer  in  der  Societet  verbleiben  will,  frey  stehet 
seine  portion  zu  verkaufen,  im  ansechen  aber  in  dieser  welt  nichts 
steifes  und  unverenderliches  kann  gemacht  werden  so  ist  abgeret  und 
beschlossen,  dass  diese  Societet  soil  bestehen  20  Jahr  lang  ohne  dass 
in  dieser  Zeit  von  Einicher  Separation  soil  noch  kan  gered  werden, 
nach  Verfliessung  aber  dieser  20  Jahren  kan  auf  gutbefinden  dess  3 
oder  4.  Theils  der  H.  assossierte,  diese  Societet  aufgehoben  werden,  da 
sie  dann  nach  dem  Zustand,  der  dann  zumahlen  befindlichen  Sachen, 
Ihre  Theilung  nach  dem  Mehr  der  Stimmen  einrichten  Konnen. — 

20./Vor  Verfliessung  4  Jahren  soil  kein  separation  gemacht  werden, 
jedoch  soil  jahrlich  die  Beschafenheit  der  Sachen  berichtet,  eine  Rech- 


192  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

nung  der  Bylantz  gezogen,  und  jedem  participanten  eine  Copey  zu- 
gestelt  werden,  nach  Verfliessung  aber  der  4.  Jahren  soil  jahrlichen 
jeder  assossierter  lOp.  %  von  seinem  eingeschossenen  Capital  be- 
ziechen,  je  nach  gutbefinden  der  sambtlichen  Societet,  was  aber  durch 
den  Segen  Gottes  in  den  Mines  solte  gewonnen  werden,  das  soil  jahr- 
lich  repartiert  werden. 

21./Bleibt  der  Societet  frey  mit  dem  Mehr  der  Stimmen  diesen 
Tractat  zu  erleutern,  und  zu  erklaren,  zu  vermindern  und  zu  ver- 
mehren,  je  nachdem  es  der  Nutzen  der  Societet  erfordert. 

22./Versprechen  die  H.  assossierten  ein  anderen  Lieb  und  treuw  und 
wahre  frundschaft,  und  dass  sie  alles  was  zu  dieser  Societet  nutzen 
und  frommen  dienen  und  gereichen  mag,  nach  bestem  Ihrem  Ver- 
mogen  wollen  helfen  befordern,  und  ihren  schaden  so  viel  an  ihren 
wenden,  alles  ohngefehrt  in  Kraft  dieses  Tractats,  dessen  Zwey  gleich- 
formig  und  gleichlautende  exemplar  verfertigt.  Es  gebe  aber  der  Herr 
unser  Gott  seynen  Segen  darzu,  demme  allein  gebuhrt  das  Lob,  die 
Ehr  und  der  Preis  von  Ewigkeit  zu  Ewigkeit  Amen./. 

Beschachen  in  Londen  D.  18.  Mey  1710./ 
Bezeugen  William  Edwards, 
Edward  Woods./ 

Fr:  Ludwig  Michel. 
Chr:  von  Grafenried. 
Georg  Bitter. 
Petter  Isoth. 

MEMORIAL. 

Ueber  Eint  und  andre  Puncten  Carolina  betrefend  aus  dem  Eng- 
lischen  iibersetzt. — 

l./Das  land  in  Slid  Carolina  ausmessen  zu  lassen  kostet  per  Juch- 
arten  ein  Pfennig  Carolinisch  Gelt,  in  Nord  Carolina  aber  ein  halber 
Pfennig,  ein  Certificat,  die  registrierung  und  Copey  kostet  27  Schilling 
fur  jede  Stuck  Land  so  erhandlet  wird,  es  seye  gross  oder  klein.— 

2./Betreffend  den  Wechsel,  so  ist  kein  gesetz  der  Wechsel  zwischen 
Carolina  und  Europa,  aber  nach  dem  Werth  der  stuck  von  achten,  ist 
der  unterscheyd,  ohngefahrt  35  p.  %  mehr  in  Carolina  als  in  Engel- 
land. — 

3. /Die  Wahren  so  mitzunehmen  sind,  betreffend,  ist  das  Niitz- 
lichste,  allerhand  assortierte  wahren,  von  engiischen  Manufacturen 
uberzubringen,  woriiber  wir  ihnen  berichtlich  erteillen  konnen,  wann 
wir  wissen  werden,  was  fur,  und  wie  viel  Volck  hinuber  kommen 
werde. — 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  !New  Been       193 

4./Ein  solches  nach  unsrer  anweisung  proportioniertes  assortment 
von  Wahren  kan  in  Carolina,  warm  es  erhandlet  wird,  200  bis 
250  p.%,  einiche  sonderbahre  Wahren  aber  bis  300  p.%  profit  geben. — 

5./Eine  jede  Person,  es  seye  Mann,  Weib  oder  Kind,  landseinge- 
bohrne  oder  fremde,  so  sich  in  Eigenen  Kosten  in  Carolina  trans- 
portieren  lassen,  haben  das  Privilegium  fiir  jeden  Kopf  50  jueharten 
Lands  fur  ewig  aufzunehmen,  und  bezahlen  jahrlich  den  Lords  pro- 
prietaris  ein  Pfennig  per  Jueharten  Boden  Zins, — 

6./Das  Land  an  Lehenleuthen  auszuleichen.  Es  kan  eine  persohn 
welche  eine  gewiisse  quantitet  land  erhandlet  solches  wieder  in  un- 
terschiedliche  Plantationes  abteillen,  deren  jede  Zwey,  3  4  bis  in 
500  Jueharten  nach  belieben  halten  thut,  nach  dem  der  Lechen  H: 
mit  dem  Lechen  Mann  ubereinkommen  kann,  worzu  der  Lechen  H. 
seinem  Lechen  Maim,  mit  einer  gewissen  Quantitat  Werk  Zeug,  Negel, 
Schlosser,  Rigel,  Pfannen,  Fenster  Gleser.  u.  umb  ein  Haus  zu  bauwen, 
wie  auch  mit  nothwendigen  Vich  als  Pfert,  Kiihe,  Schwein  u.  Wie 
auch  mit  nothigem  gewechs  flir  Samen  und  unterhaltung  bis  zur 
ersten  Ernd,  fiir  welches  der  Lechen  Mann,  oder  Pflantzer  dem  Lechen 
H:  zustellen  soil,  jahrlich  von  allerhand  auf waxes  des  Vichs  2/3  neben 
einer  gewissen  Quantitet  Rys,  Weitzen  u.  jenach  inhald  Ihres  accords. — • 
Nachdem  ich  mich  aller  in  dem  land  gebreuchlichen  Conditionen 
halben  wohl  informiert  und  alles  gegen  einander  ausgerechnet  dass  der 
Lehen  H:  vom  aufwaxes  des  Vichs,  und  allem  gewachs  von  Lehen 
Mann  beziechen  thate. — 

7./Die  Productionen  des  Lands  betreffend,  ist  gewiss,  dass  es  hervor- 
bringt,  das  beste  Reyss,  indianisch  Korn,  Weitzen,  Haber  Bohnen, 
Erbs.  Insonderheit  in  Nord  Carolina,  sie  sayen  gemeinlich  ein  gleiches 
Stuck  Land  ohne  gebrauch  des  Bauws.  Es  mag  aber  rahtsam  seyn, 
bisweilen  mit  dem  Samen,  nach  Nothdurft  abzuendern,  welches  die 
benachtbarten  Pflantzer  auch  berichten  konnen. — 

8./Frusches  und  gutes  Land,  ist  ohnzeifelbahr  zum  Reyss  das  beste, 
nehmlich  dasjenige,  so  etwas  fucht  und  nass  ist,  wann  es  aber  zu  nass 
ist,  ist  nohtwendig  mit  langen  Fourren,  und  aufgeworfenen  Fauschen 
zu  trochnen,  und  zum  anbauw,  bequemer  zu  machen. —  Ist  auch 
thunlich,  eine  gewisse  Quantitet  solch  feuchten  Lands,  fiir  die  Pflant- 
zung  des  Reyses  aufzubehalten,  das  trockene  Erdtreich  aber  fiir 
Weitzen  und  andere  gewechs  zu  gebrauchen; — 

9./Der  Centner  Reys/:  Hundert  und  Zwolf  £.  haltet:/  wird  verkauft 
zu  15  bis  16  Schilling,  das  indianisch  Korn  2  l/2  Schilling  die  Bus- 
chel;/:  zu  4  Mass  gerechnet:/  Weitzen  3  1/2  Schilling  die  Buschel. 
Was  die  gersten,  haber,  Erbs,  bohnen,  anlanget  habe  keinen  gewissen 
Preyss  gehort,  weil  solche  weniger  gebraucht  werden,  was  die  Ver- 
mehrung  einer  jeden  gatung  Gewachs  betrift,  kann  mann  solches,  in 

13 


194  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Lawsons  Buch  welcher  Beschreibung  fiir  gantz  bescheyden  gehalten 
wird,  und  ist  gewiss  dass  solche  darin  vermelte  Vermehrung  das  Land 
gemeinlich  produciert,  in  ansehen  des  Preises  Vichs,  die  Pfert  werden 
verkauft  von  4  bis  6£.  Eine  Kuhe  sambt  dem  Kalb  umb  2  l/2  biss 
3£.  Ein  Schwein  mit  ihrem  Ferklein  zu  12  Schilling,  ein  Ber  15  S: 
alles  gerechnet  nach  Carolinischer  Wahrung,  so  dass  ungefahr  3/8. 
von  abgesagdem  Wehrt  ausgelegt  in  englischen  Wahren  mag  dieses 
Vich  darfur  erhandlet  werden.  Die  Schaaf  belangend,  so  sind  diss- 
mahl  wenig,  aber  ihr  anzahl  mag  durch  sorg  und  fleiss  liecht  ver- 
mehrt  werden,  da  man  sie  alle  Nacht  in  absonderliche  Schaaf  Hurden 
eintreiben  soil,  umb  vor  den  Wolfen  sicher  zu  seyn.  Die  Form  dieser 
Hurden  kan  hier  nicht  wohl  vorgestelt  werden,  konte  aber  besser 
mundlichen  Bericht  ablegen,  das  Vich  vermehrt  sich  eben  so  wie  in 
Engelland.  Die  Kiihe  und  Stuten  einmahlen  dess  jahrs,  die  Schwein 
verjungern  sich  3  mahl,  und  jederzeit  12  14  bis  16  auf  einmahl. 
Ihre  Nahrung  ist  meistentheils  das  was  sie  in  Walderen  finden,  welches 
genennet  wird  Range  fiir  das  Vich.  So  dass  jede  plantation  bestehend 
in  500  Jucharten  fiir  Vich  weyd  behalten,  dann  sie  haben  nicht  im 
brauch  zu  heuwen  in  ihren  niederen  Griinden  oder  matten,  wie  in 
Engelland,  all  wo  das  Vich  den  Winter  durch  damit  gefutert  wird, 
obschon  die  Winter  in  Carolina  viel  kiirzer  als  in  Engelland,  so  wird 
doch  das  Vich,  in  dieser  kurzen  Zeit  mager  und  diinn,  aber  fiir  die 
Schwein  dienen  die  Walder,  welche  allerhand  Nuss  und  Euchlen  her- 
vorbringen,  zu  sonderbahrem  Vortheil.  Anfangs  Winters  und  ein 
wenig  vor  der  Zeit,  da  die  Schwein  gemetzget  werden,  nimbt  man  von 
der  Hard  so  viel,  alls  man  gesinnet  zu  toden,  und  futret  solche  noch 
zwey  oder  3  Wochen  mit  indianischem  Korn,  Bohnen  oder  Erbs,  sie 
konnen  auch  wohl  unterhalten  werden,  in  den  Baumgerten  deren 
einiche  2  3  bis  4  Jucharten  inhalten,  von  allerhand  gattung  apfien, 
Biren,  Kirsen,  Pfersich,  Parillen  u.  Sie  ernehren  sich  anfangs  des 
jahrs  von  gras,  hernach  von  denen  abgefallenen  Friichten,  und  wann 
sie  fiir  iiber,  werden  sie  wider  in  die  Walder  gejagt,  damit  sie  aber 
nicht  vollends  erwilden,  werden  sie  von  10  zu  10  Tagen  durch  das 
Horn  blasen,  nach  Hause  zu  kehren  gewohnt,  da  ihnen  ein  wenig 
indianisch  Korn  fiir  geworfen  wird;  wann  sie  nun  das  Horn  blasen 
horen,  laufen  sie  stracks  nacher  Haus.  Das  Heuw  fiir  das  Vich 
konnte  zweifelsohn,  aus  den  griinden,  oder  Savanas  wohl  zubekommen 
seyn,  weillen  an  solchen  Ohrten  viel  Gras  wachset,  es  wird  aber  aus 
mangel  abmajend  grob  und  unkiistig,  wann  selbiges  aber  wie  in 
Engelland  gebrauchlich  oft  abgemahet  wurde,  konte  frisches  und  zum 
Heuw  bequemes  Gras  wachsen,  Wan  hiemit  das  Vich  darmit  gefiittert 
wurde,  konnte  solches  in  gutem  Stand  erhalten  werden,  dann  bey 
diesem  Futter  und  dem  Erbstroh,  wird  das  Vich  frisch  und  mastig. — 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      195 

lO./Der  Transport  kost  fur  jede  Persohn  6£.  dass  also  100  per- 
sohnen  fiir  den  Transport  allein  Kosten  werden  600£.  Von  Holland 
bis  Engelland,  kostets  5  Schilling  von  der  persohn,  welches  sambt  der 
Bagage  kostet  20  Schilling  oder  1£.  Sterlin,  welches  in  allem  100£. 
ausmacht. — 

ll./Derowegen  ist  rahtsam  in  Holland  eine  tiichtige  Persohn  zu 
bestellen,  welche  wir  ihnen  anrecommandieren  konnen,  umb  ein 
englisch  gefangenes  Schif  in  einem  frantzosischen  Seehafen  von  ohnge- 
fahrt  120  Tonen  zu  erhandlen,  welches  beylaufig  250£.  kosten  mag, 
die  Wiederausriistung  dieses  Schifs  mit  Saglen  und  anderen  Noht- 
wendigkeiten  zuversehen,  kann  zum  besten  und  wohlfeilsten  in  Holland 
gemacht  werden,  die  Lebensmittel  und  proviantierung  aber  in 
Engelland  zu  bekommen,  welche  zur  Einladung  konne  fertig  ge- 
halten  werden,  bis  zur  ankonft  des  Schifs.  welche  Ausrustung  diss 
Schifs  und  Proviantierung  der  100  Persohnen,*  bis  nach  Carolina 
sich  allso  belaufen  wtirde,  auf  450£.  aufs  vilste,  so  dass  das  Schif  aus- 
geriistet  und  proviantiert  Euer  eigen  ware  um  700.£.  und  hiemit  umb 
etwas  wenigs  mehr  als  der  Transport  kosten  wtirde.  Es  ist  aber  noch 
der  Meister  und  die  Sagler  zu  versorgen,  von  Welchen  Sagleren  2/3 
miissen  Engellander  seyn,  nemlich  9  Mann  und  ein  jung,  oder  8 
Mann  und  2  Jungen,  welche  wir  auch  verschafen  konnen.  Ihre 
gage  belaufen  sich  20  bis  24£.  monathiich. — Die  lenge  ihrer  Reys  von 
Holland  nach  Engelland,  die  Wartezeit  auf  den  Wind  und  andere 
Hindernusse,  bis  sie  von  dem  land  ab,  und  in  Carolina  ankommen, 
mag  sich  aufs  vilst  auf  4  Monat  belaufen.  ich  setze  also,  dass  der 
Schifleuthen,  sambt  andern  unerwarteten  unkosten  von  der  Zeit  an, 
da  das  Schif  von  Holland  nach  Engelland,  und  nach  Carolina  fahret 
auf  100£.  Sterlin  sich  belaufen  mogen. — Ist  das  nicht  ein  wohlfeiles 
Schiff ;  und  ist  das  nicht  rahtsamer  dan  ein  frachtschif  zu  mieten,  und 
700£.  zu  bezahlen,  wormit  man  anders  nichts  ausrichten  kann,  als 
die  Colloney  bis  an  die  Carolinisch  Kiisten  transportieren  und  aus- 
setzen,  allwo  sie  vor  sie  selbsten  Sorgen,  und  noch  Schaloupen  mieten 
muss,  um  sich  und  ihre  Guter  ins  Land  hineinzufiihren. — 

Ich  setze  nun  ein  solches  Schif  mit  ausrustung  proviantierung  wtirde 
kosten  800£.  und  100£.  Gages  fiir  die  Schifleuth,  fiir  4  Monath,  thut 
zusammen  900. £.  von  solchen  abgezogen  700. £.  Transportgelt  fiir  ob- 
gemelte  100  persohnen,  wie  auch  noch  50£.  das  Volk  in  Carolina  von 
den  Kiisten  ins  Land  hinaufzufuhren,  restiert  150£.  So  das  Schiff 
noch  kosten  wiirde;  Ich  setze  nun  das  Schif  in  Carolina  fiir  die  Schif  - 
leuthe  wider  zu  proviantieren  kosten  wiirde,  30  bis  40. £.  Sterlin,  ich 
setze  ferners  das  Schif  wiirde  sich  daselbsten  bey  3  Monath,  dem 
Volk  mit  dem  Bood  aufzuwarten,  und  widerumb  Fracht  nacher 
Engelland  zubekommen,  aufhalten.     Innert  diesen  dreyen  Monathen 


196  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

kann  man  sich  darauf  verlassen,  in  Nord  oder  Slid  Carolina  oder 
Virginien  solche  zu  bekommen,  und  ist  glaublich  das  selbige  sich  auf 
550  bis  600. £.  belaufen  mochte,  die  ganze  Versaumnuss,  das  Volk  ins 
Land  hinaufzubringen,  und  die  vollige  Ladung  des  Schifs  anzuschafen, 
mag  sich  in  6  Monath  verziehen.  Der  Schifsleuthen  Sold  fur  diese  6 
Monath  und  andere  zufallige  ausgaben,  sambt  zu  150. £.  sich  be- 
laufend,  von  obiger  Fracht  der  wahren,  abgezogen  restieren  450£. 
wormit  das  Schif  in  Engelland  wider  mag  ausgerlistet  werden,  und 
bleibt  noch  darvon  ubrig  150£.  welches  gelt  fur  englische  Waahren, 
fur  euren  Conto  kann  ausgelegt  werden,  kann  auch  das  Schif  mit 
frischem  Volck,  wieder  in  Carolina  versand,  und  dorten  wider  mit 
Wahren  beladen  werden,  aus  welchem  allem  liecht  zu  ersehen,  dass  es 
euwer  Interesse  ware,  ein  solches  Schif  zu  erhandlen. — 

Ist  allso  wohl  werth  zu  betrachten,  wie  dienlich  Euch  ein  solches 
Schif  sein  wurde,  im  fahl  das  Volk  zu  einer  solchen  Zeit  in  Carolina 
ankommen  wurde,  da  selbiges  nicht  genugsame  Provision  daselbsten 
zum  Etablissement  finden  konnte,  in  Ermanglung  derselbigen,  konnte 
besagtes  Schif  einige  andere  englische  Wahren  nach  Pensilvania  oder 
andere  benachbarte  Kiisten  fiihren,  und  dargegen  dasjenige,  was  zu 
der  Coloney  fernerer  Subsistentz  notig  ist  dorten  erhandlen.  Ist  auch 
rathsam  einen  Schif  Zimmermann  mit  hinuber  zu  nehmen,  welcher 
mit  Hiilf  eines  oder  Zweyer  Hauszimmermanner  oder  anderen  von 
dem  Volk  in  kurzer  Zeit  ein  Schalouppen,  ohngefahrt  40  Tonen 
Ladung  haltet  bauwen  mochten.  Das  Eysenwerk,  Seylwerk,  Segel 
muss  von  Engelland  mit  hinuber  gefiihrt  werden,  und  mag  ohngefehrt 
80  oder  90£.  kosten.  Eine  solche  Schaloupen  kann  bestandig  zu 
gutem  Nutzen  gebraucht  werden,  in  dem  man  an  unterschiedlichen 
Orthen,  englische  Wahren  kann  erhandlen,  wie  auch  Reys,  gesaltzen 
Schwein  und  Rindfiiesch,  Blunder  und  Weinfass  Tauben,  Boden  und 
Reisten  an  andere  Ohrt  zu  Verhandlung  transportieren,  auch  bisweilen 
eine  Ladung  Saltz  in  der  Insul  Tudos  oder  anderstwo  zu  holen,  damit 
man  solches  nicht  von  anderer  Hand  desto  theurer  kaufen  miisste. 
aus  welchen  Betrachtung  noch  viele  andere,  so  da  ferners  konten 
vorgestelt  werden,  erhalet,  dass  es  euch  so  wohl  wegen  eigener  ge- 
machlichkeit,  als  profits  halber  hochst  niitzlich  seyn  wurde,  ein  solch 
Schif  und  Schaloupen  zu  halten.  Inskonftig  dan  konnte  zur  gelegenen 
Zeit,  widerum  Holtz  gefelt  werden,  daraus  noch  andere  Schaloupen 
zu  bauwen  waren,  umb  die  an  banachbahrten  flussen,  wohnende 
Plantationen  zur  gelegenen  Zeit  mit  englischen  Wahren  zu  besuchen, 
welches  Sie  zu  alien  Zeiten  Nohtig  haben,  wordurch  Ihr  grossen  Niit- 
zen  geniessen  und  zugleich  dem  Volk  mit  allerhand  Nohtwendigkeit 
beyspringen  konnet,  welches  hierdurch,  je  langer  je  mehr  Fleiss  und 
Arbeit  anzuwenden  bewogen  wird;  weilen  selbiges  auf  solche  weys  des 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern       197 

Lands  production  gegen  nohtige  Kleydung,  Werkzeug,  Hausgerath 
etc:  vertauschen  kann,  woriiber  wir  euch  particular  Nachricht  und 
exacte  anweisung  konnen  geben,  und  sind  unsres  theils  willig,  solches 
in  Engelland  commissions weis  zu  unternehmen./. 

Neben  dem  werden  Eure  englischen  Nachtbahren  in  Carolina  froh 
seyn,  ihre  Wahren  in  euer  Schif  und  Schaloupen,  fur  Frachtgelt  zu- 
laden,  oder  ihr  Reys,  gewechs,  Rind  und  Schweinen  Fleisch,  Heutte  und 
Beltzwerk,  wie  auch  lebendig  Vich  gegen  eure  englische  Wahren  auszu- 
wexlen,  welche  ihr  konnet  an  gelegene  Ohrt,  zu  euren  Schifen  hinbringen, 
als  Reys,  Heutte,  Fehl  und  Beltzwerk,  Harz  und  Pech  nach  Engelland; 
Schwein  und  Rindfleisch  in  Tonnen  eingesaltzen,  Fasstauben  Boden 
und  Reisten,  Mehl  und  Reys  Jamaica  Barbados,  und  Antheyoa,  von 
dan  kann  man  wider  zuriick  bringen,  so  viel  Zucker  Rum,  Zucker 
Rovalis  :/Zucker  mahl  als  ihr  werdet  nohtig  finden,  und  in  Carolina 
kan  uberbracht  und  verkauft  werden.  der  iibrige  dargegen  erhandlete 
Zucker,  dan  kann  auf  englischen  Schiffen,  der  in  diesen  Inseln  alle- 
zeit  anzutreffen,  nacher  Engelland  versendt,  und  dorten  versilbert 
werden,  oder  von  uns  nach  Dortrecht  oder  Roterdamm  und  von  dann 
in  die  Schweitz  verschickt  werden,  wie  dan  euch  anweisung  konnen 
geben,  wie  ihr  in  Stand  zu  bringen  waret  mit  der  Zeit,  das  gantze 
Schweitzerland  mit  Zucker  zu  versehn.  Eine  andere  Schaloupen  mag 
auch  beladen  werden  mit  Fasstauben,  Reisten  und  Boden,  und  nach 
Maderas  gesandt  werden,  diese  Wahren  gegen  Wein  auszuwechslen, 
und  selbige  in  Carolina  zu  fiihren,  woselbst  wie  auch  in  Virginia  urn 
einen  guten  Preys  kann  verkauft  werden;  konnen  auch  an  besagten 
Ohrten,  an  gewisse  Corespondenten  recommandieren. — Warm  ihr  aber 
im  anfang  mehr  als  hmidert  persohnen  zu  transportieren  wiirdet 
nohtig  finden,  konnten  wir  in  solchem  Fahl  Euch  andere  Schif  mie- 
ten,  und  den  uberrest  sambt  ihren  Gutem  zu  transportieren,  die 
Fracht  aber  des  Schifs  muss  in  Londen  bezahlt  werden. — 

Wan  ihr  konntet  mit  etwan  einer  famillien  versehen,  welche  ver- 
stunde  mit  Seyden  Wurmern  mid  Seyden  umbzugehen  mit  dieser 
Arbeit,  konnte  eine  anzahl  weiber  und  Kinder  occupiert  werden,  diese 
Waahr  wurde  von  sehr  grosser  Ertragenheit  und  Nutzen  seyn,  welche 
sehr  liecht  und  gemachtlich  in  Carolina  produciert  wird,  wie  die  Er- 
fahrung  solches  an  wenigen  erwiesen,  wann  nur  cler  Hande  genug 
wahren,  mochte  ein  grosses  Wesen  daraus  werden,  weilen  eine  grosse 
menge  weyser  und  rother  Maulbehr  daselbst  zu  finden.  1st  kaum 
glaublich  wie  grossen  Nutzen  hieraus  zu  hoffen  wahre,  wann  nur 
fleisige  Arbeiter  wie  auch  cleren,  die  sich  hierauf  verstunden  gnug 
verhanden,  eine  einige  famille  so  dessen  gute  Wisenschaft  hatte,  komite 
viele  andere  unterweisen. — 


198  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Der  Endich  ist  auch  in  Carolina  geplanzet  worden,  umb  zu  zeigen, 
was  darmit  zu  thun  seye,  ist  so  gut  befunden  als  einiger  so  von  andern 
Ohrt  ist  gebracht  worden.  Es  wird  von  grosser  Nohtwendigkeit  seyn, 
unterschiedliche  Handwerksleuthe  mit  uberzunehmen,  als  Kuster  al- 
lerhand,  Gschirr  zu  machen,  deren  man  eine  grosse  menge  haben 
muss,  Zimmerleuth  die  Hauser  zu  bauwen,  welche  gantz  von  Holtz 
gemacht  werden,  aussert  dene  Caminen  von  Ziegelsteinen,  deswegen 
auch  ein  oder  zwey  Ziegler  nothig  sein  wiirden.  Tischmacher  Schaft, 
Sttihle,  Bettstatten,  Tische  und  andere  dergleichen  Hausgerahte  machen 
zu  lassen:  Schmieden  sind  von  absolluter  Nohtwendigkeit,  nicht  allein 
allerhand  Eisenwerk  zu  Haus,  Feld  und  Walte  dienlich,  sondern,  die 
Flinten  zu  verbessern,  und  allerhand  eisern  Werkzeug  zu  verfertigen. — 

Der  Preys  des  Schwein  und  Rindfleischs,  Mahl  etc:  Ist  als  volget — 
Rind  fleisch  in  Fasslein  eingesaltzen,  haltend  jedes  2521bs. :  welches  wir 
nennen  2  l/4  Centner,  der  Centner  ist  112£.  wird  in  Carolina  ver- 
kauft  von  30  bis  35  Schilling  das  Fassli  in  Barbados  aber  Jamaica  und 
ander  englischen  Insuln,  nach  dem  Solches,  auf  dem  Markt  in  kleiner 
oder  grosser  Quantitet  sich  befindt,  von  45  bis  60  Schilling  das 
Fassli:  Schwein  Fleisch  in  Fasslin  eingesaltzen  haltend  2  l/4  Centner 
ist  in  Carolina  wehrt  von  40  bis  45  Schilling,  und  wird  in  gemelten 
Islen  verkauft,  von  50  zu  70  Sch.  je  nach  dem  der  Markt  darmit 
versehen. —  Das  Mehl  wird  in  Carolina  verkauft  von  12  zu  16  Schil- 
ling der  Centner;  gilt  auf  Barbados  20  bis  24  Sch.  Fassreifen,  Tauben 
und  Boden,  der  Preys  in  Carolina  ist  mir  unbekannt,  auf  Barbados 
aber  werden  verkauft  das  tausend  8£.  und  bisweilen  nur  4  oder  3  l/2.£. 
dessgleichen  auch  die  Reifen,  die  Tauben  und  Boden  werden  ledig  in 
die  Schif  gelegt,  die  Reifen  aber  werden  in  Burden  zusammen  ge- 
bunden,  ein  1000  Reifen  sind  fur  ein  Tonen  Fracht  gerechnet,  von 
weisen  Eichen,  werden  die  Besten  Tauben  gemacht,  insonderheit  fur 
Maderas,  allda  keine  andere  kauflich  sind,  auf  Barbados  aber  sind  die 
Tauben  von  Roseichen  und  anderem  Holtz,  auch  gebrauchlich  fur 
zucker  Fesser,  fur  Wein,  Rum,  Malases,  und  alle  nasse  Wahren 
miissen  Fesser  von  weisen  Eichen  seyn,  die  unkosten  Zucker  von 
Barbados,  Jamaica,  antheyoa  nach  Londen  zu,  oder  Wein  von  Maderas 
nach  Carolina  zu  transportieren,  konnen  nicht  specificiert  werden, 
weilen  die  Fracht  bisweilen  mehr,  bisweilen  minder  kostet,  als  in 
diesen  Kriegszeiten,  hat  man  bezahlt  8  bis  10  Sch.  per  Centner,  zu 
friedens  Zeiten  aber  kann  mans  zu  2  bis  2  l/2  p.  %  Cent  Schilling 
haben. — 

Der  Wein  auf  Maderas  gilt  bisweilen  7£.  auch  7  l/2.  bis  8  l/2  p. 
Pipe,  jede  Pipe  haltet  2.  hoxheats,  jeder  Hoxheat  haltet  63  Gallons,  ein 
Gallon  thut    4  Quart   englisch  Mass,  so  dass  jede  Pipe  haltet    126 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  ISTew  Bern       199 

Gallons  oder  504  Maas,  eine  solche  Pipe  wird  in  Carolina  und  Vir- 
ginia verkauft  zu  15  bis  16  £.  etc. 

Das  Land  warm  es  von  den  Proprietarys  also  Erhandlet  wird,  ist 
ohnzweifelbahr  des  Kaufers  eigen  und  freyes  gut,  und  hat  gewalt 
solches  wieder  zu  verkaufen,  oder  nur  einen  Theil  darvon  zu  vereus- 
sern,  ohne  Begriisung  des  Eigenthums  H:  warm  der  Kaufer  des  Lands, 
ein  Untherthan  von  Gross  Britanien  entweders  frey  gebohren  oder 
Naturalisiert  ist,  kann  er  wohl  Land  verkaufen,  an  wen  er  will,  ist 
aber  nicht  rahtsam  solches  an  fremde  protestanten  die  nicht  natural- 
isiert sind,  damit  nicht  einige  Disputes  daruberentstehn,  wann  aber 
der  Kaufer  naturalisiert  ist,  und  andere  Leuthe  die  nicht  natural- 
isiert waren  decliniert  sind,  einen  Theil  daran  zu  haben,  mag  es  wohl 
geschachen,  wann  selbige  ihr  vertrauwen  auf  den  naturalisiert  setzen 
konnen,  weilen  aber  ein  act  des  parlaments  zu  naturalisierung  aller 
fremden  protestenten  gemacht  worden,  auch  die  Unkosten  nicht  mehr 
als  3  oder  4  Schilling  belaufen,  so  ist  es  rahtsamer  fur  alle  diejenige, 
so  an  dem  Land  theil  haben  wollen,  sich  naturalisiern  zu  lassen:  Her- 
nach  dorfen  sie  wohnen,  in  Teutschland,  Schweitzerland,  oder  wo  es 
Ihnen  beliebig  ist. — 

Im  fahl  Ihr  ein  kleines  Schif  erhandlen  woltet,  so  konnen  wir  sel- 
biges  mit  Meister  und  Schifleuth  und  andren  Notwendigkeiten  versehen, 
und  nach  Roterdam  versenden,  allwo  das  Volk  kann  eingeschifet 
werden,  das  gelt  solches  zu  bewerkstelligen  kann  ubermacht  werden 
an  Abraham  Edens,  Kaufmann  in  Amsterdam,  oder  Egbert  Edens, 
Kaufmann  in  Rotterdam,  welches  so  wohl  wird  versorget  seyn,  als 
wann  Ihr  solches,  nach  Londen  remittieren  wurdet;:  Besagte  Abraham 
und  Egbert  Edens  sind  Briider  und  Gemeiner  wie  auch  sehr  wohl 
bemitlete  Leuthe,  welche  dem  Volck  bey  dessen  Ankunft  in  Roterdam 
konnten  gute  Htilfe  leisten,  im  fahl  Ihr  das  gelt  in  Ihre  Hand  re- 
mittieren wurdet,  welches  Ihr  mit  grosser  Sicherheit  thun  konnet. — 

Es  ist  gewlisslich  das  rahtsamste  solche  Leuthe  zu  nemmen,  welche 
ihren  transport  selbsten  bezahlen  konnen,  und  noch  das  Vermogen 
haten,  bey  ihrer  Ankunft  in  Carolina  sich  selbsten  zu  setzen,  mit 
Gewex,  Vich  u.  sich  zu  versehen.  Solchen  kan  man  das  Land  lehens- 
weys  fur  11  14  oder  24  jahr  a  2.  Stiiber  pro. — Jucharten  jahrlichen 
Bodenzins  ausleichen,  und  die  Freyheit  ertheillen,  selbige  Lachen 
wider  verflossener  Zeit,  auf  Leydenliche  Bedinge  zu  erneuwern;  Es  ist 
gewuss  diesem  Volk  nutzlicher,  2  oder  wann  es  schon  3  Stiiber  waren, 
zu  geben,  fur  solches  Land,  welches  bey  oder  in  einer  Colloney  ligt, 
deren  Vorsteher  Ihnen  mit  Schifen  mid  Schaloupen,  zur  verkaufung 
und  Transportierung  Ihrer  Wahren  von  Ohrt  zu  Ohrt  oder  mit  dero 
auswexlung  gegen  englische  Wahren,  als  Werkzeug  Kleydung  p.  c. 
accomodieren  kann.     Ich  sage  es   ist   viel   besser  fur  solche  Leuth  2 


200  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

oder  3  Stiiber  zu  bezahlen,  wo  sie  solche  bequemlichkeit  geniessen 
konnen,  als  Land  von  denen  Lords  proprietarys  fur  einen  Pfenning  per 
Jucharten  Land  auf zunehmen :  Dann  so  sie  von  denen  Lords  Land 
nehmen,  mussen  Sie  in  alien  Dingen  fur  sich  selbsten  sorgen,  und 
konnen  nicht  diese  obgemelte  bequemlichkeiten  geniessen,  aus  deren 
Mangel  Ihre  Lands  production  Beyweitem  nicht  so  viel  ertragen 
mag,./. 

Die  Unkosten  Volk  zu  transportieren  von  Engelland  in  Carolina, 
werden  sie  Jedemnach  sie  mit  Kleydung,  Bettzeug,  Zinigem  und 
Kupfern  Geschirr,  Werkzeug  zum  Bauwen,  und  Feld  Bauw  werden 
versehen  seyn,  und  wann  das  Volk,  so  hintiber  fahrt,  eine  gewtisse 
Quantitet  von  diesen  Dingen  und  gelt,  Ihre  Eigene  tiberfahrt  zu  be- 
zahlen hat,  so  habt  Ihr  weiters  nichts  zu  thun,  als  auch  mit  einer 
gewissen  Quantitet  englischen  Wahren,  welche  mit  hintiber  zu  nehmen, 
das  Rahtsamste  sein  yard,  zu  versehen,  umb  Vich  und  Lebens  Mittel, 
und  Sammen  darmit  zu  Ertauschen,  wie  auch  Vorraht  zu  haben, 
mit  clenn  so  wohl  Englischen  als  Indianischen  Nachtbahren  zu  hand- 
len,  welche  fur  gewtiss  Euch  besuchen  werden;  um  gegen  Eure  Europe- 
ische  Wahren,  Ihre  Landsproduction  auszuwechseln;  Die  Indianer 
dann  werden  suchen,  Ihre  Hirsche  und  Rehe  Heute,  Beltzwerk  u. 
gegen  Wahren  die  Ihnen  anstendig  bey  Euch  austzutauschen, — :  diese 
Gattung  Trafic  da  Wahren  gegen  Wahren  ausgewexlet  werden,  wird 
Euch  ser  Nutzlich  seyn,  wesswegen  wir  Euch  konen  Instruction  geben, 
so  wohl  welcherley  gattung  wahren  mitzunehmen  das  Rahtsambste./, 
als  auf  was  weis  Ihr  solche  mit  dem  Volk  im  Land  vertauschen  konnt: 
Ein  solches  assortiment  mit  Wahren  wird  kosten  1500  bis  1600£. 
Sterlin  welches  mag  gnugsam  seyn,  wir  mussen  aber  2  oder  3  Monath 
darvon  bericht  und  gelt  haben,  alle  diese  Dinge  anzuschafen,  dariiber 
wir  auch  den  folligen  bericht  Schriftlich  zustellen  konnen,  auf  was  biss 
jede  Gattung  dieser  Wahren  konnten  in  Carolina  verkauft  werden. 
Was  Euwer  Volk  anlangt,  nehmlich  die  so  nicht  vermogen,  sich  selb- 
sten zu  setzen,  denen  musset  Ihr  Credit  geben,  bis  Sie  der  production 
des  Lands  geniessen,  und  euch  wider  billichen  Ersatzung  fur  diesen 
Vorschuss  thun  konnen,  dardurch  werdet  in  der  Fehichkeit  seyn, 
einen  guten  Theil  von  des  Volks  arbeit  zu  geniessen,  dariiber  wir  Euch 
nohtwendige  Instructionen  fertig  halten  und  zustellen  wollen;  Es  wird 
auch  Rahtsam  seyn,  mit  Euch  einige  dienliche  Sachen  hintiber  zu 
nehmen,  um  den  fiirnemsten  Indianern  present  zu  thun,  welche  nicht 
viel  gelt  kosten  mogen:  konnet  sie  durch  dis  Mittel  zu  guten  Nacht- 
bahren machen,  und  Einen  guten  Willen  verschafen  mit  euch  zu 
handlen,  worbey  Euwere  plantationen  Ruhig  und  sicher  seyn  werden. ; 

Es'  wird  auch  ratsam  seyn,  allerhand  Garten  Samen  mit  Euch 
hintiber  zu  nehmen,  als  Cabiss,  Rtibli,  Ruben,  Sallath,  Herdapfel  u. 


Graffeneied  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      201 

welches  das  Volk  mit  aus  der  Schweitz  nehmen  wird,  was  aber  da 
nicht  zu  finden,  kann  in  Engelland  gekauft  werden. — 

Sie  konnen  auch  mitnehmen,  einig  grobleinig  Tuch  von  geringem 
Preis  aus  der  Schweitz,  so  da  dienlich  ist  fur  den  gemeinen  Haus 
Branch  und  warm  solches  der  Miihe  wert  befunden  wird,  kann  man 
Eine  mehrere  Quantitet  verschreiben; — 

Man  konte  auch  mit  ein  paar  Fassern  Wein  einen  \rersuch  thun, 
ob  er  mit  Nutzen  in  Londen  konnte  angebracht  werden,  in  welchem 
fahl  inskonftig  ein  meheres  verhandlen  konnte:  dann  was  unser  Vor- 
haben  in  diesem  Unternehmen  ist,  kann  zu  be}' der  Theilen  Nutzen 
gereichen,  nicht  nur  ftir  die  allein,  welche  Land  erhandlen  und  in  Caro- 
lina gehn,  sondern  insgemein  fur  die  gantze  Schweitz,  welche  Sie  durch 
die  handlung  geniessen  konte.  Ein  exempei  welches  dahin  dienet, 
habe  albereit  angezogen,  kann  nehmlich  die  Production  in  Carolina 
gegen  Zucker  in  Barbados  und  Jamaica  auszuwexlen,  welches  nach 
Engelland,  und  von  dami,  nach  Roterdam  oder  Dortrecht,  und  so 
fort  nach  dem  Schweitzerland  versandt  werden,  das  Rys  aber  wurde 
zum  grossen  Vortheil  der  Mitassossierten  in  der  Schweitz  nach  Hol- 
land, spanisch  Niderland  Bremen  und  Hamburg  verhandlet  werden, 
von  welchen  orten  die  Interessierten  in  der  Schweitz  das  Gelt  per 
wexel  beziehen. 

Warm  Leinwand,  Wehr  und  einig  ander  Wahren  mit  etwas  profit  in 
Engelland  konte  angebracht  werden,  warm  schon  selbiger  gering  ware, 
konte  es  doch  zu  grossem  Vortheil  dess  Lands  gereichen. — 

Es  wird  auch  notig  sein,  2  oder  3  Manner  mitzunehmen,  welche 
sich  auf  das  Mullwerk  verstehen,  Wasserpferch  oder  Miihlen  zu  machen 
sowohl  fur  das  Korn  als  ftir  das  Rys:  worfiir  dennoch  andere  Miihlen 
erfordert  werden,  als  nur  gemeine  Kohrn  Miihlen,  und  warm  man 
dieser  Leuthen  in  der  Schweitz  nicht  genug  finden  konte,  mtisste  man 
solche  aus  Engelland  oder  anderstwoher  anschafen  und  weil  es  von 
absoluter  Nothwencligkeit  ist,  Schaloupen  und  Bood  auf  den  Flussen 
zu  halten,  welche  dem  Yolck  zu  grosse  bequemlichkeit  dienen  wiirden 
ja  noch  dienlicher  als  man  sich  einbildet  und  es  so  nutzlich  ftir  die, 
denen  die  Schaloupen  zugehorte,  ware  also  nothwendig,  das  Geriist 
darzu  von  Engelland  mitzunehmen,  da  man  dann  in  Carolina  all  wo 
das  Holtz  besser  zu  bekommen  selbige  Einwanden  und  ausfertigen 
konnte.  Wann  aber  das  Geriist  zu  einer  solchen  Schaloupen  aus 
Engelland  konte  angeschaft  werden,  wurde  es  inskonftieh  zu  einem 
Muster  dienen  konnen,  ein  solch  Geriist  mag  in  Londen  ohngefehrt  30 
a  35£.  kosten,  Segel,  anker,  Eisen  und  Seilwerck,  zu  einer  Schaloupen 
mtissen  in  Engelland  gekauft  werden,  kostete  90  bis  100£.  auf 
Meiste  — 


202  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Aus  dergleichen  Anmerkungen  ist  liecht  zu  sehen,  wie  viel  kosten 
aufgehen  wiirden,  warm  man  4  bis  500  persohnen  transportieren  und 
etablieren  wolte.  Warm  ich  die  Zeit  hatte,  hatte  ich  diese  Observa- 
tionen  in  besserer  Ordnung  vorstellen  konnen,  muss  aber  solches  dis- 
mahlen  aufschieben,  hofe  doch,  dass  gegenwartiges  gnugsam  sein 
werde,  daraus  schliessen  zu  konnen,  was  zu  einem  solchen  Unter- 
nehmen  nothig  seyn  wiirde. — 

Es  ist  auch  mein  Begehren,  dass  H.  Ludwig  Michel,  solches  lesen 
ja  eine  Copey  hiervon  nehmen  moge,  wann  er  solches  der  Muhe  werth 
achtet. — 

Wehre  sehr  niitzlich,  ein  Schif  von  ungefahr  90  Last  oder  Tonen  zu 
kaufen.  Ein  Schif  mit  3  Masten  ist  besser  als  ein  Brigantin,  und 
wann  es  geladen  ist,  muss  es  nicht  tiber  8  Schuh  tief  im  Wasser  fahren, 
ja  vielmehr  einen  halben  Schuh  weniger  als  mehr.  Das  Segel  und 
Seylwerk  konet  ihr  besser  in  Holland  bekommen,  und  muss  mit  allem 
doplet  versehen  seyn,  wie  auch  mit  nohtwendigen  ankern:  damit  es 
auch  vor  den  Wurmen  gesichert  seye  muss  es  gefutret  werden,  diese 
Wiirmer  setzen  denen  Schifen  allezeit  zu,  von  dem  Meyen  bis  in  den 
Herbst  Monath,  ihr  konnet  in  diesem  Schif  etwas  Volck  von  Holland 
in  Engelland  und  von  dannen  in  Carolina  uberfuhren; — Wann  also  das 
Schif  beladen  ist,  und  Sieben  und  ein  halben,  oder  aufs  hochst  8 
Schuh  tief  fahrt,  konnet  ihr  damit  in  den  Land,  und  in  die  Neuss 
hinauf  fahren,  Ein  so  kleines  Schif  von  gutem  Holtz  vest  gebauwet, 
und  wohl  genaglet,  kann  allezeit  gebraucht  werden,  um  bisweilen 
Schwein,  Rindfleisch,  Mehl,  Fasstauben,  Reifen  etc.  nacher  Barbados 
zu  uberfuhren,  und  von  dannen  wexelweiss  Zucker,  Baumwollen  Rum, 
Malasis  nacher  Carolina  mitzunehmen,  Bisweilen  Carolinische  Wahren 
nacher  Maderas  uberzufuhren,  und  gegen  Wein  zu  tauschen,  bis- 
weilen mit  einer  Ladling  von  Rys,  Heuten,  Beltzwerck,  Hartz  und 
Pach,  nacher  Engelland  zu  fuhren,  das  Hartz,  Pech,  heute  und  Peltz- 
werck  in  einem  Hafen  daselbst  auszuladen,  das  reis  aber  in  Holland 
zu  bringen,  und  zu  verhandlen,  und  so  wider  allerhand  englische 
Wahren,  als  Eisenwerck,  Wollenzeug,  Tuch  Dufils,  Mentel  fur  die 
Wilden,  grober  Leinwad,  Heute,  Striimpf,  Schuh,  Pulver,  g'srot, 
flinten  und  was  mehr  rahtsam  seyn  wird,  in  Carolina  zu  fuhren.  Ihr 
konnet  aber  ein  solches  Schif  nicht  selbsten  erkaufen,  sondern  miisset 
hier  zu  Egberd  und  Abraham  Edens  gebrauchen,  mit  welchem  ihr 
sowohl  der  Zeit  als  Condition  halber  miisset  accordieren  zweifle  nicht 
dass  sie  nicht  werden  bescheyden  sein,  und  euch  selbiges  sowohlfeil 
anschafen  als  moglich  seyn  wird, :  Sie  miissen  Euch  selbiges  verkaufen, 
und  ein  auf  pergament  geschriebenen,  besigleten  unterschriebenen 
Kauf  Brief  zustellen,  damit  wann  solches  in  Engelland  ankommet,  Ihr 
erwiesen  konnet  selbiges  von  Hollandern  und  nicht  von   Frantzosen 


Graffenbied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      203 

gekauft  zu  haben,  sonsten  kan  es  nicht  in  Engelland  frey  gemacht 
werden. — Auf  mehrere  Nachforschung  hab  ich  gefunden,  dass  es  ein 
englisch  gebauwen  Schif  muss  seyn,  sonsten  kan  es  nicht  frey  ge- 
macht werden :  Ihr  miisset  auch  wiissen,  an  welchem  Ohrt  es  gebauwen 
und  mit  welchem  Nahmen  es  in  Engelland  eingeschrieben  seye,  son- 
sten kan  es  nicht  wieder  registriert  werden,  das  Schif  muss  inwendig 
150  Schuh  lang  und  18  breit  seyn. — 

Wann  das  Volck  im  Vermogen  stehet,  seinen  Transport  zu  bezahlen, 
und  fur  sich  selbsten  eine  gewiisse  Quantitet  Bettzeug,  Werckzeug, 
provision,  Vich  und  Samen  zu  kaufen,  so  habt  ihr  weiters  nichts  zu 
bezahlen,  als  das  Land  innert  4.  jahren  Terrain,  das  Schif,  das  gestell 
fur  eine  Schaloupen,  Segel,  Anker,  Cabel  und  Seilwerk  fur  2  Schal- 
oupen,  und  einen  gnugsamen  Vorraht  allerhand  englischer  Wahren, 
welches  alles  mag  kosten,  uberfliissig  versehen  zu  seyn,  auf  hoste 
3000£.  Sterlin,  Wann  dann  Euwer  Schif  100  persohnen  zu  Roterdam 
einladen,  und  nach  Carolina  transportieren,  auch  2  oder  3  Monath 
daselbsten  zu  dessen  Diensten  gebraucht  wurde,  konnte  es  dardurch 
per  Kopf  8£.  verdienen  thut  800. £ 

Restiert 2200.£ 

Die  erste  Bezahlung  fur  das  Land 200. £ 

Zufellige  Ausgaben 100.£ 


S.  a 2500.£ 

Das  Schif  und  die  Schaloupen  werden  Euch  alle  jahr  provit  bringen; — 
Wann  ihr  die  Anzahl  Eures  mitbringenden  Volckes,  wissen  werdet, 
konet  mirs  berichten,  damit  ich  bezeiten  Schif  dingen  moge  fur  die- 
jenige,  die  in  Euwer  Schif  nicht  konnen  eingeladen  werden. — 

Nach  dem  ersten  Transport  werdet  ihr  nicht  mehr  vonnothen  haben, 
Schif  zu  mieten,  sondren  es  wird  euwer  Schif  alle  jahr  von  Carolina 
nach  Engelland  mit  Wahren  beladen  versend  werden,  und  von  damien 
wider,  mit  frischem  Volk  zuruck  kehren./. 

COPIA 

UNTERSCHIEDLICHER  BRIEFEN  AUS  NORD   CAROLINA. 

Neben  friindlicher  begrtissung  thun  ich  Euch  berichten,  dass  ich 
mit  sambt  meiner  Haushaltung  frisch  und  gesundt  in  Carolina  an- 
kommen,  und  das  mit  Gltick,  aber  den  26.  Hornung  ist  m'ir  mein 
Sohn  Hanss  mit  grossem  Verlangen  nach  dem  H.  Jesu  gestorben. 
Hingegen  hat  meine  Tochter  einen  schonen  jungen  Sohn,  dem  letsten 


204  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Heumonath  1710  gebohren,  wir  sind  gar  auf  einem  guten  und  fetten 
Land,  ich  bin  der  Hoffnung  dass  ich  iiber  Jahr  liber  die  100  Stuck 
Ross,  Rind  Vich  und  Schwein  haben  werde.  Wann  man  mir  schon  die 
gantze  Niederey  schancken  wolte,  dass  ich  wider  ins  Schweitzerland 
solte,  und  die  Vorigen  Diensten  annehmen,  so  wolte  ich  es  nicht  thun 
wegen  dess  gwiissens  Freyheit.  Wann  wein  Sohn  Uhli  Es  wurde 
wagen  sich  auch  auf  die  Reys  wurde  begeben,  solte  er  zu  Gelt  machen 
was  er  konne,  und  wann  er  sich  nicht  sind  meiner  Abreis  verehlicht 
hat,  so  solle  er  ein  ehrlich  redlich  Mensch  zur  Ehe  nehmen,  wann  sie 
schon  nicht  viel  zeitliche  Mittel  hat,  wann  er  nur  die  Ueberfahrt  be- 
zahlen  kann,  wer  heriiber  will,  der  kan  sich  beim  H.  Ritter  in  Bern 
anmelclen,  wann  du  mein  Sohn,  die  Reis  wilt  vor  dich  nehmen,  so 
halte  allezeit  Gott  vor  Augen,  und  auch  wann  du  nicht  kommen  wilt, 
dass  wir  einandren  dermahleins  droben  im  Himmel  mit  geistlichen 
Augen  mit  Freuden  konnen  sehn, :  wann  du  aber  kommen  wilt,  so  will 
ich  dich  berichten,  wie  du  sollest  machen,  kauf  ein  par  hundert  stehlene 
Tabackpfeifen  sambt  den  Rohrlenen  und  fur  4  Thl.  arrouwer  Messer, 
und  etliche  moscherne  Messer,  darvor  kannst  du  schon  zu  Roterdam 
2  mal  die  Helfte  Kriegen,  in  Engelland  und  Carolina  noch  so  viel,  auf 
dem  Meer  verseche  dich  etwan  selbsten,  aussert  was  auf  dem  Schif 
gibet  mit  Speis  und  Trank,  dann  Hunger  und  Durst  darf  man  mit 
zusparen,  wann  etwan  mein  Schwager  Hans  mit  dir  wolte,  so  kan  ers 
thun,  Ich  bin  der  Hoffnung  wann  ich  gesund  bleibe  5  oder  6  Haus- 
haltungen  mit  Speis  und  Trank  zu  versehen,  wohl  auf  ein  Jahrlang, 
Heissen  will  ich  niemand,  dass  er  sich  auf  die  Reis  begebe,  wer  nicht 
die  Anleitung  von  Gott  hat,  der  kann  im  Schweitzerland  bleiben: 
wann  meine  Schwager  Peter  Seemann  und  Uhli  Ktintzi  Lust  auf  die 
Reis  hatten,  so  konnen  sie  es  thun:  unser  H.  Landgraf  von  Grafen- 
ried  wile  sie  mit  gutem  Land  versehen,  hernach  wile  er  ihm  4  jahr 
lang  Lehen  geben,  mit  Vich  und  Hausrath  versahen,  dass  sie  hernach 
ihr  Leben  lang  wohl  versehen  seyen,  wann  sie  gliick  haben,  hernach 
will  ich  euch  wenig  berichten  wie  es  uns  auf  der  Reis  ergangen  ist. 
Den  Rhyn  hinab  bis  Rotherdam  haben  wir  die  grosste  gefahr  aus- 
gestanden,  zu  Roterdam  sind  war  6  Wochen  stillgelegen,  da  sind  2 
Kinder  und  ein  Mann  gestorben,  von  Rotterdam  bis  nach  Neuw 
Castlen,  sind  2  Weiber  gestorben,  zu  Neuw  Castlen  sind  wir  4 
Wochen  stillgelegen  da  sind  wir  aufgebrochen,  auf  dem  Meer  gefahren 
8  Tag  still  gelegen,  hernach  ist  die  Flotte  aufgebrochen,  da  hat  meine 
Tochter  einen  jungen  Sohn  gebohren,  da  haben  wir  8.  Wochen  gehabt 
iiberzufahren,  6  Wochen  haben  wir  neut  gesehen,  weder  Himmel  und 
Wasser,  da  sind  von  100  Persohnen  niemand  gestorben,  so  sind  wir  in 
Virginia  an  clas  Land  kommen,  da  sind  wir  noch  100  Meil  zu  Wasser 
und  Land  gereiset,  sind  auf  Michels  Tag  bey  unsres  H.  Landgrafen 


Graffenkied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bebn      205 

Haus  angelandet,  darzwischen  ist  ein  Weib  gestorben,  hernach  ist  man 
still  gelegen  bis  zum  Neuwen  jahr,  So  hat  man  angefangen  ein  jeder 
auf  sein  ausgetheilt  land  zu  ziechen,  bis  jetzt  sind  von  100  persohnen 
9  gestorben,  ich  und  Tochtermann  sind  von  einander  gezogen,  ohnge- 
fehrt  eine  halbe  Meil,  derhalben  wurde  ich  meines  Sohns  vonnothen 
seyn,  darneben  thun  ich  auch  H.  Pfarrer,  und  alle  meine  Verwante, 
wie  auch  mein  Schwacher  und  die  Seinen,  auch  Uhli  Mullers  Weib 
und  Vogt;  ja  auch  die  gantze  gemeind  zu  thausendmahlen  griissen  mit 
dem  Kuss  der  Liebe.  Bendicht  Kupfer  Schmied,  mein  Tochtermann, 
lasst  sein  Vater  und  Briider  wie  auch  die  Schwester  frundlich  griissen, 
und  mochte  erwiinschen,  dass  sie  alle  bey  ihm  waren,  er  wolte  den 
Vater  und  die  Seinen  konnen  mit  Speis  und  trank  versehen:  Uhli 
Muller  der  Buchsenschmied  solle  mir  recht  bim  H.  Bitter  schreiben, 
wie  es  um  meine  Mittel  stande,  wie  auch  umb  die  Nachtbauren  und 
Sohn,  fiir  dissmahlen  nicht  mehr  dan  Gott  befohlen;  geben  den  7. 
Aprilis  aus  Carolina  1711.  Jahrs. 

Von  mir  Hans  Ruegsegger./. 

Aus  India  oder  America  in  d.  Insel :  Nord  Carolina  an  dem  Strohm 
gelegen  an  der  Neuss. 

d.  8.  aprill  1711. 

Neben  Dienst  und  Gruss,  lieber  und  getreuwer  Vater,  Mutter,  Briider 
und  Schwester,  Kinder  und  Verwandte,  und  alle  gute  frund,  was  mich 
anbelangt  wie  ich  gesund  lebe,  vergniigt,  und  wollte  nicht  dass  ich  zu 
Haus  geblieben  were.  Bin  auch  verheurathet  mit  Margareth  Pfund 
von  Zweysimmen,  das  Land  betreffend  that,  ist  sehr  heiss,  weil  Wasser- 
strohm,  Waldung,  die  Einwohner  oder  Indianer  sind  schwartz,  halb 
nacket,  doch  verstandig  und  vertreglich,  unglaubig,  untuchtig  zur 
Arbeit,  ich  will  nicht  viel  ruhmen  noch  schelten  hat  man  gelt  und 
gut,  golt  und  Silber,  so  kann  er  herschen  gleich  wie  in  Europa,  doch 
will  ich  sagen  fiir  ein  Arbeiter  oder  armen  Mann  ist  es  besser  dan 
hier.  Er  kann  Land  Kriegen,  so  viel  er  nothig,  Vich  kann  er  halten, 
so  viel  er  vermag,  die  Schwein  kosten  nichts  zu  erhalten,  das 
Vich  geht  das  ganze  Jahr  auf  der  Weyd,  wird  von  sich  selbsten  fett, 
und  gut  zu  schlachten,  man  macht  kein  Heuw,  wahr  ist  es,  dass  mancher 
bis  1000  Stuck  und  mehr  Vich  und  Schwein  hat,  das  Land  ist  unge- 
bauwet,  doch  zu  hoffen  ziemlich  fruchtbahr,  doch  ich  keinen  Men- 
schen  darzu  will  verursachet  haben,  noch  rathen  wegen  der  kostbahren 
und  beschwerlichen  Reis,  iiber  das  grausame  und  wilde  Meer,  doch 
sind  wir  gliicklich  ankommen,  und  wenig  Krankheit  ausgestanden,  und 
fiir  mein  part  so  gar  saur  nicht  ankommen,  fiir  alte  und  Junge  ist  es 
beschwerlich,  doch  haben  wir  einen  jungen  Sohn  bekommen  auf  dem 
Meer,  der  grosse  Gott  hat  alles  erhalten,  wahr  ist  es  viel  hats  gekostet 


206  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

und  langsam  hergangen  in  diesen  teuren  schweren  Kriegszeiten,  8. 
Merz  wie  bekannt  sind  wir  zu  Bern  abgereiset  den  9.  April  kamen 
wir  zu  Rotterdam  an  daselbst  wir  geblieben  7  Wochen  2  Tag  auf 
unsrem  Kosten,  den  30.  Mey  segleten  wir  ab  zu  Rotterdam,  den  4. 
Brachmonath  sind  wir  zu  Yarmut  in  Engelland  ankommen,  weiters 
segleten  wir  fort  bis  11  dito,  kamen  wir  in  Nord  Engelland  zu  Neu- 
kastlen,  an  daselbst  bleiben  wir  5.  Wochen,  darnach  d.  11.  Heumonath 
sind  wir  von  dort  abgereiset  auf  den  Seen  und  Stunden  an  dem  Anker 
7  Tage  lang  auf  die  Flotten  gewartet,  alwo  eine  grosse  Menge  Schif 
zusammen  kommen,  d.  24.  ditto  seglen  wir  ab,  und  fahren  8  Wochen 
lang  auf  dem  See  und  haben  Sturm  wind  und  andere  gefahren  aus- 
gestanden,  doch  der  grosse  Gott  bald  zu  Ende  geftihret  hat,  den  10. 
Herbstmonath  sahen  wir  Land,  den  11.  warfen  wir  den  Anker  aus  zu 
Virginia,  darnach  haben  wir,  noch  eine  grosse  Reis  gemacht  bald  iiber 
Wasser,  bald  iiber  Land,  wohl  bey  80  Stunden,  allwo  wir  wohnen  an 
dem  Strohm,  die  man  heisset  Neuss,  hiemit  so  sind  ihr  noch  einmahl 
gegriisst  Vater  und  Mutter,  Briider,  Schwestern,  Kind  und  alle  gute 
Friind,  griisset  mir  den  Uhli  Treut  in  der  asseyten  und  seyn  gantzes 
Haus,  Hans  Klasner  und  sein  geliebtes  Ehweib,  Rufascher  und  sein 
gantzes  Haus.  wann  ich  jemand  beleydiget  oder  zuwider  gethan,  so 
bitte  ich  Ihr  wollet  es  mir  vergeben,  wie  uns  Gott  in  Christo  vergibt, 
ich  wtinsche  euch  von  Gott  alles  wohl  Ergehen,  er  segne  Eure  Arbeit 
und  einkommen,  von  nun  an  bis  in  Ewigkeit  Amen. 

Euwer  geliebter  Samuel  Jacob  Gabley 
und  Margreth  Pfund./. 

Aus  America  oder  India  d.  9.  Aprillis  1711. — 

Neben  meinem  Dienst  und  Gruss  lieber  und  getreuwer  Vetter 
Christen  Egger,  und  euer  gantzes  Haus,  konnt  ich  vernehmen  dass  ihr 
gesundt  waret,  so  wurde  es  mich  freuwen,  was  mein  Zustand  anbe- 
langt,  bin  ich  gesund  und  lebe  verniigt,  und  wolt  nicht  dass  ich  zu 
Haus  blieben  ware,  was  das  Land  betrift,  ist  so  beschaffen,  wer  Richtum 
hat,  Gold  und  Silber,  der  kann  ein  H.  seyn,  gleich  in  Europa,  doch 
sag  ich  fur  einen  armen  Mann  oder  Arbeitsmann,  ist  es  besser  als 
hier,  will  er  im  Taglohn  arbeiten,  so  hat  er  alle  Tag  eine  halbe  Cronen 
an  Frucht  oder  Vich,  Gold  und  Silber  ist  rar,  Land  kann  er  kriegen  so 
viel  er  vonnothen  Vich  und  Schwein  kann  er  halten,  so  viel  er  vermag, 
und  die  Schwein  werden  von  sich  selbsten  fett  und  gut  zu  schlachten: 
Das  Vich  geht  das  gantze  Jahr  auf  die  Weyd,  ich  sag  mancher  Mann 
hat  hier  bis  auf  1000  Stuck  Vich  und  mehr:  Das  Land  ist  heiss,  unge- 
bauwen,  viel  Wasserstrom,  grosse  Waldungen,  die  Einwohner  oder 
Indianer  sind  schwartz  halb  nacket,  doch  vertreglich,  doch  zu  hoffen 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  JSTew  Bern      207 

das  Land  sey  ziemlich  fruchtbar,  doch  ich  keinem  gerathen  haben 
noch  verursachen,  daher  zu  ziechen  wegen  kostbahrer  und  beschwer- 
licher  Reys,  liber  das  grausame  und  wilde  Meer,  doch  vor  mein  part, 
ist  es  mir  niit  saur  ankommen  aber  alte  und  junge  Kinder  ist  es  be- 
schwerlich,  Langsam  ist  es  mit  uns  hergangen  von  wegen  der  teuren 
und  schweren  Kriegszeit.  d:  18.  Mertz  wie  bekannt  sind  wir  von  Bern 
abgereyset  d:  10.  April  kamen  wir  zu  Roterdam  an,  daselbst  blieben 
wir  7  Wochen  und  2  Tag.  d:  30.  Mey  segleten  wir  ab,  d.  14.  Brach- 
monath  kamen  wir  in  Nord  Engelland  an,  daselbst  blieben  wir  5 
Wochen,  darnach  traten  wir  auf  das  Schiff,  und  fuhren  auf  dem  See, 
daselbst  stunden  wir  8  Tag  am  Ancker,  und  auf  die  Flotten  gewartet, 
daselbst  erne  grosse  Menge  Schif  zusammen  kommen,  darnach  seg- 
leten wir  ab,  und  fuhren  iiber  das  grosse  oceanische  Meer,  Eine  Zeit- 
lang  fuhren  etliche  Schif  mit  uns,  darnach  so  fuhren  wir  allein,  und 
hatten  Sturmwind  und  andre  actionen  ausgestanden,  darnach  hat  der 
grosse  Gott  in  8  Wochen  ein  End  mit  uns  gemacht,  und  auf  das  Land 
gesund  gebracht,  und  Einer  mehr  ab  dem  Schif  gebracht,  als  in  Engel- 
land draufgangen  sind,  darnach  so  haben  wir  noch  eine  grosse  Reys 
gemacht,  bald  iiber  Wasser  bald  iiber  Land  wohl  bey  80  Stund  weg 
an  den  ohrt  wo  wir  wohnen,  an  den  Fluss  den  man  heisst  die  Neus. 
Was  neuwes,  die  Krummen  sind  grad  worden,  und  haben  die  Kranken 
auf  die  Seyten  gethan,  die  Weibsleuth  sind  gar  rar,  die  Monzua  hat  mei- 
nen  grossen  geheurathet,  aber  seine  Unterthanen  dienen  Ihm  zum  Ver- 
derben,  und  trachten  ihn  aufzufressen,  ein  Knaupen  auf  dem  Buggel, 
ein  Knaupen  im  Bart,  ein  Knaupen  an  heimlichen  Ohrten,  das  ich 
nicht  melden  will,  und  ein  Schneider  zum  Handwerk,  ein  Graf  zum 
Nahmen.  Wann  es  sich  solte  zutragen,  dass  mehr  leuth  in  dis  land 
kommen  solten;  so  bitte  ich  Euch,  schicket  mir  ein  l/2  Dozet  ge- 
machte  Hemder,  ein  paar  Leinlachen,  mehr  10  Ell  Leinen  Tuch  und 
10  Thlr.  in  gelt,  ein  halb  Dozend  Messer  von  Barbli,  und  ein  Axt  die 
probiert  ist,  und  packets  zusammen  und  gebets  gewissen  Leuthen  dass 
sie  mir  sorg  darzu  haben,  das  mir  neut  erfaule  auf  dem  See  zu  Rotter- 
dam, oder  in  Engelland,  kauft  mir  ein  Camisohl  und  Hosen.  Hiemit  Gott 
wohl  anbefohlen,  griisset  mir  den  H.  Pfarrer,  und  sein  gantzes  Haus, 
Schulvogt  Zergen,  H.  Statthalter  und  seyn  gantzes  Haus,  H.  Seckel- 
meister  Martge,  beyde  Kilchmeyer  Triiwhart  und  Ihr  gantzes  Haus, 
Heinrich  Egender  von  St.  Stefan,  des  grichts  und  sein  gantzes  Haus, 
von  wegen  seines  Sohns  Jacobs  und  Peter  Treuthart,  Joseph  Biillre 
von  Wyssenbach,  und  sein  Ehweib  Wassle  anna  Mary,  Jacob  Goblei, 
und  sin  gantzes  Haus  oben  im  dorf:  Griisset  mir  meine  geliebte 
Cameraden  nemlich  die  frommen  Saumer,  ich  wiinsche  Ihnen,  dass  sie 
mogen  viel  gewinnen,  und  reich  werden  in  dieser  Welt,  dann  in  jener 
Welt  saumet  man  Neuth,  hiemit  so  wiinsch  ich  Euch  von  Gott  zeit- 


208  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

liches  und  ewiges  wohlergehen:  Gott  segne  Eure  Nahrung  und  ein- 
kommen,  das  wtinsch  ich  zuletst  meinem  Vaterland  amen. 

Euwer  geringer  Jacob  Wahre  von 
Zweysimmen : 

P.  S.  Es  soil  Euch  nicht  wunder  nehmen,  dass  mein  Bruder  mit 
schreibt;  er  hat  die  gelegenheit  nit  haben  konnen  wie  ich./  Das  zu 
berichten  an  Daniel  Zant  in  Eriswyl,  ich  Johannes  Zant  in  der  Vogtey 
Trachselwald  nunmehr  zu  begeben  und  gelegener  Zeit  mit  meiner 
Hausfrauwen  Anna  Eva  Zantin  Witwen,  so  er  hinder  lassen  mit  einem 
Tochterli.  So  dass  er  mit  Frauw  und  Kind  mit  dem  H.  Landgrafen 
von  Riet  in  Nord  Carolina  gereiset,  nunmehro  aber  die  Frau  Ana 
Eva  Ihr  fortun  und  Kind  wider  zu  versehen  angefangen,  Eh  wir  uns 
auf  die  Reis  zwar  ungern  aus  forcht  der  so  grossen  gefahr,  die  auch 
mein  Mann  Johannes  Zant  wegen  dess  Todes  nicht  hat  ausgestanden, 
dan  er  in  dem  Herrn  Sel:  entschlafen,  er  aber  hinderlassen,  und  mir 
befohlen,  dass  ich  solle  nach  Haus  schreiben,  Nunmehro  weil  ich  ge- 
legenheit hab  zu  berichten,  dass  ich  widerum  anfang  zum  Haushalten 
mache,  dasselbe  aber  schwer  fallt  ohne  Mittel,  desswegen  ich  alle  und 
jede  friind,  Geschwisterte,  Bruder  und  Schwestern  und  die  12.  gesch- 
wornen,  und  der  Weibel,  der  Landvogt  und  H.  Pfarrer  alle  tibrige  gute 
Friind,  thun  ich  zu  tausendmahlen  griissen  und  befehle  Sie  in  all  weg  in 
Gottes  Hut  und  Wacht,  bitte  darneben  Ihr  wollet  doch  so  bruderlich 
und  christlich  seyn,  und  mit  schicken  was  ich  zu  meinem  hauslichen 
Niderlass  gebrauche,  nemlich  ein  benantliches  Gelt,  welches  stehet  bey 
meinem  lieben  und  getreuwen  Vetter,  Daniel  Zant,  nemlich  100 
Gulden,  ist  die  Haubt  Summ  und.  15  Gulden  ist  Zins,  dis  Gelt  konntet 
Ihr  mir  mit  dem  H.  Landgrafen  von  Riet.  seinem  wexel  zuschicken,  der 
Ohrt  und  das  Land,  die  Rivier  wo  wir  jetzund  leben  und  hausen  ist 
ein  guter  Grund  und  Vich  Zucht  auch  gute  sichere  und  Freyheit  in  Nord 
Carolina  um  uns,  was  anlanget  mein  Zustand  und  Leben,  so  ist  mein 
Tochter  Catarina  auch  in  dem  H.  entschlafen,  Ehr  und  bevor  ich  an 
das  Land  vom  See  kommen  bin  zu  Virginien  und  Nord  Carolina. 
Hiemit  in  die  Schutzhand  Gottes  befohlen  und  seyt  nochmahlen  zu 
tausendmahlen  von  mir  gegriisst  Anna  Eva  Zantin  in  Nord  Carolina. 

A  1711.  d:  15.  aprillis  — 
Ein  frundlichen  Gruss  an  meinen  Grossvatter  Bendicht  Schetele  von 
nider  Linog  und  meines  Vatters  Bruder  im  Buche,  Heinrich  Simon 
und  Andreass  Krachig  und  mein  Grossmutter  im  Buche, — So  hat 
unser  Vater  Bendicht  Simon  in  seinem  Todbett  hinderlassen,  dass  wir 
hinderlassene  Kinder  noch  etwas  zu  suchen  hetten,  an  meinem  Gross- 
vatter Bendicht  Schettele:     So  haben  wir  ein  frundliches  Bitten  an 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  !New  Been      209 

Heinrich  Simon  und  Andreas  Krachig,  wann  wir  Gelegenheit  haben, 
auf  dismahl  wanns  moglich  zu  verschicken  in  Carolina  und  in  Neuw 
stadt  Bern,  mit  des  H.  GrafenRitters  Wexel.  So  ist  Bendicht  Simon 
seine  Hausfrauw,  und  sein  Kind  Catarina  Tod,  und  sein  Tochtermann 
Joseph  Stern  von  Riggisberg  ist  auch  tod,  so  ist  Madlena  hinder- 
lassene  Wittib  wider  verheurathet,  mit  Jacob  Himler  von  Madiswyl, 
und  hat  Madlena  noch  ein  Kind  Johannes  Stern  und  Anna  Margreta 
ist  verheurathet  mit  Andreas  Weinmann  von  Mentzingen,  Johannes 
Simon  dies  drey  geschwisterte  sind  in  Carolina  beim  GrafenRitter. — 

So  ist  Maria  Magtalena  zuriick  geblieben,  mit  ihrem  Mann  Johann 
Heinrich  Hanss  von  Buchse,  in  Londen,  so  haben  wir  Kinder  ein 
friindliches  Bitten  an  unsere  Vorgesetzten,  sie  wollen  unsre  annehmen 
als  Vater,  so  seit  nun  1000  mahl  von  uns  gegriisst  alle  guten  frtind  und 
bekannten,  Jacob  Himler  und  sein  Hausfrouw  Madlena,  Andreas 
Weinmann  und  seine  Hausfrouw  Anna  Margretha  und  Johannes 
Simon. 

Dass  dise  hier  vernameten  persohnen  verlangen  und  Begehren  bezeu- 
ge  von  Grafenried. 

Johann  Jacob  Botschi 
Landschreiber  und  Haubtmann 

in  Carolina./. 

Neuw  Bern  in  Carolina  den  20.  aprillis  1711. 

Mein  frundlicher  Gruss  und  alles  guts  bevor  an  Euch,  min  hertz- 
lieber  Vater  und  Mutter,  Bruder  und  geschwister,  und  Hanss  und 
Bartlome  und  Basi  wie  auch  den  Gross  Vatter  alle  guten  Friind  und 
Nachtbauren.  Es  sey  euch  kund  dass  ich  durch  die  Gnad  Gottes  friisch 
und  gesund  bin,  solches  von  Euch  zu  vernehmen  wiird  mir  sehr  er- 
freuwlich  seyn,  Es  gehet  mir  wohl  an  Nahrung  und  Kleydung  fehlet 
mir  nicht,  aber  das  gelt  ist  ziemlich  rar  im  land,  ich  habe  mich  ver- 
dingt  zu  dem  H.  Christopp  von  Grafenried,  Burger  von  Bern,  gewes- 
ener  Landvogt  jetzt  und  Landgraf  in  Carolina:  dess  Lands  beschafen- 
heit  ist  sandachtig,  aber  doch  zu  alien  Sachen  was  man  pflantzet,  doch 
gibts  unterschiedlich  strichen,  es  geratet  ziemlich  wohl,  sonderlich 
das  welsche  Korn,  wan  schon  jemand  vordert,  dass  ihr  mir  schicket,  so 
gebet  Niemand  nichts,  ich  bin  niemand  schuldig,  wan  es  Gott  gefelt, 
und  er  mir  das  Leben  gont,  will  ich  noch  mein  Vaterland  besuchen, 
hiemit  lass  ich  Euch  wie  obgemelt  allesambt  zu  tausendmahlen  frtind- 
lich  griissen,  ich  befehle  Euch  Gott  dem  Wort  und  seiner  Gnaden. 

und  verbleibe  Euwer  lieber  Sohn 
Benedicht  Zionien./. 

14 


210  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Neben  tausendfeltiger  Begriissung  wiinsche  ich  alien  getreuwen 
Friinden,  Nachtbahren  und  Bekannten  Gottes  gnad  und  Segen,  ich 
und  mein  Weib  2  Kinder  und  mein  alter  Vater  sind  gottlob  friisch 
und  gesund  kommen,  in  Carolina,  und  wohnen  20.  englische  Millen 
von  Neuw  Bern,  ich  hofe  dieses  Jahr  Korn  genug  zu  pflanzen,  das 
Land  ist  gut,  danoch  der  Anfang  beschwerlich,  die  Reis  gefarlich, 
meine  2  Kinder  Maria  und  Hansli  sind  mir  zu  Rotterdam  in  Holland 
gestorben,  und  an  die  gewohnliche  Grab  Stett  begraben  worden.  Zu 
hoch  wird  dis  land  in  Europa  gelopt,  und  zu  viel  geschulten,  ich  hofe 
auch  in  kurzen  Jahren  Ktih  und  Schwein  zu  haben  so  viel  ich  be- 
gehre:  Der  H:  von  Grafenried  ist  unser  Landgraf,  unzifer,  Schlangen 
und  dergleichen  ist  nicht  so  viel,  wie  man  in  Europa  darvon  ret,  Croco- 
tillen  hab  ich  auch  gesehen  an  den  Wassern,  sind  aber  bald  geflohen, 
mit  g'wild  soil  man  sich  nicht  trosten,  zu  erhalten,  dan  es  sind  keine 
wilde  Ochsen  und  Schwein,  Hirschen  und  Reh,  Enten  und  Schwanen, 
und  welsche  Hiiner  sind  viel;  ich  mochte  wunschen,  dass  ich  mein 
Kind  so  ich  bey  meinem  Schwacher Vater  gelassen  hab,  bey  mir  hatte, 
sambt  den  45. £.  So  ich  hinder  der  gemeind  Tofen  gelassen  und  wann 
mein  Schwacher  zu  mir  kommen  wolt,  so  wollte  ich  ihn  von  meinem 
Land  geben,  Schwein  und  Vich  kann  man  haben,  so  viel  man  will  ohne 
Miihe  und  Kosten,  Mich  dauret  sehr  dass  Christen  Balsiger  sein  Uhli 
zu  Bern  wider  von  mir  genommen  hat. — 

Dieser  Brief  zukommen  Hanss  Wichtermann 
zu  guten.     Brunen. — 

P:  S:  Anna  Wiill  von  Riimligen  ist  auch  hier  und  reich  genug — 
hiermit  Gott  befohlen  1711./ 

Wer  zu  reisen  Lust  hat,  der  kann  100.  eiserne  Tabac  Pfeifen, 
Messer,  Eiserne  Hafen,  und  kupferne  Kessel  in  Holland  bringen, 
daran  kann  er  in  America  wohl  3.  oder  4.  Mahl  so  viel  haben  als  sie 
ihn  kosten,  3.  Ktih  und  4  Schwein  ist  mein  Anfang  in  Nord  Carolina, 
der  H.  Jesus  sei  mit  Euch  alien.     Amen./. 

Unsern  frundlichen  Gruss  alles  guts  bevor  an  Euch  unsern  Viel- 
geliebten  Vatter,  Grossvatter  und  beyde  Mutter,  Briider,  Schwager, 
Schwastern,  und  Geschwey,  es  sey  euch  Kund  und  zuwiissen,  dass  wir 
durch  die  Gnade  Gottes,  friisch  und  gesund  sind,  solches  von  Euch, 
zu  vernehmen  wurde  uns  sehr  erfreuwlich  seyn,  die  Salome  ist  lang 
krank  g'sin,  aber  durch  die  Gnad  Gottes  ist  sie  wider  gesund  worden,  wir 
haben  noch  keinen  Predikanten,  wir  hofen  aber  bald  einer  zukommen,  ich 
hab  noch  kein  Land  angenommen,  die  Taglohn  sind  gut,  hat  einer  1. 
tag  18.  Stiiber  macht  9.  bz.  und  die  Kost.  Ich  bin  jetzt  von  meinen 
Brudern  gezogen  doch  in  Frieden,  ich  will  bald  ein  plantage  Land 
annehmen,  welches  bis    in  die  300  Morgen  begreift,  dess  Lands  ist 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      211 

genug,  Arbeit  braucht  es  im  Anfang  viel,  wann  man  aber  einmahl  ein 
anfang  mit  Vich  und  Schweinen  gemacht  hat,  so  kann  man  sich  mit 
geringer  Arbeit  fortbringen,  es  kann  einer  wohl  bis  auf  300  Stlick 
ohne  kosten  haben,  dass  sie  feyss  genug  werden,  aber  ziemlich  wild, 
aber  die  Keys  bis  daher  zu  kommen  ist  kostbahr  und  beschwerlich 
eine  persohn  iiber  Meer  von  Roterdam  aus  Holland  34  Thr.  alwo  wir 
7  Wochen  und  2  Tag  auf  unsere  Kosten  gelegen  sind,  den  30.  Mey 
sind  wir  auf  des  Transport  Schif  getreten,  und  sind  gefahren  bis  nach 
Brull  auf  das  Meer,  den  4.  Brachmonath  sind  wir  bis  nach  Jarmouth 
kommen,  den  11.  in  Neuw  Castle,  an  ein  ohrt  in  Engelland  gelegen, 
all  wo  wir  5  Wochen  still  gelegen  sind,  den  17.  Heuwmonath  sind  wir 
wieder  auf  das  Schif  getreten  und  zurtick  bis  nach  Schiel  auf  das 
Mehr  gefahren,  alwo  wir  8  Tag  stille  gelegen,  und  auf  die  Flotten 
gewartet  haben,  welche  4  Tag  mit  uns  gefahren  ist  welches  iiber  die 
100  Schif  gewessen  sind,  hernach  sind  wir  allein  gefahren,  sind  oft  in 
grosser  Gefahr  gewesen,  und  sind  durch  die  Gute  Gottes  gllicklich 
allhier  ankommen,  ist  Niemand  unter  uns  gestorben,  darum  wir  dem 
gutigen  Gott  nicht  genug  konnen  danken,  den  10.  Herbst  umb  9 
Uhren  haben  wir  Land  gesehen,  dess  Nachts  den  Ancker  geworfen, 
den  11.  sind  wir  auf  das  Land  getreten,  welches  uns  sehr  erfreulich 
gewesen  ist,  dann  wir  haben  eine  lange  Zeit  Nichts  als  Wasser  und 
Luft  gesehen,  von  Virginien  ist  es  noch  gar  beschwerlich  mit  dem 
Bagage  bald  iiber  Wasser  bald  iiber  Land,  wir  wohnen  in  Nord  Caro- 
lina am  Strohm  Neuss  gennant,  das  Land  betrefend  ist  ziemlich  sandig, 
doch  fruchtbar,  zu  alien  Friichten  ziemlich  gut,  sonderlich  zum  wel- 
schen  Korn,  Obs  belangend  wachst  ohngepflantz  nicht,  weder  schlecht 
noch  gut,  die  gebohrene  Einwohner  dess  Lands  sind  geschwind  aber 
nackend,  um  die  Heimlichkeit  haben  Sie  Rock,  und  sonst  Schiirtz;  fur 
dissmahlen  neut  mehr,  griisset  mir  mein  friind  Ziorien,  und  mein 
Mutter  lasst  Euch  fiirbefohlen  seyn;  griisset  uns  alle  guten  Friind  und 
Nachtbahren,  und  ich  befiehlen  Euch  Gott,  dem  Wort  und  seiner 
Gnad,  und  verbleibe  eure  liebe  Kinder  Michel  Ziorien  und  Salome  von 
Miihlenen. 

An  Christen  von  Miihlenen  in  der  Schweitz  im  Bern 
Gebiet,  im  obern  Simmenthal  in  der  Kirchfary  Boltigen 
auf  dem  Fliihli./. 

Min  friindlicher  Gruss  und  alles  Guts  zuvor  Hans  Aeschbacher,  den 
Wirdt  Uhli  Bache,  dess  Vetter  auch  alle  meine  g'fatter  Leuth  und 
gute  Nachtbauren,  Euch  zu  berichten,  dass  wir  gottlob  frisch  und 
gesund  sind,  das  Ani  ist  mir  g'storben,  es  reuet  mich  sehr,  Es  ist 
Niemand  gestorben  als  3.  Weiber,  mein  Ani  ist  die  ganze  Reys  krank 
g'sin,  wir  haben  kein  Weibervolck  das  uns  wascht  und  flickt,  ich  bitte 


212  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Euch,  wann  das  Erb  g'fallen  ist,  so  schicket  mir  es,  ihr  dorft  es  nur 
dem  H.  Ritter  iiberliefern,  schicket  mir  einen  guten  Knecht,  2  gute 
Magt,  2  gute  achsen,  dann  der  Dietrich  hat  nicht  Zeit  zu  Schmieden, 
ich  hab  viel  zu  arbeiten,  250  Morgen  Land  angenommen,  wann  ich 
will  kann  ich  400  nehmen,  ich  hab  Gelt  von  nothen  dass  ich  konnt 
Ross  Vich  und  Schwein  haben,  ich  konnt  wohl  200  Stuck  haben 
Sommer  und  Winter  ohne  Muhe  und  Kosten,  es  ist  hier  miesch  an  den 
Baumen,  das  den  Winter  so  gut  ist  als  das  beste  Embd  und  Eichlen 
auch  sollen  mir  die  Diensten  ein  Kistli  machen  lassen,  und  sollen  200 
Ell  flachsig  Tuch,  100  Ell  reistige  Zwilchen,  bey  dem  Schmied  4 
sieben  pfundige  Leg  Eisen,  mit  sambt  den  Lungen,  Ein  klein  Naben 
Neyer,  fur  Pflug  reder  zu  bohren,  2.£.  Pfeferkorner,  l/2.£.  Nageli  2 
Mollstein  die  um  das  halb  schwerer  seyn,  als  ein  Hand  Miihli,  aber 
die  Spetzerey  und  Miihlisteinen  miissen  sie  erst  zu  Rotterdam  kaufen, 
auch  kaufet  mir  ein  Baar  gegossene  Tabackpfeifen,  und  ein  12  Von  der 
andern  2  batzigen  2  Dotzen,  etwas  von  Eysenpfannen  von  doppleten 
nur  die  Schalen  ohne  Fuess  und  ohne  Stihl,  dass  in  die  kleinste  ein 
Maass  gehe,  die  andern  aber  grosser,  und  ein  Dotzend  harnige  Rohrli, 
ich  konnte  fur  eine  Pfeifen  5.£.  kriegen,  und  auch  ein  paar  Moschig 
Schuhringen,  die  Indianer  kaufen  solche  Sachen  so  theur,  als  man  will, 
Es  ist  der  Grosste  Fehler  und  Mangel  hier  in  Carolina,  dass  zu  wenig 
Leuth  hier  sind,  und  kein  rechte  Miihli,  es  wird  aber  von  uns  Leuthen, 
die  hier  in  Carolina  sind,  kein  Mensch  Verlangen  tragen  noch  einmahl 
ins  Schweitzerland  zu  seyn  oder  zu  bleiben,  dann  man  kann  in  dem 
Schweitzerland  gar  wenig  Fleisch  essen,  hier  aber  in  Carolina  darf  ich 
nicht  Kummer  haben,  fur  diss  jahr  hin,  dass  ich  nicht  alle  Jahr  30 
oder  40  bis  50  Schwein  metzge,  mehr  wann  ich  will,  und  wann  mir 
schon  Vetter  HaldMann  den  ganzen  Hofacker  wolte  schencken,  und 
alles  was  darzu  ghort,  so  wollte  ich  nit,  dan  ich  Weid  und  Waldungen 
fur  die  Schwein  und  Ackerfeld  alles  genug  an  einandren,  wann  ich  nur 
Gelt  hatte,  dass  ich  konnt  ein  halb  dotzend  Kiih,  und  auch  so  viel 
Schwein,  ein  paar  Ross  kaufen,  so  verlangte  ich  hier  zeitlich  nicht 
mehr  als  die  liebe  Gesundheit  nach  dem  das  ewige  Leben.  Wie  ich 
auch  alien  Menschen  gSnnen  mochte,  auch  mochte  ich  erwunschen, 
dass  die  Nohtleidenden  Nachtbauren  bey  uns  waren,  son  dorften  Sie 
nit  Kummer  haben,  dass  Sie  miissten  Hunger  leyden,  wann  sie  nur  ein 
wenig  arbeiten  wollten,  darum  welcher  Lust  hat,  der  wage  es  nur 
kacklich  unter  dem  Schutz  des  Allerhochsten,  Zwar  man  gibt  eim 
nicht  gebaute  Hauser  und  gebutz  Land,  es  mag  darnach  ein  jeder 
selber  arbeiten  und  Butzen,  zwar  die  Reys  ist  schwer  und  hat  mich 
am  hertesten  gehabt,  aber  nach  dem  Regen  kombt  Sonnenschein,  aber 
jetzunder  sind  wir  Gottlob  so  frisch  als  wir  nie  gewesen  sind,  und  dess 
Wiebels  Tochter  hat  ein  Sohn  gebohren  auf  dem  Meer,  und  ist  alles 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      213 

noch  frisch  und  gesund.     Sie  sind  des  H.  Gouverneurs  Lehenleut  und 
haben  die  beste  sach,  das  Lechen  aber  wehrfc  4.  Jahr,  und  alle  Wochen 
kann  er  ein  Tag  auf  seinem  Lechen  arbeiten,  und  der  halb  aufwachs 
ist  seyn  an  denn  Pfannwarten,  auch  ist  die  Reys  gar  kostbahr  gewesen, 
wir  haben  8.  Wochen  zu  Rotterdam  ligen  mussen,  und  ist  gar  theur 
gewesen,  auch  wie  fur  6.  persohnen,  den    Schifmann  von  Bern,  31 
Thr.  zahlen,  auch  dem  Schif  Capitain  liber  meer  zu  ftihren,  204  Thr. 
bezahlt,  von  dem  Schif  liber  Meer  haben  wir  durch  Virginien  bis  auf 
unsern  Platz  mehr  als  100  Meil  liber  Land  mussen  reisen,  von  wegen 
den  Seeraubern,  da  wir  zu  spaad  in  Holland  ankommen  sind,  und  die 
Flotten  versambelt  haben,  sind  mit  unserm  Schif  allein  gefahren,  und 
sind  8.  Wochen  auf  dem  Meer  gefahren,  aber  jetzund  haben  wir  gut 
flirtreflich  Land.      Schicket  mir  auch  ein  paar  Dotzend  ordentliche 
Messer,  es  ist  grosser  Mangel  an  teuschem  Weiber  Volck,  griisst  mir 
mein  SchwacherVatter,   warm    er    noch    lebt,   meine    Schwager   und 
g'sweyen,  voraus  aber  den  Christen  Hausmann  im  Heybtihl  und  seyn 
Frauw,  ich  und  der  Dietrich  sein  Knecht  lassen  den  Schmied  und 
Harms  zur  Fllih  frlindlich  grlissen,  Es  war  gut,  warm  die  beyd  bier 
wahren,   Sie  konnten  g'wunnen  was  sie  wolten,  was  die  Handwerk 
betrift,  so  sind  das  die  besten,  Wafenschmied,  Blichsenschmied,  Zimmer- 
leuth,  Schneyder,  Schuhmacher,  Plattmacher  und  Seyler,  warm  diese 
kamen,  so  ware  es  kostlich  gut,  auch  Weber,  wann  ich  flir  30£.  Messer 
und  die  obgemelten  Wahren  hier    hatte,  so  konte  ich  mehr  als  100 
Englische  £.  g'winnen,  ein  Cronen  ist  mehr  als  in  Teuschland  ein 
Thlr.  den  8.  april  1711./    Der  Casper  Gerber  solle  dem  H.  Ritter  in 
Bern  libergeben,  und  verhofend  wann  mein  Schwacher  noch  lebt,  er 
werde  mir  auch  noch  ein  Ehelich  Reysgelt  schicken,  wann  wider  Volk 
solt  hieher  kommen,  und  ihr  mir  Diensten  schicken  konnt,  so  schickt 
mir  doch  die  obgemelten  Wahren,  die  aber  gehen  wollen,  mussen  sich 
bey  H.  Ritter  anmelden,  dass  wann  das  ander  Volck  verreisen  wolt, 
sie  mit  einander  reisen,  und  wann  das  Erb  gef alien  ist,  so  gebet  jed- 
wederem  Gotti  ein  halber  Thr.  nemlich,  dem  Peter  habegger,  Helm 
Kupferschmied,  Uhli  Burger,  und  Niclaus  Baits,  wann  sie  noch  bey 
Leben  sind,  hiermit  nichts  weiters,  wir  wlinschen  Euch  gute  Gesund- 
heit  und  langes  Leben,  zeitliche  und  ewige  Wohlfahrt  an  Seel  und 
Leib:     Lasst  mir  auch  ein  halb  Dotzend  deren  Drucken  kaufen,  wie 
der  Uhli  Lerche  mir  eine  geben,  auch  bezahlet  dem  H.  Ritter  den 
Brief.     Es   Ware   gut,   wann   einer   oder   2.    Kessler  nemlich   Flicker 
kamen,  ich  hab  nicht  Zeit  mehr  zu  schreiben,  sie  ist  mir  zu  kurtz./. 

Christen  Engel. 

Copia  eines  Briefs  geschrieben,  von  Christen  Janzen  aus  Nord  Caro- 
lina den  letsten  aprillis  1711. — 


214  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Gott  zum  Gruss  liebste  Seelen,  Vatter,  Mutter,  Geschwisterte,  Frtind 
und  Nachtbauren,  neben  unser  allerseits  tausendfaltigen  Gruss  und 
g'horsame  Dienste,  hat  unsere  G'sundheit  zu  dieser  Stund  zu  ver- 
nehmen,  und  zu  wiissen,  dass  ich  mein  Schreiben,  so  kurz  als  ich  es 
fassen  kann,  geben  muss;  ich  hofe  ihr  habet  die  Brief  en  die  ich  aus 
Hol-und  Engel-Land  geschrieben,  der  nohtwendigst  Inhalt  war,  dass 
wir  den  10.  Brachmonath  in  Neuwcastle  in  Engelland  gliicklich 
ankommen,  aber  den  6t.  war  ich  ein  sehr  betnibter  Wittlig  worden, 
in  Castell  lagen  wir  5  Wochen,  den  17.  Heuwmonath  kamen  wir 
wieder  in  das  Schif  und  lagen  8  Tag  am  Ancker,  darnach  fuhren  wir 
in  8  Wochen  unter  Gottes  allgewaltigen  Schutz  und  Schirm  in  Vir- 
ginia gliicklich  an  das  Land,  haben  auch  nicht  ein  persohn  verlohren 
ist  auch  ein  junger  Sohn  auf  dem  Meere  gebohren  worden,  sein  Vatter 
heisst  Bendicht  Kupferschmied,  hat  bey  unserm  lieben  Bruder  Christen 
Biirki  ein  jahr  gedienet,  darnach  sind  wir  noch  ohngefahrt  100  Stund 
zu  Wasser  und  Land,  doch  alle  Zeit  gefiirt  und  verproviantirt  und 
haben  die  Leuth  uns  fast  aller  ohrten  sehr  gutes  gethan  und  ist  hier 
im  Land  kein  wirdt,  als  von  einem  ohrt  zum  andern  umsonst  zu  zehren, 
und  halten  es  vor  ein  Schimpf,  wann  man  nach  der  Werte  fragen  wolte, 
gliicklich  und  gesund  hierher  gebracht:  Der  Schumacher  Moritz  ist 
erst  hier  auf  sein  Land  gestorben,  auf  der  gantzen  Reys  ist  er  friisch 
g'sin,  sonst  ist  von  uns  Siebenthalern  keins  gestorben,  der  andern 
aber  noch  drey  Pfelzer,  aber  unter  welchen  wir  wohnen,  sind  sehr  viel 
gestorben;  Betreffend  das  Land  insgemein,  so  ist  fast  lauter  wald  mit 
unbeschreiblich  schonen  Cedern  Holtz,  Papelen,  Vohrlen,  Eichlen, 
Buchen,  Nuss  und  Kestenen  Baum,  die  Nuss  aber  sind  gar  hart  und 
griiblig,  und  die  Kestenen  sehr  klein  doch  gut;  Item  Sasafras,  und 
sonsten  so  viel  wohlriechende  Baum,  dass  ich  das  100  ste  nicht  be- 
schreiben  kann;  das  Cedren  Holtz  ist  roht  wie  der  schonste  einge- 
beizte  Kirschbaum,  und  riecht  noch  besser  als  der  schonste  Wach- 
holder,  sind  auch  ins  gemein  wie  auch  andere  Baum,  50  bis  60  Schuh 
lang  unter  der  Esten;  das  Land  insgemein,  ist  fast  allerohrten  schwartze 
Erden,  und  vetter  Grand  und  kann  ein  jeder  so  viel  kriegen  als  er 
haben  will,  sind  5  Jahre  frey,  darnach  soil  man  ein  Morgen,  welches 
viel  grosser  als  ein  Jucharten  bey  uns,  2  Stiiber  geben,  sonsten  gantz 
frey,  Eigenthumlich  zu  Nutzen  und  zu  erben  nach  belieben:  Aber 
diss  ohrt  ist  noch  gantz  ohnbewohnt  g'wesen,  dann  wir  haben  gar 
kein  Merkzeichen  gesehen,  noch  da  von  gehort,  dass  hier  etwas  anders 
solte  gestanden  seyn,  als  die  sogenanten  Wilden  und  Nakende:  Sie 
sind  aber  nicht  wild,  dann  sie  kommen  viel  zu  uns,  mid  kleiden  sich 
gern  von  uns,  welches  auch  g'schicht,  wann  sie  es  mit  wilt,  fleisch  und 
Leder,  Speck,  Bohnen,  Korn,  welches  die  Weiber  pflantzen  und  Man- 
ner jagen,  und  die  Christen  Leuth,  wie  auch  am  allermeisten,  und 


Geaffenbied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  jSTew  Been       215 

durch  die  Walder  fuhren,  und  Neuwe  weg  Zeichen,  bezahlen,  Sie 
haben  Hiitten  von  Cedrenrinden,  konnen  auch  etliche  gut  englisch 
reden,  haben  auch  ein  Abgott,  und  halten  Vest  zu  gewissen  Zeiten, : 
Von  dem  wahren  Gott  aber  wollen  sie  leider  nichts  wissen,  die  Vich- 
zucht  betrefend,  so  kostet  die  auferziehung  schier  nichts,  wie  das  zu 
Franckfort  getruckte  Biichlin  meldet,  dann  alles  Vich  ist  den  Winter 
so  wohl  an  der  weid  als  den  Sommer,  und  weiss  in  diesem  gemeldten 
Biichlin  nichts  zu  tadlen  fur  dieses  zwey  Stuck,  wie  wohl  es  von  Slid 
Carolina  schreibt,  man  schlachtet  auch  kein  junges  Thier,  da  kann 
man  schon  schliessen,  wie  bald  sich  die  Zahl  vennehren  kann,  die 
Ktih  geben  kaum  halb  so  viel  bey  Euch,  dann  die  Kalber  saugen  so  lang, 
bis  sie  andertalb  jahr  alt  sind,  so  haben  sie  auch  schon  wider  junge, 
Wir  kaufen  ein  Kuh  mit  dem  Kalb  fur  3£.  Sterlin  oder  12  Thr.  Ein 
Schwein  ein  £.  mit  jungen  oder  Vett,  ein  Schaaf  auch  so  viel,  Geissen 
hat  man  noch  wenig,  doch  hab  ich  g'sehen,  der  Juncker  Michel  hat 
mir  gesagt,  sie  wollen  uns  herbringen,  die  wilde  oder  ungepflantzte 
Baumfrucht  sind  hier  nicht  so  gut  zu  finden,  als  der  Kocherthaler 
schreibt  von  Slid  Carolina,  Kirschen  hab  ich  noch  keine  gesehen, 
Reben  gibt  es  sehr  viel,  auch  viel  Trauben  daran,  deren  etlich  gut  zu 
essen,  und  wohl  zu  glauben,  warm  man  viel  bey  einander  hatt,  man 
wird  aber  trachten  zu  pflanzen  dann  es  wachst  alles  sehr  g'swind  auf, 
und  sind  alle  friicht  von  sehr  gutem  Geschmack,  aber  wir  geniessen  sie 
noch  nicht  viel,  wir  ligen  an  einem  Strohm  Neuss  genannt,  da  haben 
vor  6.  jahren  die  ersten,  bis  vor  2.  jahren  englische  und  Schweitzer 
Leuth  ihnen  angefangen  zu  Bauwen,  dass  die  Meisten  so  arm  wahren 
als  wir  sind,  die  sind  wie  mich  bedunkt  an  Vich,  an  allerley  Fruchten, 
den  schosten  Baumfruchten,  alle  reich  genug,  und  das  gantze  Jahr 
etwa  2  Monath,  wir  haben  uns  der  Natur  nach  hindenan  setzen  mussen, 
dass  wir  es  noch  nit  haben,  aber  wir  hofen  es,  durch  Gottes  Segen  auch 
zu  kriegen,  wir  sind  kurtz  vor  Weinachten  auf  unser  Gut  kommen, 
und  haben  durch  Gottes  Beystand  die  Zioria  mein  Tochter  Mann, 
Petter  Reutiger  und  ich  und  noch  andere,  viel  sterckere  Hauser  als  die 
Englische,  auch  Land  darzu  gebutz,  und  haben  die  meisten  schon 
eingezaunet,  ist  auch  zu  hofen,  dass  wir  von  nun  an  aus  der  Erden, 
und  von  dem  Vich,  durch  Gottes  Gnad,  welcher  seine  mildreiche 
Hand,  allezeit  so  hilfreich  ausgestrecket  hat,  und  uns  fur  so  vielen 
Finden,  geistlichen  und  weltlichen,  und  iiber  das  grosse  Meer,  so 
sicher  und  ungehindert  hindurch  gebracht,  auch  zur  gniige  Kriegen 
werden,  aber  eins  ligt  uns  noch  hart  an,  welches  ich  ohne  Weinen 
nicht  schrieben  kann,  nemlich  der  Mangel  eines  treuwen  und  eifrigen 
Seelsorgers,  dann  wir  haben  wohl  Ursach  mit  Asaph  zu  klagen,  unsre 
Zeichen  sehen  wir  nicht  mehr,  kein  Prophet  predigt  uns  mehr,  kein 
Lehrer  lehrt  uns  mehr:    Wir  haben  zwar  alle  Sonntag  Betstunden  in 


216  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

unsern  Hausern,  aber  der  Eifer  umb  unsrer  alten  Siinden  Rost  aus- 
zusfagen,  ist  so  schlecht,  dass  zu  forchten  ist,  er  fresse  noch  alles  bis 
auf  den  Grand,  wann  nicht  der  erbarmende  Gott,  zu  Hilf  kombt, 
wann  es  dem  lieben  Gott  hatte  gef alien  wollen,  von  unsren  Brtidern 
und  Schwestem,  oder  doch  aufs  Wenigst  Christen  Burki,  zu  einem 
Instrument,  Leibs  ud  d  Seelen  Arzt  mitzusenden,  so  hatte  ich  gute  Hof- 
nung  gehabt,  das  Liecht  ware  nicht  zu  einer  stinkenden  brachen  worden, 
dann  ich  glaube  nit,  dass  ein  Mensch  hier  war,  weder  englisch,  noch 
teusch,  noch  frantzosisch,  der  ihn  nicht  hertzlich  lieben  solten,  dann 
seyn  Kunst  ist  hier  tiberaus  gut,  dass  er  ein  Hof  nach  Wunsch  ohne 
Feldarbeit  machen  korjnte:  dann  gut  getrank,  und  solches  arzney- 
Mittel  ist  der  grosste  mangel  im  Land,  darumb  ich  ein  fnindliche  Bitt 
an  dich  lieben  Bruder  hab,  nemlich  also:  Ich  hab  Christina  Christeler 
ein  Wittib  von  Sanen  geheurahtet,  ich  bin  ihr  der  dritte  Ehmann,  von 
dem  Ersten  hat  sie  4  Kinder  gehabt,  2  sind  in  Londen  gestorben,  der 
Mann  und  ein  Kind  auf  dem  Meer,  das  Eltest  aber  ein  Knab  von  13 
Jahr  heisst  Bendicht  plosch,  er  ist  zu  Morigen,  in  der  Vogtey  Nidauw, 
bey  seines  Vaters  sellig  Kundschaft  geblieben,  und  hat  vor  4.  Jahren 
noch  g'lebt,  ihr  Vater  hat  Peter  Christeler  geheissen,  so  hat  ihr  Christen 
Walcker,  welcher  sambt  dem  Weib  hier  am  Land  gstorben  und  hat  8 
Kind  hinderlassen  ihr  gesagt,  sie  habe  ein  ziemlich  gross  Erb,  von 
Ihres  Vatters  Seel.  Bruder:  Moritz  Christeler  gethan,  dann  er  hab 
100  Thr.  dafiir  uberkommen,  wann  nach  Sannen  geht,  darnach  zu 
fragen,  ich  hof,  Heinrich  Perret  werde  dir  helfen  konnen./.  Dann  sie 
sind  die  nachsten  Nachtbahren  g'wesen,  und  wann  dem  also  ist,  wie 
Walcker  gesagt,  so  kannst  zu  deinen  Handen  nemen,  weil  mein  Weib 
das  Brauen  so  wohl  versteht  und  es  viel  jahr  getrieben  hat,  und  das 
getrank  hier  sehr  rar  ist,  und  hier  weder  gelt  noch  Brauhafen  zu  be- 
kommen  ist,  sonst  wolte  ich  es  dir  nicht  zumuthen,  der  Hafen  aber 
muss  2  Rohr  aber  keine  Schlange  haben,  wann  nicht  etwan  ver- 
trauhte  Leuth  kommen,  so  wtirde  der  H.  Ritter  noch  wohl  so  gut 
seyn,  dass  er  mir  ihn  hierher  schafete,  auch  4£.  gewiirtz,  als  Imber, 
Pfefer,  Safran,  Muscatnuss,  Galgan,  Nageli,  jedes  nach  Proportion 
dess  gelts,  dan  hier  ist  noch  nichts  als  Lorbehr,  hab  ich  an  den  Baumen 
in  Waldern  gesehen,  wann  es  aber  zusammen  nit  ware  mit  dem  Erb 
so  wolte  ich  doch  dich  und  meinen  Vatter,  wann  er  noch  lebt,  friind- 
lichst  gebetten  haben,  etwan  noch  von  den  Minen  helfen,  dan  mir 
sehr  viel  daran  gelegen,  und  sonderlich  den  Weibs  Leuthen,  welche 
hier  gar  rar  sind,  wann  noch  mehr  Leuth  kommen  wolten,  so  rathe 
ich  dass  sie  Weiber  mitnehmen,  wann  sie  haben  wolten,  dann  sind 
hier  die  bravsten  die  keine  Weiber  finden,  weil  sie  nicht  hie  sind,  die 
Reys  ist  wohl  zu  uberwinden,  wann  man  sich  recht  darauf  versehen 
kann,  mit  altem  Kas,  durrem  Fleisch,  durr  Obs,   Essig,  Wein,   Bier, 


Geaffeneied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      217 

Fesser,  Butter,  Zweyback  in  Summa  was  gut  essen,  und  kumlich  zu 
fergen  ist,  dann  wan  das  Meer  ungestuhm  so  haltet  sich  das  Schif  auf 
eine  Seiten,  dass  verschuttet  wird,  doch  aber  nut  gehort,  dass  ein 
Schif  auf  dem  hohen  Meer  untergangen  sey,  wer  sich  mit  obgemelten 
Mittel  versehen  konnt,  und  ein  accord  mit  dem  Schifshaubtmann 
machte,  dass  er  freyheit  Hess  zu  kochen  und  ein  guter  platz  zum  ligen, 
so  were  mir  die  Reys  nicht  schwer,  dann  wir  haben  Junge  und  alte 
Leuth  gehabt,  sind  alle  friisch  und  gesund,  was  man  an  Wahren  hieher 
bringt,  ist  alles  zum  Wenigsten  noch  einmahln  so  viel  wehrt,  sonder- 
lich  das  leinig  Tuch,  und  Glas  ware  auch  vonnothen  und  ist  in  Hol- 
land gut  kaufen.  Es  grtissen  Euch  Beter  Rohtiger,  und  meine  zwey 
Tochter,  dan  wir  wohnen  neben  einandren,  das  Dichtli  ist  noch  bey  uns 
und  leg  ab  den  gruss  von  uns  Allen,  bey  unsrer  lieben  und  getreuwen 
Seelsorgern  der  gantzen  Ehrbarkeit,  sonderlich  dem  Gfatter  Kilch- 
Meyer,  Dreuthart,  und  Andreas  Aescher,  Christen  Jantz.  Ich  hatte  viel 
zu  schreiben,  ich  muss  abbrechen,  habt  gedult  mit  meinem  schlechten 
Schreiben,  dann  wer  mein  Hand  und  Arbeit  sicht,  der  wird  wohl 
glauben,  dass  ich  nit  viel  g'schreiben  und  g'studiert  hab.  Grtisset  uns 
den  Christen  Biirki  und  ich  wolt  gern  dass  er  den  Inhalt  dieses  Briefs 
vernehmen  konnte; 

Verbleibe  euer  genigtwilliger  Diener,  und  meiner  Eltern, 
gehorsamer  Sohn  bis  in  den  Tod./. 

Griisset  uns  Anna  Drus,  Item  Speismannsleuth  und  dein  Schwester 
und  Gschwey,  auch  meines  Vatters  Schwester,  und  voraus  den  Schul- 
meister./. 


ENGLISH  TRANSLATION  OF  THE 
GERMAN  VERSION 


PREFACE l 

This  account  was  written  in  haste,  without  much  thought,  just  as 
the  things  occurred  to  my  weak  memory,  so  that  here  no  especial 
style  is  to  be  observed;  and  it  has  been  arranged  in  12  chapters  or 
"misfortunes"  for  my  society  and  for  others  who  might  have  unfavor- 
able ideas  with  regard  to  my  American  projects,  thinking  that  I  had 
undertaken  them  without  consideration  and  foresight,  and  had  passed 
my  time  in  Carolina  in  splendor  and  luxury.  So  then  I  have  shown 
the  contrary.  The  beginning  is  also  arranged  to  show  that  it  was 
not  merely  carelessness  which  brought  me  to  this  distress,  but  serious 
reverses  and  unfortunate  accidents.  If  ever  I  revise  this  in  time  of 
leisure,  everything  shall  be  better  written  and  arranged. 

Note: — The  references  are  to  the  English  Translation  of  tne  French  Version  and  show  wherein 
that  version  varies  from  the  German. 


ENGLISH  TRANSLATION  OF  GERMAN  VERSION 

RELATION  OF  MY  AMERICAN  PROJECT 

Written  on  Account  of  Certain  Persons  Who  Complained 
That  I  Had  Undertaken  This  Colony  Imprudently,  to  the 
Disadvantage  and  Ruin  of  Many  People — a  Charge  Which 
is  Easily  Cleared  Up. 

After  I  had,  at  the  end  of  my  travels,  been  living  in  England  for 
two  years,  and  had  made  such  advantageous  and  eminent  acquaint- 
ances in  that  country  during  the  reign  of  Charles  II  that  had  I  re- 
mained I  might  have  made  a  considerable  fortune,  at  that  time  I  in- 
formed myself,  partly  from  oral  and  partly  from  written  accounts, 
and  more  recently,  from  a  more  accurate  report,  and  especially  after  I 
had  heard  through  a  citizen  of  this  city,  who  had  lived  in  America 
five  or  six  years,  what  fine  lands  there  were  and  how  cheap,  what  liberty, 
what  great,  good,  and  increasing  trade,  what  rich  mines  and  other 
advantages  there  were,  and  had  been  told  what  fine  rich  silver  mines 
he  had  discovered  and  found,  and  when  I  considered  that  I  was  bur- 
dened with  rather  heavy  debts  which  I  had  contracted  even  before 
my  travels,  due,  in  part,  to  a  venture  which  turned  out  badly  for 
me  and  for  several  other  gentlemen,  to  sureties,  to  great  expenses 
incurred  during  my  candidacy,  to  hard  times  during  the  tenure  of  my 
office,  (for  I  did  not  wish  to  flay  the  peasants) ;  hard  times  due  partly 
to  the  newly  made  reformation;  and,  in  addition  to  all  this,  the 
troubles  of  Neufchatel  and  the  attendant  lack  of  prosperity  coming 
on,  the  way  to  a  better  office  was  cut  off.  Moreover,  on  account  of 
the  newly  made  reformation  it  would  be  a  long  time  before  I  could 
hope  for  even  a  small  office.  In  the  meantime  having  been  blessed 
with  a  big  and  sturdy  family,  I  was  impelled  to  do  something  to 
satisfy  the  creditors  and  to  help  my  family. 

Since  there  was  now  in  the  Fatherland  little  hope  of  my  being  able 
to  relieve  such  great  distress,  I  took  strongly  into  consideration  the 
fine  propositions  of  the  above  mentioned  citizen,  to  whom  out  of 
consideration  I  shall  here  give  no  name,  and  consoling  myself  with 
my  old  and  new  friends  of  rank  in  England,  and  relying  upon  them, 
I  finally  took  a  firm  resolution  to  leave  my  Fatherland  and  to  see 
if  fortune  would  be  more  favorable  to  me  in  England.  Not  to  be 
detained  by  the  creditors  and  my  own  people,  I  began  my  journey 
secretly,  leaving  to  my  father,  who  was  financially  able  to  do  so  to 
take  charge  of  my  debts  and  business. l 


224  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

When  I  arrived  in  Holland  certain  persons  almost  turned  me  aside 
from  my  plan,  and  other  propositions  were  made  me  in  which  I  was 
to  be  given  my  support  and  something  as  a  profit,  but  I  did  not 
find  enough  in  this  to  make  good  my  losses,  and  continued  my  journey 
to  England,  where  I  immediately  heard  of  my  people,  and  was  inspired 
by  such  a  desire  to  continue  in  my  undertaking,  by  persons  of  rank 
and  others,  who  promised  me  all  sorts  of  assistance,  that  I  was  brought 
into  negotiations  according  to  which  very  advantageous  propositions, 
conditions,  and  privileges  were  made  and  given  by  the  proprietors 
above  mentioned  which  brought  me  also  to  my  resolution. 

At  this  very  time  there  came  over  10,000  souls  from  Germany  to 
England,  all  under  the  name  of  Palatines,  but  among  them  were  many 
Switzers  and  people  brought  together  from  other  provinces  of  Ger- 
many. This  caused  the  royal  court  as  well  as  private^  individuals 
much  concern  and  also  unspeakable  costs,  so  that  they  were  em- 
barrassed because  of  these  people,  and  therefore  there  soon  went  out 
an  edict  by  which  it  was  allowed  to  many  persons  to  take  some  of 
these  people  and  care  for  them,  and  a  good  share  of  them  had  been 
sent  into  the  three  kingdoms,  but  partly  because  of  their  laziness, 
partly  because  of  the  jealousy  of  the  poor  subjects  of  the  country, 
they  did  not  do  so  well  as  it  was  supposed  they  would,  and  so  they 
had  begun  to  send  a  considerable  number  of  these  people  to  America 
and  the  Queen  had  had  great  sums  distributed  for  that  purpose. 

At  this  juncture  different  persons  of  high  and  of  middle  rank,  to 
whom  my  undertaking  was  known,  advised  me  not  to  lose  so  favor- 
able an  opportunity;  and  at  the  same  time  gave  me  good  hopes  that, 
if  I  wished  to  take  a  considerable  number  of  these  people,  the  Queen 
would  not  only  grant  me  the  money  for  their  passage,  but  in  addition, 
would  give  me  a  good  contribution  for  them.  These  hopes  were 
realized  and  the  sum  reached  almost  4,000£  sterling.  Besides  this, 
the  Queen  had  granted  to  the  royal  council  land  upon  the  Potomac 2 
River,  as  much  as  we  immediately  needed,  and  moreover  had  given 
strong  recommendations  to  the  governor  of  Virginia. 3  All  this  with 
the  advantageous  promises  of  the  proprietors  of  Carolina  gave  to 
the  undertaking  a  good  appearance,  and  there  was  as  much  hope 
for  a  fortunate  outcome  as  the  beginning  seemed  good  and  prosperous. 

To  provide  for   and  send  this  colony  I  took  indescribable  pains, 

1.  I  tried  to  choose  for  this  project  healthy,  industrious  people  and 
among  them  those  of  all  sorts  of  trades  necessary  for  this  undertaking. 

2.  A  supply  of  all  kinds  of  necessary  tools  and  things.  3.  As  also  suf- 
ficient and  good  food.  4.  Good  ships  and  sailors,  also  certain  over-  and 
under-directors  for  this  people,  to  keep  every  thing  in  good  order. 
5.  In  order  that  no  negligence  or  lack  of   knowledge  should  be   at- 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      225 

tributed  to  us,  I  have  begun  nothing  without  the  knowledge,  advice, 
and  instruction  of  the  royal  committee.  6.  Upon  the  ships,  as  after- 
wards upon  the  land,  the  over-directors  were  three  of  the  most 
prominent  persons  from  Carolina  itself,  who  had  already  lived  there 
many  years  and  were  acquainted  with  everything  in  those  parts. 
These  were  the  Chief  Judge  or  Justice  of  the  Peace,  the  Chief  or 
General  Surveyor,  and  the  Receiver  General,  who  were  on  business 
in  London  at  this  very  time  and  were  appointed  by  the  royal  com- 
mittee, as  well  as  by  the  Lords  Proprietors,  to  have  a  close,  faithful, 
and  good  watch  over  these  people.  The  under-directors  were  com- 
posed of  more  than  twelve  of  the  most  orderly  and  honorable  men 
among  the  people — according  to  appearances. 

So  then,  after  everything  had  been  adjusted,  concluded,  and  rati- 
fied, by  the  royal  committee  as  well  as  by  the  Lords  Proprietors  for 
me  and  the  people,  yet  even  before  the  departure,  I  begged  the  royal 
committee  to  be  pleased  to  send  some  of  their  members,  who  were 
experienced  in  travel  by  ship,  to  examine  whether  everything  was 
arranged  as  it  should  be,  and  to  talk  with  the  captain;  this  they  did 
and  the  report  was  given  in  the  committee.  The  day  before  the 
departure  I  went,  with  the  pastor  who  remained  in  London  after  the 
company  had  gone  to  America,  to  Gravesend;  to  which  place,  because 
I  was  waiting  for  the  little  colony  coming  on  from  Berne,  as  well  as 
for  some  of  my  associates,  I  could  not  go  with  them.  I  took  nry 
leave  of  them  with  a  necessary  exhortation,  and  then,  when  the 
German  minister, 4  Mr.  Caesar,  had  given  the  people  a  fine  sermon, 
commending  them  to  the  protection  of  the  Most  High,  I  let  them 
sail  away,  yet  not  without  taking  precaution  on  account  of  the  dan- 
gerous war  times,  for  I  then  obtained  this  favor  from  the  chief 
admiral,  Count  Pembroke,  that  he  ordered  Vice  Admiral  Norris  to 
accompany  our  people  or  ship  with  his  squadron  out  upon  the  broad 
sea  or  towards  Portugal.  This  took  place  in  the  winter — in  Janu- 
ary— and  then,  because  of  the  rough  winds  and  storms,  this  ship  was 
so  driven  about  that  it  did  not  arrive  in  Virginia  until  after  thirteen 
weeks.  This,  along  with  the  salt  food  to  which  the  people  were 
not  accustomed,  and  the  fact  that  they  were  so  closely  confined,  con- 
tributed very  much  to  the  sickness  and  death  of  many  upon  the  sea. 
Others  could  not  restrain  their  desires  when  they  came  to  land,  drank 
too  much  fresh  water  and  overloaded  themselves  with  raw  fruit,  so 
that  they  died  of  fever,  and  this  colony  therefore  had  half  died  off 
before  it  was  well  settled. 5  N.  B.  The  one  ship  which  was  filled  with 
the  best  goods  and  on  which  those  in  best  circumstances  were  travel- 
ing, had  the  misfortune,  at  the  mouth  of  the  James  River,  in  sight 

15 


226  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

of  an  English  man-of-war,  which  however  lay  at  anchor, 6  to  be  at- 
tacked by  a  bold  French  privateer  and  plundered.  This  is  the  first 
misfortune. 

After  the  surviving  colony  had  regained  health  in  Virginia  where 
they  were  received  very  kindly,  they  betook  themselves  about  twenty 
English  miles  towards  Carolina,  all  of  which,  along  with  the  goods 
cost  a  great  deal. 7  And  now  when  they  came  into  the  county  of 
Albemarle  to  the  home  of  one  Colonel  Pollock  upon  the  river  called 
Chowan,  a  member  of  the  council  and  one  of  the  wealthiest  in  North 
Carolina,  he  provided  these  people,  (but  for  money  or  the  worth  of 
it)  with  ships,  so  that  they  were  conducted  through  the  Sound  into 
the  County  of  Bath  upon  the  River  Neuse,  with  provision  for  only 
the  most  urgent  necessity;  and  there  the  Surveyor  General  settled 
them  on  a  point  of  land  between  the  Neuse  and  the  Trent  River. 
This  place  called  Chattoka  is  where  the  city  of  New  Bern  was  after- 
wards founded. 

Here  begins  the  second  fatality  or  misfortune.  This  surveyor 
general  L by  name,  who  should  have  located  the  people  imme- 
diately upon  their  allotted  land  and  the  plantations  assigned  to  them, 
claimed  that,  in  order  to  save  time  to  enable  them  to  clear  their  land, 
he  had  placed  them  on  the  south  side  of  this  point  of  land  along  the 
Trent  River,  in  the  very  hottest  and  most  unhealthy  portion,  instead 
of  toward  the  north,  on  the  Neuse  River,  where  they  could  have  been 
better  placed  and  in  a  more  healthy  locality.  But  he  did  it  for  his 
own  advantage,  because  this  was  his  own  land,  in  order  that  it  might 
be  cleared  by  these  people  for  his  benefit.  But  since  he  sold  that 
same  land 8  and  ours —  and  dear  enough — yes  wrongfully,  (for  he  had 
no  right  to  it),  and  moreover,  since  it  was  inhabited  by  Indians, 
(although  he  sold  it  to  us  for  unencumbered  land)  the  poor  people 
had  to  live  in  great  distress  until  fall,  when  I  came.  From  lack  of 
sufficient  provisions  they  were  soon  compelled  to  give  their  clothes  and 
whatever  they  possessed  to  the  neighboring  settlers  for  food. 9  The 
misery  and  wretchedness  were  almost  indescribable,  for,  on  my  arrival, 
I  saw  that  almost  all  were  sick,  yes,  even  in  extremity,  and  the  well 
were  all  very  feeble.  In  what  a  labyrinth  and  danger  I  then  found 
myself,  even  my  life  not  safe,  the  good  Lord  knows. 

Consider  how  my  Bern  people,  who  in  every  other  respect  had  had 
a  favorable  passage  with  me  in  a  good  and  favorable  time  of  year, 
with  plenty  of  room,  and  not  one  sick  on  the  way,  looked  on  this 
tragedy,  where  sickness,  despair,  and  lack  of  the  most  necessary 
things  reigned  supreme.  The  thing  that  caused  this  distress  was  in 
part,  the  bad  conduct  of  the  superior  and  inferior  directors  as  well 
as   their  faithlessness;    however,  the    principal    cause    of   this   whole 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      227 

disaster,  out  of  which,  for  the  most  part,  the  rest  arose,  and  from  which 
came  my  ruin  and  that  of  the  colony,  was  the  great  audacity  and 
unfriendliness  of  Colonel  Cary,  who,  at  that  time,  on  the  death  of  the 
old  governor,  contrary  to  right  and  propriety  and  to  the  orders  of 
the  Lords  Proprietors,  tried  to  force  his  way  into  the  government, 
and,  as  was  found  out,  wished,  even,  to  line  his  purse  and  to  make 
off  with  the  revenues  taken  in  by  him  and  to  betake  himself  to 
Madagascar,  a  place  inhabited  by  all  sorts  of  pirates.  When  the 
newly  elected  Governor  Hyde  (though  he  was  the  representative  of 
the  Queen)  and  when  I  and  the  above  mentioned  three  directors 
wished  to  introduce  ourselves  and  show  our  patents  and  credentials 
before  the  council,  this  same  Colonel  Cary,  disregarding  the  command 
of  the  Proprietors,  boldly  refused  us  all.  Thus  the  promises  of  the 
Lords  Proprietors,  upon  which  I  and  my  whole  undertaking  especially 
rested,  came  to  nothing.  ■  I  and  the  whole  colony  were  shamelessly 
exposed  to  all  those  reverses  which  I  have  experienced  up  to  this 
hour.  And  so  this  Cary  finally  became  an  actual  rebel  and  made 
himself  a  following  by  spending  money,  so  that  Governor  Hyde,  for 
that  reason,  did  not  dare,  at  first,  to  take  possession  of  the  govern- 
ment by  force;  so  much  the  less,  because  he  really  had  no  special 
patents  in  his  hands.  And  since  the  governor  of  South  Carolina 
had  the  order  to  install  him,  the  time  was  already  set  for  this  purpose 
and  letters  were  written  to  the  council  of  North  Carolina.  Misfortune, 
however,  would  have  it  that  the  above  mentioned  governor  of  South 
Carolina,  Colonel  Tynte,  died  at  this  time.  This  death  caused  great 
confusion.  In  this  interregnum  I  was  not  assisted,  and  because  of 
the  rebellion  arising  at  this  time,  I  was  in  great  and  pressing  distress, 
since  every  one  looked  out  for  himself  and  kept  what  he  had.  The 
question  arose  whether  I  should  risk  my  life  and  abandon  this  colony, 
yes,  even  let  it  die  of  hunger,  or  whether  I  should  go  into  debt  to  save 
this  people  in  such  an  extremity.  As  was  only  proper  for  a 
Christian-minded 1  °  man  there  could  be  no  hesitation.  Since  at  that 
time  news  of  my  arrival  had  gone  abroad  in  America  and  I  was  in 
good  credit,  I  sent  immediately  to  Pennsylvania  for  flour,  because 
fortunately,  I  had  already  made  arrangements  there,  and  in  Virginia, 
and  also  here  and  there  in  the  province,  for  the  necessaries  of  life. 
Through  notes  which  I  gave  the  provisions  eventually  came,  and 
slowly  enough.  Meanwhile  our  own  goods  and  wares  and  those  of 
the  poor  people  were  being  used  up  for  the  necessaries  which  we  man- 
aged to  get  from  the  neighboring  inhabitants. 

During  this  time  I  had  the  land  surveyed  and  every  family  given 
its  own  plot  of  ground,  so  that  they  could  clear  it,  build  their  cabins, 
and  prepare  their  soil  for  planting  and  sowing.     And  so  there  arrived 


228  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

also  with  great  expense  and  trouble,  provision  of  corn,  salt,  lard  in 
place  of  butter,  and  salt  meat,  also  rum,  and  other  products  of  the 
soil.  But  with  the  cattle  there  was  difficulty.  The  people  did  not 
want  to  go  where  I  showed  them  to  get  them,  and  I  could  not  bring 
the  animals  right  before  their  doors.  But  yet  they  accommodated 
themselves  gradually,  so  that  inside  of  18  months  these  people  were 
so  well  settled  and  had  their  affairs  so  well  arranged  that  in  this 
short  time  they  had  made  more  advancement  than  the  English 
inhabitants  in  four  years.  Just  one  instance:  for  example,  since  there 
is  in  the  whole  province  only  one  poor  water  mill,  the  people  of  means 
have  hand  mills,  while  the  poor  pound  their  corn  in  a  hollow  piece 
of  oak  and  sift  the  cleanest  through  a  basket.  This  takes  much  time. 
Our  people  on  the  contrary  sought  out  convenient  water  brooks  and 
in  that  way,  according  to  the  condition  of  the  water  and  the  strength 
of  the  current,  made  themselves  regular  stamping  mills  by  which 
the  corn  was  ground,  and  the  good  man-of-the-house  had  time  to  do 
other  work.  I  had  already  commenced  to  build  a  grist  and  saw  mill 
in  a  very  convenient  place,  but  what  happened?  When  we  were 
all  hoping,  after  great  effort  and  anxiety,  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  our 
labor,  aside  from  the  reverses  we  had  endured,  and  notwithstanding 
the  fine  prospect  for  a  good  establishment  of  the  colony,  there  came 
the  genuine  storm  of  misfortune  through  the.  wild  Indians,  who 
were  inspired  by  certain  jealous  and  revengeful  rebels  of  Cary's  follow- 
ing, which  overturned  everything.  The  outcome  of  this  tragedy  is 
told  in  a  separate  account,  and  it  is  unnecessary  to  tell  about  it  here. 
But,  because  from  Colonel  Cary's  audacious,  unfriendly,  and  hostile 
procedure  arose  all  the  trouble  which  came  over  the  province,  myself, 
and  the  colony,  it  will  not  be  out  of  the  way  to  tell  something  more 
of  these  confusions,  and  to  continue  what  went  on  further  after 
Governor  Hyde's  death. 

As  soon  as  I  arrived  from  Virginia, 1  x  at  the  bordering  colony  and, 
in  expectation  of  a  comfortable  rest  for  myself  and  for  my  people, 
was  staying  in  the  first  village,  there  came  a  troop  of  the  most 
prominent  Quakers  since  there  were  many  of  them  in  those  parts, 
and  they  presented  the  most  persuasive  reasons  possible,  saying  that 
it  befitted  me  as  Landgrave  who,  after  the  governor  had  the  first 
rank,  as  the  one  who  always  presided  in  an  interregnum  and  at 
other  times  in  the  absence  of  the  governor,  to  take  the  presidency. 
But  I12  politely  refused  the  honor.  We  answered  that  Governor 
Hyde  was  actually  in  Virginia  and  that  I  was  one  of  the  witnesses, 
who  had  there  seen  how  he  was  chosen  governor  by  the  Lords  Pro- 
prietors and  how  they  had  congratulated  him  in  their  council  room 
in  London.     Moreover  he  was  a  relative  of  the  Queen  and  had  been 


Gkaffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      229 

approved  by  Her  Royal  Majesty, x  3  and  although  the  gentleman  in 
question  had  no  patent  at  that  time  in  hand,  one  would  soon  follow. 
So  then  the  province  ought  to  have  no  hesitancy  in  receiving  him 
at  once  as  governor,  so  much  the  more,  since  Governor  Tynte  had 
given  the  council  of  Carolina  notice  to  that  effect.  But  this  did  not 
please  them *  4  and  they  replied  to  me,  but  I  did  not  refute  them. 
After  they  were  through  with  me  they  took  their  leave  of  me  very 
politely  and  went  away.  Soon  after  this  I  came  with  my  people 
farther  into  the  province  and  arrived  at  the  home  of  Colonel  Pol- 
lock in  Chowan,  where  a  council  was  held  by  those  who  were 
inclined  towards  Governor  Hyde,  and  I  was  very  much  urged  to  be 
present  at  the  same.  But  in  such  a  dangerous  and  delicate  affair  I 
did  not  go.  And  so  there  was  soon  given  me  a  plan  or  report  of 
the  situation  of  things,  and  I  can  easily  observe  that  because  of  my 
character  as  well  as  the  number  of  my  people,  (since  I  could  give 
the  balance  of  power  to  whichever  party  I  fell  to),  they  looked  on 
me  with  great  respect.  My  ideas  were  in  the  direction  of  having 
a  strong  letter  sent  to  Colonel  Cary,  representing  one  thing  and 
another  very  well  to  him,  and  also  finally  threatening  him,  if  he  would 
not  come  to  an  agreement  as  he  ought  that  I  would  throw  myself 
with  all  my  forces  on  the  side  of  Governor  Hyde.  This  brought  him 
to  the  notion  of  taking  other  measures,  but  for  all  that  he  gave  me 
a  very  haughty  and  shameless  answer.  He  appeared  to  be  sorry  for 
it  soon  after,  and  we  worked  at  it  quietly  to  such  good  purpose  that 
finally  an  agreement  was  reached  and  put  into  writing.  According 
to  this,  Colonel  Cary  and  his  following  were  to  agree  to  Governor 
Hyde's  being  president  of  the  Council  until  new  orders  came  from 
the  Proprietors,  but  not  to  accept  him  as  governor. 

Meanwhile  I  hastily  betook  myself  to  New  Bern,  from  where  my 
Palatines,  who,  because  of  a  great  lack  of  food  were  in  the  last 
extremity, 1 5  had  written  to  me.  Since  as  a  precaution,  I  had  some 
provisions  from  Colonel  Pollock,  there  was  soon  a  good  amount  on 
hand  for  such  a  number  of  people. 1 6 

Shortly  after  this  Governor  Hyde  came  out  of  Virginia  into  Caro- 
lina and  settled  not  far  from  Colonel  Pollock  on Dyckenfield's 

plantation  on  Solomon  Creek,  where  he  received  a  rather  fine  dwelling. 

And  because  Colonel  Cary  feared  that  his  trick  above  mentioned, 
which  he  had  in  mind,  would  not  work,  he  had  tried  in  a  cunning 
manner  to  get  his  hands  on  the  agreement,  in  order  to  remove  his 
name  or  signature  which  he  well  knew  was  on  it.  Hereupon  he 
began  to  take  up  his  old  cause  again.  Some  of  his  followers  he  got 
by  spending  money  on  them,  for  he  brought  all  the  vile  rabble  over 
on  his  side  with  rum  and  brandy.     In  this  way  he  made  himself  a 


230  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

very  strong  following  and  began  an  open  rebellion  against  Governor 
Hyde.  In  the  meantime,  the  man  was  so  crafty  and  sharp,  that  he 
tried  to  lull  me  to  sleep;  he  came  to  New  Bern  on  pretense  of  a  visit, 
where  I  regaled  him  with  the  little  which  was  then  at  hand.  After 
dinner, *  7  when  we  had  gotten  into  conversation  over  his  improper 
conduct  towards  Governor  Hyde  as  well  as  towards  myself,  and  when 
I  had  spoken  sharply  to  him  about  his  disobedience  towards  those 
in  authority,  the  Lords  Proprietors,  and  with  threats  had  given  him 
to  understand  that  I  would  take  such  measures  as  would  make  him 
sorry,  he  promised  me  in  the  presence  of  four  of  his  friends  whom 
he  had  brought  with  him,  to  send  me  within  three  weeks,  grain  and 
other  provision,  as  well  as  some  cattle,  to  the  value  of  500£,  or  else 
notes  in  place  of  the  goods.  As  far  as  Governor  Hyde  was  concerned, 
he  left  that  in  statu  quo.  And  so  he  took  his  departure.  This  was 
only  to  blind  me,  which  I  also  perceived,  for  I  told  him  to  his  face 
that  I  feared  that  the  performance  would  not  correspond  to  the 
promises.  This  trip  of  Colonel  Cary's  was  not  in  vain,  for  he  attained 
his  end,  because  by  instigating  some  of  the  English  or  Carolinian 
inhabitants  and  people  on  the  nearest  plantations  he  so  frightened 
my  people  that  no  one  dared  venture  to  go  out  of  his  house  or  out  of 
the  colony;  for  he  had  threatened  that  if  they  did  not  remain  neutral, 
the  English  and  Indians  would  fall  upon  them  and  destroy  them. 

Not  long  after  this  Governor  Hyde  sent  me  expresses  with  a 
whole  package  of  patents,  one  of  them  for  me,  which  made  me 
Colonel  over  the  district  of  Bath  County  and  gave  to  me  the 
appointing  of  the  under  officers,  for  their  names  were  left  blank,  and 
begged  me  earnestly  to  assist  him  against  the  rebels.  Whereupon 
I  answered  him  how  sorry  I  was  that  I  could  not  yet  respond  to  his 
desire,  reporting  what  I  have  remarked  regarding  Colonel  Cary,  that 
my  people  were  not  disposed  to  go  to  either  party,  but  were  resolved 
to  remain  neutral.  This  did  not  please  the  governor  very  well,  and 
there  soon  arrived  a  sharper  command,  that  in  case  nothing  occurred, 
I  should  betake  myself  three  good  days  journey  from  New  Bern  to 
be  present  at  the  council.  This  I  did,  very  much  in  fear,  to  be  sure, 
because  I  had  also  been  threatened. 1 8 

When,  now,  I  had  reached  the  Governor,  we  were  employed  very 
busily  in  the  councel  advising  how  to  put  ourselves  in  security  against 
this  Cary  faction,  and  it  was  ordered  to  get  together,  immediately, 
a  company  of  chosen  men  with  which  to  protect  ourselves,  and  to  see, 
further,  how  to  compel  different  ones  in  some  way  or  other  to  side  with 
us.  At  this  same  time  there  came  from  London  a  turbulent  fellow 1 9 
with  a  ship  full  of  goods  belonging  to  a  Quaker  who  was  also  one  of  the 
proprietors,  and  wanted  to  trade  in  these  parts.     He  was  immediately 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      231 

won  over  by  the  opposing  party  and  this  strengthened  their  courage, 
because  he  was  well  provided  with  shot,  powder,  and  lead.  This 
man  libeled  and  defamed  the  Governor,  giving  out  that  he  had 
different  orders  from  the  Lords  Proprietors,  but  not  in  favor  of 
Edward  Hyde.  This  caused  great  doubt  and  confusion  and  made 
it  hard  for  us. 2  °  He  did  me,  in  particular,  great  damage  by  making 
a  note  of  100£ 2 1  sterling  ineffectual,  saying  he  had  orders  to  this 
effect.  Although  this  money  had  been  deposited  with  Hanson  &  Co., 
my  correspondents  in  London,  yet  because  of  this,  I  could  get  nothing 
of  it  in  my  great  need.  So  then  this  Colonel  Cary,  R.  Roach,  and 
a  Quaker,  Em.  Lowe,  who,  contrary  to  the  foremost  article  of  his 
own  religion  or  sect,  had  himself  made  a  Colonel,  came  well  pro- 
visioned before  the  landing 2  2  on  a  night  when  we  were  lodging  at 
Colonel  Pollock's  house  where  we  for  the  most  part  held  council,  in 
a  brigantine,  well  armed  and  provided  with  pieces.  We  put  our- 
selves in  the  best  position  possible,  and  had  only  two  pieces  and  not 
more  than  some  60  armed  men  with  us.  Along  towards  morning 
the  rebels  let  fly  a  couple  of  balls  from  the  brigantine  at  the  house 
in  which  we  were,  but  they  were  fired  too  high  and  merely  grazed  the 
ridge  so  that  we  were  not  harmed  by  it.  Upon  this  we  also  shot  off 
our  pieces  at  the  brigantine,  and  likewise  did  no  damage.  So  the 
rebels  began  to  send  some  of  their  best  armed  soldiery  towards  the 
land  in  two  small  barques.  When  we  became  aware  of  that,  we  drew 
up  our  force  towards  the  landing 2  3  as  a  defense,  among  whom  was 
my  servant  in  a  yellow  livery.  This  frightened  our  opponents  not  a 
little,  and  the  reason  for  it  was  they  thought  that  my  whole  colony 
was  holding  itself  there  in  the  bushes.  We  immediately  fired  off 
our  piece  again.  When  the  one  shot  merely  grazed  the  mast  and  it 
fell  over,  it  had  such  a  good  effect  that  the  barques  turned  back,  and 
as  soon  as  the  men  had  climbed  into  the  ship,  they  hoisted  up  the 
sails  and  made  off.  Thereupon  we  ordered  our  most  resolute  men  to 
follow  in  a  sloop,  but  they  could  not  overtake  them.  However,  when 
they  had  gone  down  into  the  Sound  the  brigantine  landed  at  a  con- 
venient place,  and  the  most  prominent  ones  got  away  through  the 
woods.  And  so  the  small  band  won  over  the  greater  and  the  sloop 
brought  the  brigantine  back,  along  with  some  provisions  and  the 
pieces.  This  scattered  the  opposing  party  and  strengthened  ours,  so 
that  we  thereupon  decided  it  would  be  well  to  amiounce  a  general 
pardon  for  all  except  the  ringleaders,  to  which  every  one  who  de- 
sired to  yield  and  submit  to  the  Governor  should  subscribe.  After 
this  a  parliamentary  assembly  was  proclaimed  in  which,  then,  were 
treated  the  matters  relating  to  these  disturbers.  The  worst  ones 
of  the  insurgents  whom  we  could  catch  were  taken  into  custody,  but 


232  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

those  who  repented  of  their  wrong  and  had  been  debauched  only- 
through  instigation  were  accorded  the  amnesty.  In  this  affair24  I 
for  the  most  part  had  to  take  the  lead.  This  did  not  suit  me  very 
well  because  I  feared  it  would  make  me  enemies.  After  one  thing  and 
another  had  been  arranged  as  well  as  possible  and  Governor  Hyde 
and  myself  had  been  accepted  and  acknowledged,  every  one  went 
home  in  the  hope  that  all  would  quiet  down.  This  calm  did  not  last 
long;  the  authors  of  the  revolt  collected  themselves  together  and 
the  above  mentioned  Roach  seated  himself  on  an  island,  well  pro- 
vided with  food,  shot,  and  munitions,  and  stirred  up  as  many  as  he 
could.  We  tried,  indeed,  to  drive  him  out  of  his  nest,  but  it  was 
not  to  be  done.  This  fire  of  sworn  conspirators  gradually  took  hold 
again  and  increased,  so  that  the  last  was  soon  worse  than  the  first. 

Knowing  how  things  were,  it  was  thought  best  to  make  an  effort 
to  get  other  help.  And  so  I  was  sent  to  Alexander  Spotswood,  Gov- 
ernor of  Virginia,  with  two  members  of  the  Council,  who  were  given 
to  me,  to  beg  assistance  of  him. 2  5  But  before  this  we  sent  by  expresses 
a  writing  to  Governor  Spotswood  who  appointed  us  a  day  in  a  village 
which  lay  between  the  two  provinces,  because,  aside  from  seeing  us, 
he  wanted  to  muster  his  troops  on  the  border.  So  I  travelled  by 
water  in  the  captured  brigantine  because  it  was  not  quite  safe  by  land, 
and  in  addition,  we  wanted  to  get  provisions  out  of  the  neighborhood. 
After  we  had  traveled  several  hours  there  arose  such  a  contrary  wind 
that  we  were  driven  back;  and  so  we  took  the  canoe,  a  little  narrow  boat 
made  from  a  piece  of  tree  trunk  hollowed  out,  and  continued  our 
journey,  now  that  the  wind  was  somewhat  quieted  down.  We  came 
too  late,  however,  for  the  muster  was  already  past,  but  the  Governor 2  6 
directed  further,  that  when  I  came  an  express  should  be  sent  imme- 
diately to  him,  and  so  I  wrote  a  polite  letter  to  the  above  men- 
tioned gentleman,  who  came  the  next  day  with  his  secretary  and  two 
gentlemen  to  the  appointed  place  where  the  conference  was  held,  and 
the  Governor  received  me  in  an  exceedingly  friendly  manner.  This 
business  was  more  important  than  I  supposed.  After  giving  in  my 
credentials  I  began  my  proposal,  but  there  was  immediately  a 
strong  objection  made,  namely,  that  the  Virginians  were  not  at  all 
inclined  to  fight  against  their  neighboring  brethren,  for  they  were 
all  equally  subjects  of  the  Queen,  and  the  cause  was  not  so  entirely 
just,  for  at  least  Governor  Hyde  had  no  patents.  And  so  we  had  to 
try  some  other  method. 2  7  And  because  Governor  Spotswood  wished 
to  show  himself  somewhat  more  agreeable  to  me  the  first  time  he  had 
seen  me,  since  I  had  been  introduced  to  him  by  the  Queen  herself, 
on  account  of  the  Virginia  affairs,  he  finally  considered  that  he  should 
do  Governor  Hyde,  myself,  and  the  province  the  favor  of  sending 


Geaffeneied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      233 

us  a  man-of-war  with  the  usual  equipment  of  soldiers.  Since  they 
were  likewise  servants  of  the  Queen,  were  in  their  red  uniforms,  and 
moreover,  were  good  soldiers,  they  would  accomplish  much.  This 
was  granted,  and  we  took  our  friendly  leave  of  each  other.  With 
what  expressions  he  invited  me  to  him,  and  what  proffers  of  service 
he  made,  and  what  marks  of  respects  he  showed  me  I  can  not  suf- 
ficiently indicate.  Meanwhile  I  made  my  way  home  very  joyously. 
After  such  happy  negotiations,  as  soon  as  I  had  made  my  report, 
I  was  received  with  a  general  applause  of  the  whole  people,  and  this 
increased  my  credit  not  a  little. 

Soon  after  this  there  arrived  a  valiant  captain  with  his  brave 
marines.  When  he  had  paid  his  respects  and  had  delivered  Governor 
Spotswood's  letter,  we  besought  him  that  he  would  show  his  com- 
mission before  the  assembly  and  speak  as  strongly  as  possible  to  the 
people,  indicating  that  in  case  the  revolters  would  not  discontinue 
hostilities,  as  they  were  duty  bound  to  do,  we  would  proceed  against 
them  with  the  utmost  severity.  Upon  this  no  one  dared  revolt  any 
more,  and  the  authors  of  the  uprising  got  out  of  the  province  secretly, 
and  they  dared  so  much  the  less  to  stay  because  letters  arrived  from 
London  reporting  how  the  Lords  Proprietors  had  chosen  Mr.  Edward 
Hyde  to  be  governor  of  North  Carolina  and  that  the  patents  had 
therefore  been  sent  by  a  trusty  person.  The  often  mentioned  Colonel 
Cary,  along  with  others  of  his  associates,  was  arrested  in  Virginia 
and  sent  well  guarded  in  a  ship  to  London,  and  there  suit  was  brought 
against  him.  The  affair  made  a  great  stir  in  London;  but  this  Cary 
was  so  fortunate  in  his  base  action  as  to  have  two  of  my  Lords  take 
his  part  and  they  saved  his  life.  Hereupon  he  was  let  go  on  bail  in 
order  to  defend  himself,  the  Justice  in  Carolina  was  appointed  to 
him,  and  so  the  affair  still  hangs  to  this  hour. 2  8 

The  confusion  contributed  not  a  little  to  the  attack  of  the  wild 
Indians,  because  several  of  the  mutineers  made  Governor  Hyde  so 
hated  among  the  Indians  that  they  looked  on  him  as  their  enemy, 
insomuch  that  when  I  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  savages,  thinking 
I  was  the  Governor,  they  treated  me  rather  severely  until  I  had 
them  informed  through  an  Indian  with  whom  I  was  acquainted,  and 
who  could  speak  English,  that  I  was  not  Governor  Hyde,  upon 
which  they  treated  me  more  kindly. 

Now  when  this  also  was  past  I  betook  myself  again  to  New  Bern  to  my 
people.  But  soon  after  this  Governor  Hyde  had  received  his  patents, 
so  he  called  a  general  assembly  again  in  order  that  he  might  present 
himself  to  it,  on  which  occasion  I  also  was  present.  I  did  it  the  more 
willingly  because  I  thereby  had  the  opportunity,  and  used  it,  of  seek- 
ing to  get  from  the  new  governor  what  I  could  not  obtain  from  Colonel 


234  ISTorth  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Cary.  In  this,  Governor  Hyde  showed,  indeed,  all  good  will,  but  when 
I  urged  him  for  something  real,  there  was  very  little  on  hand,  a  cir- 
cumstance which  in  itself  was  (not)  without  evil  results.  After  this 
I  insistently  urged  upon  the  Parliament,  that  since  I  could  not  obtain 
anything  upon  the  account  of  the  Lords  Proprietors,  seeing  this  was 
the  foundation  of  my  enterprise,  and  since  we  could  not  subsist  in  this 
way,  and  it  would  be  a  long  time  before  information  could  come  to 
us  out  of  Europe,  and  meanwhile  we  could  not  live  on  air,  that  the 
provinces  should  assist  us  on  the  same  terms  as  we  had  with  the  Lords 
Proprietors;  that  is  to  say,  they  should  supply  us  with  the  necessary 
food,  and  expecially  with  cattle,  upon  two  or  three  years'  credit. 
They  refused  me  this,  however,  under  pretext  that  this  civil  war  had 
made  it  impossible  for  them  to  do  it.  Upon  this  I  went  sadly  home 
to  arrange  my  affairs  as  well  as  possible,  as  is  to  be  seen  in  the  pre- 
ceding. 2  9 

Now  Follows  the  Indian  War 

What  caused  the  Indian  war  was  firstly,  the  slanders  and  instiga- 
tions of  certain  plotters  against  Governor  Hyde,  and  secondly,  against 
me,  in  that  they  talked  the  Indians  into  believing  that  I  had  come  to 
take  their  land,  and  that  then  the  Indians  would  have  to  go  back  to- 
wards the  mountains.  I  talked  them  out  of  this  and  it  was  proven 
by  the  friendliness  I  had  shown  them,  as  also  by  the  payment  for  the 
land  where  I  settled  at  the  beginning  (namely  that  upon  which  the 
little  city  of  New  Bern  was  begun),  regardless  of  the  fact  that  the 
seller  was  to  have  given  it  over  to  me  free.  I  had  also  made  peace 
with  the  same  Indian  inhabitants  so  that  they  were  entirely  satisfied 
with  me.  Thirdly,  it  was  the  great  carelessness  of  the  colony. 3  ° 
Fourthly,  the  harsh  treatment  of  certain  surly  and  rough  English  in- 
habitants who  deceived  them  in  trade,  would  not  let  them  hunt 
about  their  plantations,  and  under  this  excuse  took  away  from  them 
their  arms,  munitions,  pelts  or  hides,  yes,  even  beat  an  Indian  to 
death.     This  alarmed  them  very  much  and  with  reason. 

The  Indians  kept  their  design  very  secret,  and  they  were  even  then 
about  to  take  counsel  in  an  appointed  place  at  the  time  that  I  happened 
to  travel  up  the  river. 

I  thought  I  was  so  much  the  more  in  safety,  since  only  ten  days 
before,  when  I  was  coming  home  from  surveying  and  had  lost  my 
way  in  the  forest,  just  as  night  overtook  me  I  had  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  the  Indians,  who  before  my  coming  had  lived  in  Chatalognia,  at 
present  New  Bern.  They  had  now  settled  in  this  place  and  received 
me  very  kindly  and  in  the  morning  accompanied  me  as  far  as  the  right 
way.     They  gave  me  two  Indians  who  went  with  me  as  far  as  my 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      235 

home,  and  out  of  thankfulness  I  gave  them  something  and  sent  some 
rum  and  brandy  to  the  king.  This  very  king,  together  with  the  help 
of  the  Most  High,  contributed  not  a  little  to  my  rescue  when  I  was 
captured  by  the  Indians,  condemned  to  death,  and  saved  in  a  mar- 
velous manner.  What  took  place  among  the  Indians  and  how  I 
finally  came  home  and  got  to  New  Bern  again  is  to  be  seen  in  the 
account  sent  to  Governor  Hyde.  Right  on  the  end  of  this  account 
I  had  begun  to  tell  what  adverse  and  disagreeable  things  happened 
to  me  immediately  on  my  return,  and  so  there  appears  to  be  no  end 
of  my  ill  fortune.  But  since  I  could  not  foresee  the  future,  I  shall 
tell  as  briefly  as  possible,  what  took  place  further,  up  to  my  departure 
to  Europe  and  my  journey  home.  Firstly,  How  this  Indian  war 
was  renewed  and  ended:  Secondly,  For  what  motives  I  left  the 
colony  and  went  to  Europe,  yes,  clear  to  Berne.  What  happened 
to  me  after  my  arrival  among  the  Christians  was  almost  more  dan- 
gerous and  vexatious  than  when  I  was  among  the  heathens.  Before 
the  heathen  tribunal  I  had  my  accusers  before  me,  everything  was 
done  in  good  order,  nothing  behind  my  back  and  under  cover  nor 
in  a  rebellious  and  turbulent  manner;  but  when  I  came  home,  thinking 
to  be  among  friends  and  Christians  and  hoping  to  rest  a  little,  it 
became  worse. 

There  were  a  number  of  rough,  jealous,  and  morose  planters  or 
inhabitants.  And  because  I  would  not  immediately  accede  to  their 
notion  of  killing  or  of  giving  over  to  their  discretion,  an  Indian  to  whom 
I  had  promised  safe  conduct  because  he  had  come  to  get  my  ransom, 
this  sort  of  evil  Christians,  worse  than  the  heathen,  secretly  got 
information  against  me,  and  there  was  much  talk,  and  threats  of 
nothing  less  than  that  I  must  be  hanged.  I  had  not  considered  it 
feasible  for  those  to  go  to  war  with  the  Indians  before  the  fifteen 
Palatine  prisoners  had  been  freed  and  delivered  over,  who  did  not  have 
enough  provisions  nor  munitions  nor  soldiers,  since  in  addition,  half 
of  the  Palatines  had  left  my  quarters  in  my  absence.  So  now  from 
a  heathen  tribunal  I  had  to  appear  before  a  Christian  judge's  bench, 
yes,  to  a  trial  worse  than  the  heathen,  if  it  had  gone  according  to 
the  will  of  certain  godless  fellows.  To  this  a  Palatine  blacksmith 
who  wished  to  revenge  himself  because  I  had  punished 3  *  him  for 
frightful  execrations,  disobedience,  stealing,  and  horrible  threats, 
contributed  not  a  little,  and  this  he  did  in  a  very  treacherous  manner. 
He  went  immediately  over  to  the  Indians,  and  made  them  very 
suspicious  of  me,  as  though  my  promise  was  of  no  value,  as  though 
I  were  deceiving  them,  since,  instead  of  keeping  peace  and  neutrality 
with  them,  I  was  entirely  on  the  side  of  the  English,  whom  I  was 
supplying  with  firearms  and  munitions  of  war. 3  2    But  as  soon  as  I 


236  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

learned  of  his  treachery,  and  for  that  cause  wanted  to  punish  him, 
he  had  gotten  wind  of  it  and  had  betaken  himself  to  William  Brice,  a 
common  man,  who  because  of  his  audacity  had  been  chosen  captain, 
and  who  was  very  much  opposed  to  me.  There,  where  a  garrison 
composed  of  rowdies  collected  together  and  of  disloyal  Palatines  were 
guarding  his  house,  the  above  mentioned  blacksmith  had  said  the 
same  things  of  me  as  before  to  the  Indians,  and  more  yet,  so  that  I 
passed  for  a  traitor.  Very  soon  there  was  a  list  of  20  articles  written 
up,  of  which  not  a  point  was  true.  As  soon  as  I  had  heard  of  this,  I 
wrote,  nevertheless  without  fear,  since  I  had  a  good  conscience,  to 
the  governois  of  Virginia  and  of  Carolina,  informing  them  circum- 
stantially of  all  that  had  happened;  and  they  approved  of  my  con- 
duct, as  did  all  other  persons  of  understanding  and  reason. 

Along  with  this  it  happened  that  since  I  had  caused  the  effects  of 
the  smith  as  a  criminal  and  a  fugitive,  who  was,  moreover,  much  in 
debt  to  me,  to  be  inventoried  and  put  into  safe  keeping, 3  3  this 
abovementioned  Brice  wanted  very  much  to  have  the  smith  and  the 
detained  goods  given  out.  His  intention  was  to  do  this  by  force  in 
addition  to  bringing  me  bound  to  Governor  Hyde,  as  one  guilty  of 
treason,  and  so  he  took  counsel  in  secret  with  some  of  the  most  prom- 
inent of  his  crew,  and  the  conclusion  was  to  the  effect  that  if  I  should 
refuse  to  give  out  the  smith's  goods,  they  would  take  them  by  force, 
giving  as  pretext  that  they  needed  them  for  defense, 3  4  and  because  I 
would  doubtless  resist,  they  would  then  take  possession  of  my  person, 
and  so  bring  me  to  the  Governor.  But  there  was,  by  chance,  a  little 
Palatine  boy  in  the  room  of  whom  they  took  no  notice,  who  under- 
stood English.  Hearing  this  he  got  out  of  the  room  as  quietly 
as  he  could,  and  told  his  mother,  one  of  those  who  were  still  my 
subjects.  She  got  quickly  into  a  little  boat  and  came  over  to  me. 
When  she  told  me  this  conspiracy  I  immediately  had  the  drum  beat, 
the  gate  locked,  and  my  people  placed  in  a  good  position.  I  could 
scarcely  get  this  done  when  Brice  came  with  30  or  40  neighbor- 
ing men,  among  them  that  same  godless  smith  and  probably  20 
of  the  disloyal  Palatines.  Not  knowing  that  I  was  informed  of  the 
affair,  they  thought  to  go  right  into  the  yard 3  5  and  take  possession 
of  me.  But  they  found  everything  in  a  position  that  they  did  not 
expect,  and  when  they  asked  our  people  what  that  was  to  signify, 
the  corporal  answered  that  we  were  well  on  our  guard  because  of 
the  wild  Indians  and  the  wild  Christians.  It  was  asked  in  reply 
whether  we  took  them  for  enemies,  then,  and  again  it  was  answered 
that  friends  are  not  in  the  habit  of  visiting  their  neighbors  in  such 
a  manner,  that  it  seemed  as  though  they  were  our  enemies,  especially 
since  such  traitors  and  deserters  were  among  them,   yet   if   Colonel 


Graffeneied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      237 

Brice  and  one  other  wanted  to  come  in  he  thought  this  would  not 
be  refused.  When  this  was  represented  to  me  I  allowed  them  to 
come  in  under  good  guard.  When  Colonel  Brice  complained  of  my 
actions  I  gave  as  answer  that  a  fine  design  was  known  to  me,  but 
that  I  would  know  how  to  make  his  shameless  and  audacious  pro- 
cedure known  in  the  proper  place.  I  asked  him  if  it  was  the  proper 
manner  towards  his  superiors  to  thus  raise  a  mutiny.  I  told  him 
that  I,  as  a  member  of  the  upper  house,  landgrave,  and  commandant 
of  this  district  would  be  in  the  right  to  send  him  away  bound. 3  6 
So  I  let  these  false,  designing  fellows  go  with  short  courtesy 
and  severe  threats  until  the  next  parliament.  What  other  insults 
were  done  me  and  my  people  by  this  captain  and  the  disloyal  Pala- 
tines would  be  too  lengthy  and  too  disagreeable  to  write  in  detail, 
and  so  I  have  for  the  sake  of  brevity  not  cared  to  tell  more.  But 
yet  a  little  more  in  passing. 

It  is  to  observed  that  the  agreement  here  below  made  and  signed 
with  the  Indians,  was  entered  into  while  I  was  still  in  bonds  and  to 
save  my  life,  and  so  I  could  not  be  compelled  to  keep  my  word.  But 
according  to  this,  since  I  was  not  of  the  view  quod  hereticis  non 
habenda  fides  (faith  need  not  be  kept  towards  heretics),  I  was  re- 
solved to  keep  as  much  as  I  could  conscientiously,  with  regard  also 
to  the  duty  which  I  owed  to  the  crown  of  England.  And  if  they 
had  left  me  alone  afterwards  it  would  have  been  well  for  the  entire 
country  and  much  murder  and  misfortune  would  have  been  avoided. 

But  this  Captain  Brice  along  with  his  gang  was  so  heated,  that, 
without  having  the  wisdom  to  take  counsel,  following  their  blind 
passion,  without  reflecting  upon  any  measures  nor  upon  the  smaller 
number  of  people  nor  the  small  amount  of  food  and  munitions  nor 
upon  the  danger  to  the  poor  captured  women  and  children,  he 
rejected  the  proposed  truce  and  immediately  began  hostilities,  and  so 
through  his  unreasonable  caprices  exposed  the  whole  province  to  dan- 
ger and  interrupted  all  my  measures.  But  if  they  had  let  me  manage, 
we  should,  in  the  first  place,  have  gained  time  by  this  truce,  so  that 
the  whole  province  and  I  could  have  put  ourselves  into  a  good  position 
and  we  could  in  this  time  provide  ourselves  with  soldiers,  war  and  food 
supplies.  Secondly,  I  was  actually  already  at  work  during  this  truce 
to  save  the  poor  captive  women  and  children,  for  I  was  not  going 
to  give  over  my  ransom,  except  they  had  given  the  prisoners  over  to 
me.  This  had  been  agreed  upon  in  the  first  conference,  with  great 
danger  and  difficulty.  N.  B.  It  has  been  very  well  shown,  of  how  much 
importance  it  was  and  afterwards  related  in  the  history  of  the  Indian 
war  how  this  captured  Holtzmann  (woodsman?)  had  to  manage  the 


238  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Indians,  unless  one  can  make  an  end  of  them  at  the  very  first.  Now 
while  I  was  doing  my  best  with  the  Indians  in  this  good  work,  and 
thirdly,  through  my  alleged  neutrality  and  the  delay,  wished  to  gain 
time  so  that  the  English,  as  well  as  the  Carolinians,  and  especially 
the  colony,  might  get  again  what  they  had  left  buried  in  their  planta- 
tions and  houses,  and  likewise  be  able  to  catch  as  much  of  their  cattle 
as  possible  in  the  forests,  there  came  this  Brice's  mob,  wilder  and  more 
unreasonable  than  the  Indians,  and  spoiled  all  my  negotiations  for 
me,  by  an  attack  unbeknown  to  the  rest.  This  whole  bad  busi- 
ness, the  before  mentioned  treachery  of  the  smith,  and  this  action 
took  all  confidence  of  the  Indians  in  me  away.  So  that  from  that 
time  on  they  made  attack  upon  my  colony  also,  since  until  then  their 
houses  and  goods  had  been  spared  according  to  the  agreement  made. 
But  following  the  untimely  procedure  of  the  Carolinians,  the  Indians 
have  gone  on  to  destroy  everything,  and  my  poor  people's  houses 
although  the  doors  were  marked  with  a  sign, 3  7  had  to  be  burned. 
The  rest  of  the  household  furniture,  although  concealed  and  buried, 
was  hunted  up,  taken  away,  and  the  cattle  in  the  forests  shot  down. 
From  there  the  Indians  have  beset  one  plantation  after  another, 
plundered,  slaughtered,  and  done  much  harm  here  and  there  in 
the  province,  especially  on  the  Neuse,  Trent,  and  Pamtego  Rivers. 
What  caused  worse  retaliation  by  the  Indians  was  the  harsh  pro- 
cedure of  Brice,  for  when  he  got  some  of  the  Indians  of  Bay  River, 3  8 
their  chief,  the  king,  was  used  most  terribly,  yes,  severely  roasted, 
tormented  with  all  sorts  of  unchristian  tortures,  and  so  killed.  This 
so  embittered  the  Indians  that  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  they 
also  treated  the  Christians  cruelly.  What  grieved  me  most  in  this 
was  that  a  disloyal  Palatine  did  the  most  in  this  torturing  and  took 
pleasure  in  it.  It  was  this  same  man  who  was  the  author  of  the 
disloyalty  of  the  Palatines.  There  were  indeed  in  Brice's  following, 
bold  and  courageous  people,  but  wholly  inconsiderate.  If  the  other 
Carolinians  had  behaved  better  and  had  not  been  so  faint-hearted 
we  should  have  become  master  of  the  Indians  sooner  and  things 
would  not  have  gone  so  badly. 

And  now,  since  it  was  of  so  much  concern  to  me  to  justify  my  con- 
duct and  to  show  the  godless  and  impudent  behavior  of  Brice's 
rabble,  I  went  in  when  the  general  assembly39  was  held  and  asked 
where  these  false  accusers  were,  and  demanded  that  they  should 
bring  these  slanderers  before  my  eyes,  and  give  me  copies  of  the  com- 
plaints in  order  that  I  might  defend  and  justify  myself  in  a  fitting 
manner,  but  no  one  dared  to  appear  against  me,  and  no  one  here 
wanted  to  tell  the  articles  of  complaint,  and  so  there  was  an  end  of  it. 
During  this  time  I  had  much  trouble  and  was  in  great  danger,  suf- 


Geaffexreed  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  Znew  Bebx      239 

fering  not  a  little  in  my  honor  and  reputation  and  demanded  satis- 
faction because  the  complainants  and  the  slanderers  were  well  known 
to  me.  I  named  them  out.  but  the  authors  did  not  appear,  and  in 
such  a  confused  government  and  in  the  midst  of  the  Indian  war  I 
could  not  get  any  satisfaction.  The  Governor  and  the  upper  house, 
which  consisted  of  the  seven  councilors  and  representatives  of  the 
Lords  Proprietors,  two  landgraves,  several  colonels,  and  the  secretary. 
made,  indeed,  their  excuses  and  paid  me  a  compliment  in  regard  to 
this  affair,  and  with  this  I  had  to  be  satisfied.  I  sent  many  memorials 
and  letters  to  the  Governor  about  this  matter,  in  which  these  dis- 
agreeable stories  and  proceedings  are  to  be  seen  in  detail,  especially 
in  the  register  of  my  letters  of  the  years  1711  and  1712.  But  0.  if 
all  the  adverse  and  grievous  things  which  happened  to  me  in  Caro- 
lina and  Virginia  should  be  told  it  would  make  a  big  book. 

To  give  here  as  was  done  above,  only  a  few  of  the  causes  of  the 
Indian  war: 

The  carelessness  of  the  Carolinians  contributed  not  a  little  to  the 
audacity  and  bold  actions  of  these  Indians,  because  they  trusted 
them  too  much,  and  for  safety  there  was  not  a  fortified  place 
in  the  whole  province  to  which  one  could  retire:  also  in  case  of  any 
eruption  or  hostility  no  arrangements  were  made  and  much  less  were 
there  the  necessary  provisions  of  food  and  war  supplies.  This  was 
carried  so  far  that  in  these  times  of  unrest,  whole  shiploads  of  corn 
and  meat  were  carried  away  and  exchanged  for  sugar,  molasses, 
brandy,  and  other  less  necessary  things.  In  short,  everything  was 
carelessly  managed.  Instead  of  drawing  together  into  one  or  two 
bodies  of  well  ordered  soldiery  in  order  to  drive  the  enemy  from 
the  boundaries  of  the  settlements,  every  one  wanted  to  save  his  own 
house  and  defend  himself.  This  was  the  cause  that  finally  the  Indians 
or  savages  overpowered  one  plantation  after  another,  and  soon  brought 
the  whole  province  under  them.  My  idea  was  that  in  case  the  sav- 
ages would  not  act  in  accordance  with  the  agreement  made  with 
them,  and  could  not  be  brought  to  a  good  treaty,  to  divert  them 
with  the  peace  I  had  made,  to  procure  a  truce,  and  meanwhile,  with 
the  help  of  my  people  to  establish  myself  in  some  place  and,  pro- 
vided with  all  necessary  munitions  and  food,  by  this  means  to  make 
a  greater  and  more  vigorous  resistance,  or  else  entirely  to  destroy  the 
savages.  But  there  was  nothing  to  be  done  with  these  wrong-headed 
Carolinians,  who,  even  if  some  were  more  courageous  than  the  others, 
took  the  matter  up  so  heedlessly  and  clumsily,  got  around  behind 
the  Indians  who  were  much  stronger  in  numbers,  good  shots,  and  well 
provided  with  everything,  so  that  this  small  handful  of  Christians 
immediately  had  to  get  the  worst  of  it.     Yes,  without  the  help  of  the 


240  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Palatines  and  Switzers  they  would  have  been  destroyed,  as  is  to  be 
seen  in  the  first  account.  N.  B.  In  the  same  account  there  is  to  be 
seen  from  a  letter  with  the  date  and  salutation,  how  the  troops  who 
were  in  Bath  Town,  a  little  village  on  the  Pamtego  River,  about  150 
in  number,  would  not  go  according  to  their  word  and  the  sign  which 
they  had  given  to  them,  and  did  not  have  the  heart  to  cross  the 
river  to  help  their  neighbors,  in  such  urgent  need;  but  rather,  after 
they  had  eaten  up  the  corn  and  meat  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  dis- 
trict, leaving  us  on  the  other  side  along  the  Neuse  River  in  the  lurch, 
they  went  home  again. 

How  I  fortified  myself  and  New  Bern  for  22  weeks  long  and  sup- 
ported myself  and  the  colony  with  my  own  means,  and  finally  had 
to  leave  my  post  from  lack  of  anything  to  eat,  in  order  to  go  to  the 
Governor,  is  partly  to  be  seen  in  the  first  account.  Yet  I  can  not 
pass  over  without  telling  how  it  went  with  me  on  this  journey 
into  Albemarle  County. 

So  then  after  I  had  experienced  and  seen  how  miserably  everything 
was  going;  what  poor,  yes,  absolute  lack  of  assistance;  the  impossi- 
bility of  holding  out  so,  for  in  the  long  run,  indeed,  we  were  reduced 
to  the  very  extremity;  how  that  through  the  invasion  of  the  savages 
the  whole  colony  had  been  destroyed,  since,  as  has  been  said,  about 
70  had  been  murdered  and  captured,  the  houses  of  all  the  colonists 
burned,  their  household  furniture  and  whatever  they  owned  carried 
off,  most  of  the  cattle  shot  down,  and  our  own  used  for  food.  So 
upon  the  representations  of  Mr.  Michel  and  other  gentlemen  from 
Virginia  and  Maryland,  I  resolved  to  take  other  measures  and  because 
the  colony  was  divided,  half  of  the  Palatines  having  turned  from 
me,  to  betake  myself  with  the  rest,  along  with  the  Switzers,  to  the 
above  mentioned  places.  Hereupon  I  packed  a  part  of  my  things, 
had  my  little  sloop  fitted  out  with  the  intention,  that  when  I  had 
reached  Governor  Hyde  I  should  succeed  in  getting  better  assistance 
in  the  parliament  or  general  assembly,  failing  which,  I  would  con- 
tinue in  my  design  to  go  to  Virginia  and  Maryland. 

So  I  departed  in  great  perplexity,  because  my  people  were  in  the 
greatest  straits, 4  °  yes,  so  much  that  there  was  no  longer  a  measure 
of  corn  left,  but  we  had  to  make  shift  with  pork,  and  that  very 
sparingly.  This  journey  was  also  unfortunate.  I  departed  with  good 
weather  and  wind,  after  I  had  collected  my  people  and  addressed 
them  as  best  I  could,  comforting  them  with  hope  of  speedy  help. 
In  the  evening  when  we  were  almost  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  and 
were  about  to  sail  out  into  the  Sound,  there  occurred  a  noteworthy 
sign.  On  the  tip  of  the  mast  there  suddenly  came  a  small  fire  and 
it  whistled  rather  loudly  for  about  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  and  finally 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      241 

it  ceased.  When  I  asked  the  captain  of  the  ship  what  that  was,  he 
told  me  nothing  very  good,  that  directly  a  great  storm  would  follow 
and  that  was  certain.  I  laughed  at  this  and  desired  to  continue  my 
journey.  But  an  hour  did  not  pass,  before  the  wind  began  to  blow 
harder,  and  because  it  was  toward  night  we  did  not  venture,  but 
looked  about  where  we  might  drop  anchor  by  the  land.  We  were 
scarcely  able  to  approach  the  land  before  the  wind  struck  us  so  hard 
that  a  little  later  we  should  have  come  into  the  greatest  danger.  So 
we  stayed  over  night  with  a  planter,  a  good  man, 4 1  who  had  settled 
there  upon  an  estate.  In  the  morning  when  the  storm  was  past, 
we  'went  on,  and  so  came  in  the  evening  of  the  second  day  into  the 
middle  of  the  Sound,  which  is  a  sea  much  bigger  than  Lake  Geneva, 
since  in  the  middle  one  could  not  see  land;  but  we  struck  against  a 
sand  bank,  so  that  the  ship  gave  such  a  loud  crack  that  we  thought 
it  broken  in  two,  and  if  it  had  not  been  very  strong  we  should  have 
had  to  suffer  shipwreck  there.  We  were,  then,  in  the  greatest  anxiety, 
and  took  all  imaginable  means  to  get  away  from  this  dangerous 
place.  The  greatest  fear  was  that  even  if  the  ship  were  finally  freed 
it  would  have  a  crack,  so  that  we  should  have  been  sent  down  with- 
out fail.  But  God  was  so  gracious,  that  after  the  sea  had  risen 
and  the  wind  had  become  better,  we  happily  got  away  with  spread 
sails.  When  we  saw  that  no  water  came  into  the  boat,  we  thanked 
God  and  started  out.  On  the  third  day  we  had  such  a  strong  con- 
trary wind  that  in  one  place  we  had  to  sail  towards  land.  There, 
where  there  was  a  broad  expanse  grown  up  to  reeds,  we  drop- 
ped anchor,  and  were  compelled  to  remain  several  days,  until  the 
wind  calmed  down  somewhat,  so  that  we  could  sail  with  a  side  wind 
through  a  canal  which  flows  through  the  reeds.  We  were  scarcely 
out  of  the  reeds  when  ill  luck  would  have  it  that  we  remained  sticking 
upon  a  solid  rock,  so  that  for  half  a  day  we  had  enough  to  do  before 
we  were  free,  and  again  the  sea  had  to  help  us.  Finally  the  wind 
increased  and  we  came  off  all  right  and  reached  the  appointed  place, 
and  it  was  time  we  did,  for  all  our  meager  provisions  of  food  and  drink 
were  used  up.  Instead  of  arriving  in  twice  twenty-four  hours  as 
we  hoped  to  with  good  winds  we  used  over  ten  days.  Thus  one  sees 
what  the  weather  sign  upon  the  tip  of  the  mast  means.  It  seems 
to  be  a  superstition,  to  be  sure,  but  experience  knows  differently. 

After  I  had  spent  six  whole  weeks  at  Governor  Hyde's,  partly  in 
waiting  the  termination  of  the  council  and  the  other  affairs  of  the 
province,  partly  in  providing  my  people  at  New  Bern  with  the  neces- 
saries of  life  and  military  stores,  after  the  expenditure  of  great  pains 
and  much  time,  my  sloop  was  filled  with  corn,  powder,  lead,  and 
tobacco,  and  sent  to  New  Bern.     But  oh,  what  a  misfortune.     The 

16 


242  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

good  people  in  their  extreme  distress  waited  in  vain  for  it.  For  when 
the  sloop  was  clear  past  the  Sound  and  far  from  the  mouth  of  the 
river,  the  people  on  the  ship  drank  too  much  brandy,  so  that  they 
all  went  to  sleep,  thinking  they  were  now  out  of  danger;  but  because 
they  had  not  entirely  put  out  the  fire  in  the  kitchen,  a  spark  sprang 
from  a  stick  of  wood  and  got  into  the  tobacco  leaves,  which  were 
not  far  from  there.  These  caught  more  and  more,  until  a  fire  started, 
and  at  length  the  smoke  wakened  the  shipmen,  who,  out  of  fear  that 
the  powder  cask  would  catch,  tried  to  save  themselves,  got  into  the 
canoe,  that  is,  a  little  round-bottomed  boat,  and  left.  Before  they 
came  clear  to  land  the  fire  got  into  the  powder,  and  the  sloop  went 
up  in  flames. 

Imagine  what  sad  news  for  the  half-starved  colonists  to  hear  a 
thing  like  that,  instead  of  the  assistance  waited  for  so  long  and  with 
such  great  desire,  and  how  that  went  to  their  hearts.  By  the  time 
I  had  learned  this  sad  news,  which  had  delayed  a  good  while,  I  had 
worked  with  all  my  might  to  have  them  provision  a  larger  sloop  or 
brigantine,  but  this  went  forward  so  slowly  that  I  became  very  angry, 
seeing  well  that  such  tergiversations  in  such  critical  times  would  not 
do.  For  this  reason  I  disposed  my  affairs  with  this  in  view  that  as 
soon  as  my  people  should  have  received  these  provisions,  they  should 
sail  immediately  in  the  same  ship  with  Mr.  Michel  to  Virginia.  This 
was  very  much  delayed.  After  I  had  stayed  a  long  time  at  Governor 
Hyde's,  as  has  been  said  before,  waiting  for  the  affairs  relating  to  the 
war  and  the  province  where  there  was  much  to  do,  I  went  into  Vir- 
ginia in  order  to  make  the  best  arrangements  possible.  But  before 
I  go  on  to  this  journey,  I  can  not  omit  to  tell  what  in  the  mean- 
time was  done  for  the  safety  of  the  country. 

After  I  had  strongly  represented  to  Governor  Hyde  and  the  General 
Assembly  that  we  should  make  better  arrangements  than  had  pre- 
viously been  made,  otherwise  we  were  in  danger  of  all  being  killed 
by  the  Indians,  we  got  to  work,  and  never  in  my  life  should  I  have 
thought  to  meet  such  awkward  and  faint-hearted  people. 

First  of  all  it  was  of  importance  to  find  where  provisions  were  to 
be  obtained,  for  it  was  impossible  to  go  to  war,  and  yet  these  im- 
provident Carolinians  were  so  foolish  as  to  sell  grain  and  meat  out 
of  the  country.  For  this  reason  I  urged  Governor  Hyde  immediately, 
to  publish  a  sharp  command  forbidding  the  exportation  of  certain  things. 

Secondly,  to  find  out  what  grain  there  was  in  the  country,  and  to 
take  measures  accordingly.  It  was  found  that  there  was  not  enough 
by  far,  to  carry  on  such  a  tedious  war.  Hereupon  arrangements 
were  made  with  the  neighboring  provinces  which  had  plenty,  to  pro- 
cure some. 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      243 

Thirdly,  to  provide  powder,  lead,  and  firearms,  with  which  the 
province  was  not  at  all  supplied,  and  of  which  the  individuals  had 
very  little.  Hereupon  it  was  decided  to  send  for  it  among  those 
from  other  places.  But  no  one  wanted  to  give  the  money  for  this 
purpose,  nor  did  the  province  which  was  then  in  bad  credit,  find  means, 
and  so  I  had  to  try  to  effect  something  with  the  Governor  in  Virginia. 

Fourthly,  Suppose  that  all  the  above  things  of  which  the  people 
had  need  were  ready,  there  was  still  labor.  We  could  with  the  great- 
est difficulty  make  out  scarcely  300  armed  men,  and  there  were  among 
them  many  who  were  unwilling  to  fight.  They  were  mostly  badly 
clad  and  equipped.  With  reference  to  this,  commission  was  given 
to  me  to  seek  for  help  in  Virginia.  When,  finally,  Governor  Spotswood, 
acting  in  the  Queen's  name,  promised  them  this  with  the  stipulation 
that  the  provisions  and  soldiers'  pay  should  be  returned,  they  did 
not  want  it,  unless  the  Governor  would  send  the  soldiers  and  the 
provisions  at  the  expense  of  the  Queen,  asserting  that  thejr  could 
not  pay  back  such  sums,  which  was  absurd.  Why  should  the  Queen 
have  the  expenses  of  the  colony  since  the  Lords  Proprietors  draw 
the  revenue?  This  gave  occasion  for  several  to  go  to  the  Governor 
of  Virginia  to  sound  him  to  see  whether  he  would  take  upon  himself 
the  protection  of  Carolina.  But  this  the  Governor  refused,  for  good 
reasons. 

Fifthly,  it  was  proposed  that  we  fortify  some  place  in  the  province 
to  be  used  in  case  of  need  as  a  retreat,  in  which  to  keep  ourselves  in 
safety.     But  this  did  not  succeed. 

With  things  as  we  knew  they  were,  what  was  to  be  done?  Mean- 
time the  Indians  continued  their  depredations,  became  bold  with 
such  poor  defense,  and  overcame  one  plantation  after  another. 

The  last  resource  was  to  send  hastily  to  South  Carolina  for  help, 
which  we  also  obtained,  otherwise  the  province  would  have  been 
destroyed.  So  the  Governor  of  South  Carolina42  sent  800  savage 
tributaries  with  50  English  South  Carolinians,  under  the  command 
of  Colonel  Barnwell,  well  equipped  and  provided  with  powder  and 
lead.  The  theatrum  belli  was  not  far  from  New  Bern.  Only  when 
these  arrived  did  the  Indian  war  begin  in  earnest,  and  these  South 
Carolinians  went  at  it,  when  they  came  to  the  Tuscarora  savages, 
in  such  a  manner  that  they  awakened  great  terror  among  them,  so 
that  the  North  Carolina  Indians  were  forced  to  fortify  themselves. 
But  our  friendly  Indians,  after  they  had  received  their  orders  at  New 
Bern  went  against  Core  Town,  a  great  Indian  village  about  30  miles 
from  New  Bern,  drove  the  King  and  his  Indians  out  of  the  same 
after  they  had  slain  several,  got  into  such  a  frenzy  over  it  that  they 
cooked  and  ate  the  flesh  of  one  of  the  Carolinian  Indians  that  had 


244  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

been  shot  down.  To  this  assistance  from  South  Carolina  we  detailed 
200  North  Carolina  English  with  some  few  of  our  Indians  who  were 
friendly  to  us,  and  about  50  Palatines  and  Swiss  under  command 
of  Colonel  Boyd  and  Mr.  Michel,  whom  we  made  Colonel.  This 
small  army  went  further  up,  to  Catechna,  a  large  Indian  village, 
where  I  and  Surveyor  General  Lawson  were  captured  and  condemned 
to  death  as  has  been  told  in  the  first  account.  In  this  village  Catechna, 
our  enemy  consisting  of  Indians  of  Weetox,  Bay  River,  Neuse,  Core, 
Pamtego,  and  partly  of  Tuscaroras,  had  collected  and  strongly  forti- 
fied themselves,  and  we  could  accomplish  nothing  against  them;  that 
is  to  say,  in  the  storm  planned  against  them,  the  orders  were  not 
properly  executed,  the  attack  should  have  been  made  in  certain 
places.  But  Brice's  people  were  so  hot-headed  that  they  stormed 
before  the  time,  many  of  them  were  wounded,  some  were  left  dead, 
and  so  our  forces  had  to  withdraw.  When  the  report  of  this  was 
given  to  us  in  the  council  we  were  very  much  busied  considering  how 
better  to  subdue  the  enemy  and  how  to  make  better  arrangements. 
By  chance  I  was  looking  about  and  saw  six  or  eight  pieces  in  the 
yard,  lying  there  uncared  for,  all  rusty  and  full  of  sand.  My  notion 
was  that  two  of  the  smallest  should  be  refitted,  sent  over,  and  the 
fort  bombarded  with  it.  At  this  I  was  laughed  at  heartily,  and  it 
was  represented  to  me  as  impossible  to  take  them  through  morasses, 
forests,  and  ravines.  But  I  remembered  what  Captain  Jaccard  of 
St.  Croix  had  told  me.  Just  as  he  said  he  had  done  it  before  a 
fortress  in  Flanders  (which  made  his  fortune),  each  small  piece  was 
carried  very  nicely,  as  though  upon  a  litter, 4  3  between  two  horses, 
the  rest  disposed  further  as  suited  best,  and  the  scheme  succeeded 
well.  For  when  the  approaches  were  made  and  only  two  shots  had 
been  fired  into  the  fort  of  the  savages  along  with  some  grenades  which 
we  tried  to  send  in,  such  a  fear  was  awakened  among  the  savages 
who  had  never  heard  nor  seen  such  things  before,  that  they  asked 
for  a  truce.  Then  a  council  of  war  was  held  by  our  highest  officers 
to  decide  what  to  do,  and  it  was  decided  to  accord  a  truce  and  to  try 
to  make  an  advantageous  peace.  The  principal  cause  of  this  was  the 
Christian  prisoners  which  they  still  held  from  the  first  massacre,  who 
called  to  us  that  if  the  fort  fell  to  us  in  a  storm  they  would  all  miser- 
ably perish  without  mercy.  Hereupon  they  surrendered  under  con- 
dition that  first  of  all  the  captives  should  be  set  free.  And  this  was 
done. 

Now  when  this  was  past  and  our  troops  had  marched  to  New  Bern 
to  refresh  themselves  a  little,  for  the  food  was  getting  scarce  and 
scanty,  and  the  response  to  Colonel  Barnwell  had  not  been  to  his  satis- 
faction, he  became  impatient  that  he  had  not  received  more  honor 


Graffenbied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      245 

and  kindness.  His  soldiers  also  were  very  badly  provisioned.  For 
these  reasons,  he  thought  of  a  means  of  going  back  to  South  Carolina 
with  profit,  and  under  the  pretense  of  a  good  peace  he  enticed  a  goodly 
number  of  the  friendly  Indians  or  savage  Carolinians,  took  them 
prisoner  at  Core  Town  (to  this  his  tributary  Indians  were  entirely 
inclined  because  they  hoped  to  get  a  considerable  sum  from  each 
prisoner)  and  made  his  way  home  with  his  living  plunder.  Whatever 
before  this  he  did  worthy  of  praise,  was  flung  away  by  this  action. 

This  so  unchristian  act  very  properly  embittered  the  rest  of  the 
Tuscarora  and  Carolina  Indians  very  much,  although  heathens,  so 
that  they  no  longer  trusted  the  Christians.  Therefore  they  fortified 
themselves  still  more  securely  and  did  much  damage  in  Neuse  and  Pam- 
tego  County,  yes,  the  last  became  worse  than  the  first.  This  induced 
us  to  lay  strong  complaint  against  Colonel  Barnwell  and  to  write 
to  South  Carolina  for  new  help,  which  followed,  but  not  so  strong 
as  the  first.  But  soon  after  there  arrived  a  goodly  number  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Moore,  who  behaved  better.  After  what  could 
be  raised  had  been  brought  together  they  went  to  this  Indian  fort 
at  Catechna  or  Hancock  Town  and  at  last  this  was  successfully 
stormed,  set  fire,  and  overcome.  The  savages  showed  themselves 
unspeakably  brave,  so  much  so  that  when  our  soldiers  had  become 
master  of  the  fort  and  wanted  to  take  out  the  women  and  children 
who  were  under  the  ground,  where  they  were  hidden  along  with  their 
provisions,  the  wounded  savages  who  were  groaning  on  the  ground 
still  continued  to  fight.  There  were  about  200  who  were  burned  up 
in  a  redoubt  and  many  others  slain  so  that  in  all  about  900,  including 
women  and  children  were  dead  and  captured.  Of  ours  there  were 
also  many  wounded  and  some  remained  on  the  field.  From  this 
time  we  had  rest,  although  some  survivors  still  wandered  here  and 
there.  It  was  now  a  question  of  providing  for  the  future,  for  putting 
ourselves  in  complete  security  against  the  surviving  neighbors.  Cer- 
tain of  the  kings  with  whom  we  conferred  yielded.  N.  B.  The  kings 
are  really  only  the  chiefs  of  a  certain  number  of  wild  Indians,  but 
still,  it  is  hereditary  and  is  passed  on  to  posterity.  We  conferred 
with  them  and  finally  brought  about  a  wished-for  peace. 

At  present  there  is  not  the  slightest  thing  to  fear,  for  the  savages 
who  live  beyond  Virginia  and  this  same  province  are  tributary,  a 
guarantee  of  peace;  and  the  surviving  Carolina  Indians  have  also 
become  tributaries  of  the  Lords  Proprietors. 

Meanwhile,  although  in  peace,  it  did  not  go  well  with  our  poor 
colonists;  but  they  were  dispersed  here  and  there  among  the  English 
or  Carolina  planters;  others  made  their  way  back  to  New  Bern  where 
they  tilled  a  little  land  to  supply  their  most  pressing  need.     I  allowed 


246  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

them  to  try  to  take  service  for  two  years  and  to  go  into  the  service 
of  one  or  another  of  the  wealthiest  of  the  inhabitants  of  Carolina 
in  order  to  have  their  living  there  and  to  save  up  something  so  that 
they  could  afterwards  go  back  upon  their  fees  or  plantations.  But 
for  these  two  years  they  should  be  free  from  the  quitrent  imposed 
upon  them.  To  Mr.  Michel  and  the  people  from  Berne  I  let  it  be 
known  that  I  was  going  to  Virginia  to  make  the  necessary  arrange- 
ments there  in  the  hope  that  they  might  settle  there  better  than  in 
Carolina,  trusting  myself  upon  the  Mr.  Michel's  word  which  he  had 
given,  that  he  was  minded  to  stay  by  the  agreement  which  we  had 
made  before.  At  the  same  time  it  was  impossible  with  my  own 
strength  and  means  to  restore  a  colony  so  ruined,  and  from  Berne  the 
prospects  were  not  only  poor,  but  no  hopes  of  any  assistance  what- 
ever had  been  given. 

With  this  I  took  my  departure  from  the  Governor  and  council 
and  went  to  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  from  whom  I  obtained  this 
that  he  granted  me,  particularly  because  of  the  dangerous  war  times 
the  captain  of  only  one  warship  to  accompany  my  people.  This 
was  a  great  and  peculiar  favor  for  an  individual.  Hereupon  Mr. 
Michel,  who  was  then  at  a  conference  held  upon  the  frontiers  between 
Governors  Hyde  and  Spotswood,  was  advised  and  at  that  time  the 
day  was  set  when  and  where  they  should  assemble  themselves  on  the 
island  Currituck  in  Carolina.  While  this  was  going  on  I  went  further 
into  Virginia  towards  the  Potomac  and  Maryland  in  order  to  have 
everything  ready  with  lodging,  food,  and  cattle. 

The  place 4  4  was  not  far  from  the  falls  of  the  Potomac,  with  a  civil, 
generous,  and  well-to-do  man  named  Rosier,  settled  upon  the  main- 
land. There  a  certain  baronet  and  other  gentlemen  from  Pennsyl- 
vania came  to  meet  me  in  order  also  to  see  how  it  was  with  the  silver 
mine  of  which  Mr.  Michel  had  told  and  in  which  they  were  interested, 
and  on  this  account  had  been  to  much  expense.  After  we  had  waited 
there  in  expectation  of  Mr.  Michel  and  the  Bern  people  who  were 
coming  with  him,  after  such  a  long  delay  and  no  news  coming  from 
him  we  became  impatient,  and  in  consideration  also  of  Mr.  Michel's 
strange  actions  with  regard  to  the  mines,  we  got  the  idea  of  visiting 
the  place  ourselves  following  the  plans  given  us  to  ascertain  the  truth. 
We  equipped  ourselves  for  this  truly  dangerous  journey,  yet  because 
I  had  had  it  in  mind  to  do  this  even  when  the  other  gentlemen  had 
not  yet  arrived,  I  had  as  a  precaution,  received  patents  from  the 
Governor  of  Virginia,  to  whom  I  communicated  my  design,  and 
orders  had  been  given  that  at  the  first  notice  I  could  summon  as 
many  of  the  rangers  stationed  nearest  as  I  considered  necessary. 


Gbaffenkied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been       247 

When  we  came  to  Canavest,  a  remarkably  beautiful  spot,  about 
four  miles  above,  before  the  falls,  we  found  there  a  band  of  Indians 
and  in  particular  a  Frenchman  named  Martin  Chartier,  who  had 
married  an  Indian  woman,  and  thereby  was  in  great  credit  with  the 
wild  Indians  of  the  nations  which  live  beyond  Pennsylvania  and 
Maryland.  He  also,  leaving  Pennsylvania  on  the  representations 
of  Mr.  Michel,  had  settled  himself  there.  Before  this  he  had  also 
gone  with  Mr.  Michel  to  look  for  the  mines  and  had  been  to  much 
labor  and  expense.  He  warned  us  that  the  Indians  of  this  same  region 
where  the  silver  mines  were  supposed  to  be,  were  very  much  alarmed 
at  the  war  which  we  had  had  with  the  Tuscarora  Nation,  and  there- 
fore we  ought  not  to  expose  ourselves  to  such  danger  without  especial 
necessity.  We  believed  him  and  postponed  the  matter  to  a  con- 
venient time.  Meantime  we  made  a  league  with  the  Canavest 
Indians,  a  very  necessary  thing,  as  well  in  respect  to  the  hoped-for 
mines  as  for  our  little  Bern  Colony  which  we  wanted  to  settle  there. 
We  also  examined  the  admirable  situation  of  the  same  region  of  coun- 
try and  in  particular  the  charming  island  of  the  Potomac  River  above 
the  falls,  to  this  hour  regretting  that  I  can  not  live  in  this  beautiful 
land. 

From  there  we  went  further  back  upon  a  mountain  of  the  highest 
in  those  parts,  called  Sugar  Loaf,  for  it  has  the  form  of  a  loaf  of 
sugar.  We  took  with  us  Martin  Chartier,  a  surveyor  we  also  had 
with  us,  and  there  came  with  us  several  Indians.  From  the  mountain 
we  viewed  an  exceedingly  broad  extent  of  country,  a  part  of  Virginia, 
Maryland,  Pennsylvania,  and  Carolina,  used  the  compass,  made  us 
a  map,  and  observed  especially  the  mountain  where  the  silver  mines 
were  said  to  be,  found  that  they  were  beyond  Virginia,  and  incident- 
ally from  the  two  Indians  that  they  had  looked  up  and  down  the 
mountain  but  had  found  not  the  slightest  sign  of  minerals,  and  that 
the  map  that  had  been  given  us  did  not  correspond  to  the  report  at 
all.  This  disturbed  us  greatly.  What  else  happened  on  this  account 
is  not  necessary  to  relate  here.  We  discovered  still  finer  land  and 
three  broad  mountains  each  higher  than  the  other.  When  we  came 
down  from  the  mountain  we  stayed  overnight  with  Martin  Chartier, 
and  returned  the  next  day  to  Mr.  Rosier's  quarters  below  the  falls, 
where  I  stayed  a  considerable  time  in  hopes  of  receiving  my  people 
there,  as  had  been  agreed.  The  other  travelers  returned  to  Penn- 
sylvania, but  not  very  well  satisfied  on  account  of  the  confused  plan. 

I  believe  there  is  no  more  beautiful  site 4  5  in  the  world  than  this 
which  we  intended  to  divide  into  two  small  colonies;  the  first  directly 
below  the  falls  where  there  was  a  very  cheerful  island  of  good  soil 
and  opposite,  in  a  corner  between  the  Potomac  River  and  a  smaller 


248  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

one  called  Gold  Creek,  suited  to  receive  everything  which  comes  up 
or  down  before  the  falls,  and  the  greatest  merchant  ships  can  sail 
there.  The  other  site  was  to  be  at  Canavest  as  the  map  shows. 
Now  after  there  had  not  been  received  the  least  news  for  about  two 
months  long  from  Carolina,  the  limping  messenger  finally  came 
with  bad  tidings.  Since  Mr.  Michel,  so  the  bearer  of  this  note 
reported  to  me  in  words  only,  demanded  to  have  the  command  of  our 
sloop,  I  should  come  to  an  agreement  with  them.  He  said  the  sloop, 
after  it  had  finally  brought  the  long  desired  grain  to  Neuse,  on  its 
return  had  gone  upon  a  sand  bank,  was  in  bad  condition  and  had 
become  somewhat  worm-eaten  during  the  hot  weather;  that  it  needed 
to  be  fitted  out  with  sails,  cable,  and  with  other  things;  that  it  could 
not  get  off;  that  I  should  betake  myself  quickly  to  Carolina,  and  told 
me  nothing  further;  nothing  of  the  warship  which  had  been  sent  to  us 
from  Virginia,  and  of  the  other  things  which  had  gone  on  in  the  long 
interval,  so  that  I  almost  pined  away  and  died  of  impatience.  Such  un- 
favorable news  and  so  strange  a  report  overcame  me  so  that  it  would 
be  no  wonder  if  I  had  lost  my  senses.  After  all  the  arrangements  in 
the  way  of  provisions  had  been  made,  now  everything  was  in  vain. 
Nevertheless  I  sent  the  captain  who  did  not  seem  to  be  entirely  satisfied, 
with  orders  to  fit  out  the  ship  as  well  as  possible,  and  that  quickly, 
because  it  had  to  make  only  a  small  passage  along  the  coasts,  and 
wrote  to  Colonel  Pollock  since  he  was  in  the  best  circumstances  that 
since  the  ship  was  in  the  service  of  the  province,  it  should  provide 
the  most  essential  things  for  this  need,  indicating  that  I  would  do 
the  rest  through  Virginia.  But  everything  was  postponed,  and  if 
I  wanted  to  have  my  affair  advanced  I  should  have  to  go  there  my- 
self. When,  now,  I  came  to  the  Governor  I  found  an  entirely  different 
face  than  formerly,  cold,  indifferent,  and  I  could  not  guess  the  cause 
of  it.  Finally  he  helped  me  out  of  my  consternation,  nevertheless 
earnestly  expostulating  with  me  and  asking  what  I  took  him  for, 
saying  that  he  had  hoped  that  I  would  have  been  more  grateful  for 
his  friendliness  and  services,  yes,  such  noteworthy  services  which 
would  not  have  been  shown  very  soon  to  every  individual;  instead 
of  our  due  thankfulness  we  had  acted  very  haughtily  towards  him. 
The  one  who  was  in  the  highest  degree  astounded  was  I.  I  excused 
myself.  I  said  that  I  did  not  know  as  yet  what  that  all  meant,  and 
yet  begged  for  enlightenment.  So  the  Governor  broke  out,  "Yes, 
yes,  your  fine  gentleman  has  used  me  very  badly."  He  told  how 
that,  as  had  been  agreed,  he,  the  governor,  had  sent  out  a  warship 
to  bring  our  sloop  with  the  people  and  to  convoy  it;  that  the  ship 
had  waited  about  six  days  before  Currituck  Island;  that  the  captain 
had  at  last  become  impatient  since  he  saw  no  one  coming,  sent  his 


Graffenkied  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      249 

small  barque  to  the  land  in  order  to  find  out  whether  any  thing  was 
to  be  learned  of  our  sloop  of  Switzers.  No  one  pretended  to  know 
the  least  thing  of  it.  When  he  traveled  further  to  a  little  village 
called  Litta  (Little  River),  he  finally  learned  that  Mr.  M.  was  at  New 
Bern  and  the  sloop  was  in  bad  condition  on  a  sand  bank  and  could 
not  get  off.  When  the  lieutenant  heard  such  news  he  went  quickly 
back  to  his  captain,  who  nearly  jumped  out  of  his  skin  to  think  that 
he  had  been  so  played  with  and  had  made  such  a  dangerous  voyage 
for  nothing;  for  if  a  storm  had  been  seen  he  would  have  been  compelled 
to  go  out  upon  the  high  sea,  and  if  the  wind  had  blown  towards  the 
land  he  would  have  been  in  great  danger  because  in  these  parts  the 
water  is  not  deep.  So  he  turned  angrily  back  to  Virginia.  Now 
When  I  had  heard  all  this  I  half  fainted  away  with  vexation  and  shame 
that  such  a  gentleman,  from  whom  I  had  received  so  much  friendli- 
ness, so  many  services,  yes,  after  God,  my  life  itself,  had  been  so 
mocked.  I  began  to  excuse  myself  as  best  I  could,  telling  him  in 
answer  how  I  had  been  exposed,  since  everything  was  arranged  on 
the  Potomac,  that  I  was  in  the  greatest  anxiety  how  I  was  to  work 
myself  out  of  such  a  labyrinth.  After  the  governor  had  offered  me  a 
drink  to  refresh  me  he  began  to  express  his  sympathy  for  me  that  I 
had  to  deal  with  such  a  strange  fellow.  He  advised  me  to  get  along 
without  him. 

Now  after  he  had  treated  me  in  a  friendly  manner,  and  I  had  passed 
the  night  there,  I  went  hastily  into  Carolina  the  next  day,  in  order  to 
make  the  above  mentioned  necessary  arrangements.  I  had  also  or- 
dered in  one  place  sails  and  cordage,  in  order  to  equip  the  sloop  in 
case  of  need.  Now  when  I  came  to  Governor  Hyde's  in  Carolina  I 
heard  the  whole  affair  for  the  first  time  really  in  detail,  and  I  know 
not  what  more  unpleasant  things  in  addition.  I  wrote  immediately  to 
Mr  M.  requesting  him  to  report  to  me  the  condition  of  everything; 
but  was  badly  satisfied.  Thereupon  I  demanded  that  he  come  to  me 
in  order  that  we  might  take  the  needed  measures  over  one  thing  and 
another,  but  this  was  not  to  be  obtained;  and  for  good  reasons  I  could 
not  go  to  him,  so  I  made  arrangements  elsewhere,  obtained  from  the 
governor  and  the  council  that  since  the  sloop  was  put  into  such  a 
condition  while  it  was  in  the  service  of  the  province,  nothing  was 
more  fitting  than  that  it  should  be  given  back  to  me  in  good  condition 
again.  This  seemed  good  to  me  and  so  there  was  sent  a  man  ex- 
perienced in  such  affairs  to  visit  the  sloop,  but  he  was  so  badly  pro- 
vided with  food  and  other  assistance  that  he  came  back  again  and 
indeed,  sick,  because  it  was  in  the  heat  of  the  summer.  He  gave 
us  the  report  that  the  sloop  could  not  hold  together  long  because  it 
had  lain  through   the  summer  exposed  to  the  heat   and  had  been 


250  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

damaged  by  the  inhabitants,  and  would  have  to  be  equipped  anew, 
and  it  was  not  worth  it.  With  this  I  gave  the  sloop  over  to  the 
province  and  wanted  to  have  its  worth  estimated,  at  its  value  and 
price  when  it  came  into  the  service.  But  the  response  was  by  far  not 
what  I  demanded,  so  that  I  had  to  lose  the  half  part  in  it  and  there 
is  nothing  yet  paid  any  more  than  in  the  case  of  the  small  one. 

In  the  meanwhile  where  was  I  to  go  with  my  people?  I  wrote  again 
pathetically  to  Mr.  M.  and  desired  a  conference  in  such  a  slippery 
conjuncture,  especially  since  the  creditors  demanded  to  be  paid.  Not 
a  word  followed.  But  I  learned  that  the  gentleman  had  it  in  mind  to 
pack  all  my  things,  under  pretense  of  saving  them,  and  to  take  them 
to  South  Carolina,  and  that  he  had  persuaded  several  Palatines  to  go 
there  with  him.  This  never  suspected  scheme  did  not  please  me  and 
I  was  warned  to  put  my  things  into  better  keeping,  but  too  late.  In 
consequence  of  this,  because  Colonel  Pollock,  to  whom  I  owed  a  toler- 
ably large  sum  for  provisions  advanced  to  the  colony,  became 
somewhat  suspicious,  as  was  proper,  I  asked  him  to  inventorize  through 
chosen  men  everything  authorized,  as  well  the  remaining  property  of 
the  Palatines  as  mine,  and  so  they  were  put  into  safe  keeping,  but  my 
best  things  were  gone. 

Now  when  I  reflected  on  the  conduct  of  Mr.  M.  how  he  had  ordered 
everything  so  strangely,  how  he  had  played  with  all  those  interested 
and  nothing  had  resulted,  I  had  no  confidence  in  it.  At  last  I  wrote 
him  a  letter,  as  related,  indicating  what  I  had  heard  from  one  and 
another,  but  as  a  reproof,  I  said  that  if  he  was  found  to  be  under  any 
suspicion  he  had  truly  given  the  cause  for  it  himself,  through  his  ac- 
tions, tergiversations,  and  fickle  minded  changes,  such  as  were  better 
related  apart  by  word  of  mouth;  as  affairs  then  were  in  such  an  ex- 
tremity, strong  resolutions  would  have  to  be  taken,  and  it  was  abso- 
lutely necessary  that  we  should  talk  out  our  hearts  to  each  other  in  a 
personal  conversation  and  take  the  last  measures,  that  there  was  peril 
in  delay.  Instead  of  any  meeting  I  received  the  most  shameless 
writing  that  could  be  thought  of.  Indeed  I  believe  he  would  have 
been  glad  to  find  a  pretext  to  lend  color  to  his  tricks  and  to  get  himself 
free  from  that  which,  according  to  the  information  he  had  given,  he 
could  not  carry  out.  I  could  have  here  a  great  matter  for  complaint 
over  his  inexpressible  behavior.  But  to  protect  his  eminent  relatives 
more  than  him  I  will  pass  on  with  sighs  and  say  nothing. 

There  were  in  this  letter  so  many  things  which  showed  clearly  that 
I  and  others  besides  were  duped,  especially  one  thing  that  the  afore- 
mentioned gentleman  said  about  a  new  enterprise  which  he  almost 
made  effective,  namely,  to  found  a  colony  upon  the  Mississippi  River 4  6 
to  which  three  crowns,  Spain,  France,  and  England  lay  claim,  under 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      251 

the  opinion  that  the  state  of  Berne,  as  neutral,  would  be  supported  in 
this  land.  One  can  easily  observe:  first,  47the  jealousy  of  such  mighty 
powers,  since  none  of  them  would  give  way  to  the  others:  second,  the 
unsuitablity  of  Berne  to  colonize  distant  lands,  since  it  is  no  sea 
power.  Thus  one  easily  sees  that  Mr.  M.  in  fact  did  not  look  care- 
fully at  his  calculations,  and  that  such  leaps  from  Pennsylvania  into 
Maryland,  from  there  into  Virginia,  further  into  North  Carolina  along 
with  that  into  South  Carolina,  and  finally  to  the  Mississippi  can  not 
pass  muster. 

The  conclusion,  as  regards  the  silver  mines  of  Virginia  or  Maryland, 
is  soon  made.  For  if  there  is  anything  real  there,  why  withdraw  from 
it  a,nd  go  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico?  My  hair  raises  when  I  think  how 
many  families  were  deceived,  especially  so  many  families  of  miners, 
who,  building  upon  a  formal  contract,  left  their  Fatherland,  traveled 
at  great  expense  to  America  and  now  met  neither  Mr.  M.  nor  any  one 
else  there  who  showed  them  the  reported  mines.  I  must  now  cease  to 
speak  of  the  disagreeable  matter,  otherwise  I  should  bury  myself  so 
deeply  in  it  that  there  would  not  be  room  enough  for  the  other  things, 
for  this  is  really  not  my  purpose. 

I  come  again  to  my  Carolina  account.  After  I  had  reflected  upon 
the  above  mentioned  circumstances,  how  little  assistance  was  to  be 
expected  from  Berne,  one  note  after  the  other  protested,  it  was  in- 
cumbent upon  me  to  consider  what  means  to  seize  in  such  urgent 
need;  and  nevertheless  I  had  as  yet  no  idea  of  going  to  Europe.  Be- 
cause there  were  still  two  Negro  slaves  at  Governor  Hyde's,  which 
belonged  to  me,  I  tried  to  take  them  with  me,  thinking  to  make  use 
of  them  at  Canavest;  to  which  Indians  I  wished  to  retire,  and  gradu- 
ally draw  there  some  of  the  colonists  out  of  Carolina  according  to 
the  plan  before  announced,  and  they  showed  a  great  desire  for  it. 
But  Governor  Hyde  kept  me  so  long  because  the  peace  was  not  yet 
entirely  ratified  with  the  Indians,  which  conclusion  he  absolutely 
would  have,  that  one  of  my  creditors  found  a  scheme  to  slyly  keep 
watch  of  these  Negroes,  so  that  they  could  not  get  away. 

Meanwhile  we  all  became  sick  at  the  Governor's  with  the  great  heat 
and  without  doubt  because  we  ate  so  many  peaches  and  apples,  so 
that  eventually,  in  a  few  days  the  Governor  died,  which  caused  me 
much  business,  since  he  was  a  very  good  friend  of  mine.  This  death 
brought  his  very  dear  Madame  Hyde  almost  to  despair  and  she  im- 
plored me  with  hot  tears  that  I  should  not  leave  her  in  such  a  sad 
circumstance,  but  should  remain  with  her,  partly  until  the  affairs, 
with  reference  to  the  governorship,  were  arranged,  partly  until  her 
own  affairs,  relating  to  the  deceased's  claims  and  the  debts  of  those  owing 
him,  were  straightened  out;  representing  to  me  further  that  accord- 


252  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

ing  to  my  rank  and  the  law,  as  landgrave,  the  presidency  was  due  me, 
and  that  lastly,  she  had  observed  at  London  with  the  Lords  Pro- 
prietors, that  if  the  place  were  vacant  they  would  entrust  me  with 
the  government.  I  thanked  her  politely  for  it,  but  gave  her  other 
reasons  which  kept  me  from  accepting  it.  I  signified  to  her,  that 
I  would  remain  there  a  few  weeks  more  and  contribute  my  best  to 
settle  her  affairs  although  my  own  were  right  then  pressing  so  much. 

After  the  burial  Colonel  Pollock,  the  oldest  of  the  council,  with  the 
other  justices  came  to  me,  and  begged  me  to  take  the  presidency. 
But  I  refused  it  for  many  weighty  reasons,  saying  that  Colonel 
Pollock  as  the  oldest  in  years  and  in  the  council  should  assume  it; 
that  the  affairs  of  the  province  were  also  better  known  to  him  than 
to  me  for  I  was  entirely  strange  in  this  land;  and  after  many  compli- 
ments he  finally  accepted. 

In  the  meantime  the  Lords  Proprietors  were  informed  of  all  this. 
I  gave  them  remotely  to  understand,  that  if  the  government  were  dele- 
gated to  me  I  should  not  refuse  it,  but  that  I  should  not  solicit  them 
for  it.  This  was  without  any  hesitation.  As  already  related  it  seemed 
good  to  me,  because  it  was  well  known  that  I  was  very  much  in  debt 
in  Carolina,  and  already  several  notes  had  been  protested,  so  I  re- 
frained, waiting  for  news  from  Berne  since  I  had  written  there  to  know 
if  there  was  hope  of  any  payment,  for  it  is  the  custom  that  the  can- 
didates present  themselves  in  person  in  such  circumstances.  So  then 
it  was  postponed  six  whole  months  until  a  governor  was  appointed. 
Yet  since  several  persons  had  put  themselves  forward  in  London  and 
among  them  this  same  Eden,  now  Governor,  they  became  impatient 
because  neither  from  Bern  nor  from  me  did  any  one  arrive  in  London. 
The  Lords  Proprietors  finally  came  to  an  election  and  elected  the 
above  mentioned  Mr.  Eden,  whom  I  met  in  London  and  spoke  with, 
yes,  recommended  to  him,  as  well  as  I  could,  my  interests  as  well  as 
those  of  the  colony.  He  sincerely  promised  his  offices,  and  a  com- 
mand to  the  same  effect  was  given  him  by  the  Lords  Proprietors.  In 
passing  I  will  say  that  I  finally  reached  London  and  stayed  with 
a  gentleman,  Chevalier  Colleton,  a  Baronet  and  also  a  Lord  Pro- 
prietor, a  man  who  was  my  special  friend.  I  was  eight  days  upon  his 
estate  eight  miles  from  London.  At  the  first  sight  of  me  he  evi- 
denced his  joy  saying  (besides)  that  if  I  had  arrived  only  a  month 
earlier  I  should  now  be  Governor  in  South  Carolina,  a  thing  which 
grieved  me  less  than  it  did  him  because  I,  unfortunately  knew  very 
well  that  at  Bern  there  was  no  disposition  to  pay  my  debts,  either 
on  the  part  of  my  own  people  or  on  the  part  of  the  Lords  Pro- 
prietors who  were  discouraged  by  so  many  adversities. 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      253 

Now  I  have  gotten  clear  to  London  instead  of  Virginia.  I  will  con- 
tinue where  I  left  off.  A  few  days  before  I  took  my  leave  of  Mrs. 
Hyde,  I  had  the  two  Negroes  secretly  informed  through  my  servant 
that  they  should  quietly  get  across  the  river  in  the  night,  and  wait 
for  me  on  the  other  side  to  go  with  me  to  Virginia.  They  were  quite 
happy  to  do  this,  for  they  were  harshly  treated  there,  but  I  do  not 
know  how  they  managed  it.  Some  one  got  wind  of  it  and  they  were 
arrested  so  I  had  to  leave  them  behind  and  by  this  my  compass  was 
entirely  disarranged.  Upon  that  I  took  my  departure  not  trusting 
myself,  and  came  to  Governor  Spotswood  in  Virginia  to  whom  I  told  all 
these  vexations.  He  felt  very  sorry  for  me,  but  because  I  was  think- 
ing about  making  my  rendevous  with  the  Baronet  upon  the  Poto- 
mac River,  I  did  not  stay  long  at  Williamsburg,  but  set  forth  upon 
my  way  to  Maryland  intending  to  find  him  at  Mr.  Rosier's  at  the  falls 
and  there  to  make  an  agreement  with  him  as  one  interested.  So 
then  I  hastened  as  fast  as  I  could.  But  when,  at  the  point  of  Mary- 
land, I  wanted  to  make  the  passage  of  the  river  with  my  horses,  a 
strong  wind  hindered  me.  As  soon  as  the  wind  left  off  I  rode  over 
and  took  my  way  to  the  falls,  but  would  ill  luck  not  have  it  that  when 
I  arrived  at  Mr.  Rosier's  house  I  should  find  neither  him  nor  the  wife 
nor  the  Baronet.  The  first  two  were  distant  a  whole  day's  journey 
on  a  visit  to  their  relatives,  and  the  Baronet  had  departed  just  the 
day  before,  thinking  to  find  me  in  Virginia.  Although  tired  from  my 
long  journey,  I  took  some  food  and  a  drink  in  haste  and  journeyed 
so  quickly  back  that  my  horses  were  overridden,  and  I  was  compelled 
a  day  before  we  came  to  Williamsburg  to  go  afoot.  As  soon  as  I 
arrived  there  I  inquired  whether  the  Baronet  were  there,  but  I  learned 
that  he  was  at  Hampton,  the  first  seaport  of  Virginia.  I  sent  my 
servant  there  immediately  with  a  lame  horse,  who  also  did  not  find 
him  any  more,  the  reason  of  which  was  that  the  Baronet  having 
there  by  chance  found  a  war  ship  ready  to  sail  to  New  York  and  the 
captain  of  it  being  a  very  good  friend  of  his,  he  had  gladly  availed 
himself  of  this  opportunity  for  his  return.  After  he  had  informed 
himself  regarding  the  affairs  of  the  colony  and  of  myself,  and  had 
heard  that  Governor  Hyde  had  died,  and  that  my  affairs  were  getting 
worse,  he  left  me  a  letter  which  I  never  received  and  went  to  New 
York  which  is  not  far  from  Bartington,  a  beautiful  village,  built  in 
the  Holland  manner,  a  place  on  the  boundary  between  New  York  and 
Pennsylvania  where  he  mostly  stayed.  But  there  was  I  left  off  one 
side,  for  this  man  was  my  last  resource,  because  he  was  a  prudent,  ex- 
perienced, and  upright  merchant,  a  Gascon  in  nationality  That  which 
amazed  me  was  that  he  as  a  cunning  man  trusted  and  advanced  Mr. 
M.  so  much.     I  thought  there  was  something  in  the  business  relative 


254  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

to  the  silver  mines,  and  if  there  had  been  the  least  appearance  there 
of  any  reality,  might  still  have  held  out. 

What  was  I  now  to  do?  If  I  could  easily  have  gotten  something,  so 
that  I  could  have  settled  myself  at  Canavest.  But  because  we  had 
gone  too  far  for  that,  instead  of  to  Governor  Spotswood,  I  went  to  a 
well  known  and  particular  friend,  wished  him  to  make  another  trial,  4  8 
sent  my  servant  into  Carolina,  in  part  to  find  out  if  he  had  changed 
his  mind,  in  part  to  find  out  what  route  he  had  actually  taken, 4  9  like- 
wise to.  see  whether  possibly  the  Negroes  had  escaped,  and  in  that  case 
if  I  could  get  them  I  could  yet  have  done  something  at  Canavest,  for 
they  could,  at  least,  plant  corn  and  attend  to  some  cattle.  But  my 
my  servant  came  back  without  having  accomplished  anything,  but 
it  was  told  to  him  that  if  I  wished  to  send  a  sloop  or  barque  with 
provisions  to  my  Bern  colonists  and  a  few  honorable  Palatines,  they 
were  disposed  to  come  to  me.  I  trusted  to  still  maintain  myself  with 
the  mines  which  I  had  in  company  with  Governor  Spotswood. 

On  this  report  I  wrote  to  Colonel  Fitzhugh,  a  rich  man  of  the  royal 
council  and  my  very  good  friend,  who  would  gladly  have  backed  me 
in  this  new  colony  with  the  offer  of  the  necessary  provisions  and  Other 
means.  When  I  was  now  hard  at  work  trying  to  open  up  a  way,  think- 
ing I  had  found  a  loophole  there,  I  was  warned  that  an  English  mer- 
chant, to  whom  a  resident  of  Carolina  had  also  sold  one  of  my  notes, 
wished  to  have  me  arrested  on  the  protested  note  and  that  the  arrest 
was  actually  laid  in  the  house  where  I  was  staying,  but  I  hid  myself. 
After  this  I  took  counsel  with  good  friends,  asked  whether  I  should  be 
safe  from  the  creditors  at  Canavest  or  in  any  other  place  in  America 
and  the  answer  was  in  no  place,  for  even  if  I  were  among  the  Indians 
I  should  be  discovered  by  the  Indian  traders  or  merchants.  So  I  de- 
layed until  there  was  no  resource  to  be  found  for  me  in  America.  It 
was  of  importance  to  me  that  I  should  get  hope  of  money  from  Bern  or 
should  find  new  associates.  Of  the  latter  there  were,  to  be  sure,  some 
to  be  found,  but  they  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  my  old  debts. 

When  I  reflected  upon  several  letters  that  I  had  received  which 
gave  me  little  satisfaction,  I  very  wisely  went  to  Governor  Spotswood, 
at  Williamsburg,  his  place  of  residence,  threw  my  misfortunes  like  a 
handful  of  necessities,  or  in  these  words,  "Governor,  I  am  so  very," 
etc.  When  I  had  observed  the  time  that  he  was  in  good  humor  and 
at  leisure  I  asked  if  he  could  give  me  an  opportunity  for  an  audience, 
and  that  a  long  one.  At  which  he  laughed  a  little  and  I  had  from 
this  generous  gentleman  an  entirely  favorable  hearing.  After  I  had 
told  my  unfortunate  adventures,  as  also  how  they  wanted  to  arrest 
me,  the  Governor  evidenced  at  this  a  hearty  sympathy,  wondered 
that  they  should  leave  me  so  in  the  lurch,  especially  the  society;  knew 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding-  of  New  Bern      255 

nothing  better  to  advise  me  than  that  I  should  betake  myself  to 
Europe;  offered  me  a  recommendation  to  a  good  friend  who  was  to 
procure  it  that  the  Count  Orkney  should  present  to  the  Queen  a 
supplication.  Then  I  should  go  to  Bern,  vigorously  represent  every- 
thing to  my  society,  and  solicit  the  moneys  for  payment  of  the  notes. 
This  counsel  several  of  my  best  friends  communicated  to  me.  They 
also  agreed  with  it. 

But  because  winter  was  coming  on  and  at  these  times  no  ships  sailed 
io  Europe,  I  stayed  with  a  good  friend  through  the  winter,  which  there 
does  not  last  so  long,  and  because  I  was  going  to  Europe  again  only 
unwillingly,  much  less  willingly  home,  I  prayed  unceasingly  all  this 
time  that  the  almighty  God  should  put  into  my  mind  what  I  should 
do  in  such  a  precarious  affair,  that  he  would  conduct  everything 
according  to  His  holy  will,  in  order  that  in  the  future  I  might  have 
more  blessing  in  my  undertaking,  that  thus  I  might  take  such  a  resolu- 
tion as  would  be  most  profitable  to  my  soul,  for  if  I  had  sought  barely 
to  pass  my  own  life  I  should  likely  have  found  expedients;  but 
I  had  scruples  about  abandoning  the  colony.  When  I  considered  how 
much  I  owed  to  God,  especially  for  such  a  marvelous  rescue,  and  how 
disastrously  and  adversely  everything  had  gone  with  me,  I  could  well 
guess  that  it  was  not  God's  will  that  I  should  remain  longer  in  this 
land.  And  since  no  good  star  shone  for  me  I  finally  took  the  resolu- 
tion to  go  away,  comforting  myself  that  my  colonists  would  probably 
get  along  better  among  these  Carolinians  who  could  help  them  better 
at  the  time  than  I.  Herewith,  and  because  I  had  no  great  hopes  in 
myself,  I  departed,  for  what  I  did  was  not  with  the  intention  of  entirely 
abandoning  them,  although  a  greater  part  had  given  me  cause  to,  but 
in  case  I  received  favor  of  an  audience  with  her  Royal  Majesty  the 
Queen  of  England,  also  more  assistance  at  Bern,  I  could  with  joy  and 
profit  come  to  them  again. 

But  I  was  unfortunate  in  these  negotiations  also,  and  so  I  had  to 
commend  this  colony  to  God  and  the  Lords  Proprietors  and  hold  my- 
self quietly  in  my  Fatherland,  to  pass  the  remainder  of  my  life  there 
in  sorrowing  for  the  time  lost,  in  a  true  humility  and  sincere  conver- 
sion, in  consideration  that  the  sins  of  my  youth  brought  all  this  upon 
me.  Although  all  this  chastisement  is  hard  for  human  nature  still  it 
is  not  so  sharp  as  I  probably  deserved.  It  should  now  be  for  me  to 
leave  all  worldly  and  vain  cares;  on  the  contrary,  take  more  care  for 
my  poor  soul,  to  which  may  God  give  me  grace. 

N.  B.  I  have  before  this,  said  of  this  colony,  when  I  was  leaving 
them  and  so  much  misfortune  was  coming  upon  them,  that  they 
brought  it  upon  themselves.  Firstly,  I  mean  to  say  of  them  that  most 
of  them  were  recreant  to  their  lawful  authority.     What  they  did  to 


256  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

it,  they  did  afterwards  to  me,  since  the  half  part  went  from  me  in  my 
great  need.  Also  they  were  a  godless  people  so  that  it  was  not  to  be 
wondered  at  if  the  Almighty  has  scourged  them  with  the  heathen,  for 
they  lived  worse  than  the  heathen,  and  if  I  had  known  what  these 
people  were,  those  from  Bern  as  well  as  the  Palatines,  I  should  not 
have  taken  up  with  them. 

Of  the  Palatines  I  thought  to  exclude  the  worst,  as  it  did  seem 
from  appearances.  What  those  were  who  died  upon  the  sea  and  be- 
fore I  came  to  America  is  not  known  to  me.  But  of  those  whom  I 
still  met,  among  them  several  escaped  Switzers  under  Palatine  names, 
I  found  them  for  the  most  part  godless,  rebellious  people;  among  them 
murderers,  thieves,  adulterers,  cursers,  and  swearers.  Whatever  care 
and  pains  I  bestowed  to  keep  them  in  order,  there  helped  neither  strong 
warning,  nor  threat,  nor  punishment.  God  knows  what  I  endured 
with  them.  Among  the  Bern  people  there  were  two  households  which 
were  undoubtedly  the  excrement  of  the  whole  Canton  of  Bern,  a  more 
godless  rabble  have  I  never  seen  nor  heard  of,  and  when  the  pious 
ones  died  these  remained  as  the  weeds  which  do  not  quickly  die  out. 

I  was  sorrier  to  leave  the  beautiful  and  good  land  than  such  a  bad 
people,  and  yet  there  were  a  few  pious  people  who  behaved  them- 
selves well,  who  were  dear  to  me,  with  whom  I  wish  it  may  go  well; 
the  good  Lord  convert  the  rest. 

It  was  now  a  question  of  how  to  continue  my  journey,  by  water  or 
by  land.  It  could  not  be  done  by  water  because  no  ship  captain, 
under  penalty  of  losing  a  sum,  might  accept  any  person  who  was  in 
debt  and  had  not  the  power  to  get  rid  of  his  debtors.  So  it  had  to  be 
by  land,  which  is  a  long  trip,  and  for  which  I  had  no  money.  I  had  to 
turn  silverware,  which  I  still  kept,  into  money.  Meanwhile  I  wrote 
letters  to  the  colony  representing  to  them  my  pitiful  condition  and 
how  necessary  my  journey  was.  At  the  same  time  I  sent  also  a  writ- 
ing to  the  president  of  the  council  showing  them  my  reasons  and 
recommended  as  best  I  could  the  abandoned  and  wrecked  colony. 

Now  after  I  had  taken  my  leave  of  Governor  Spotswood  who  at  the 
last  regaled  me  well;  and  in  return  for  my  present  which  I  gave  as  a 
small  token  of  the  gratitude  due  him,  he  made  me  a  return  present  in 
gold  which  far  exceeded  mine.  I  began  my  journey  with  the  help  of 
the  Most  High,  right  at  Easter  1713.  Went  by  land  clear  through  Vir- 
ginia, clear  through  Maryland,  Pennsylvania,  Jersey,  and  came,  the 
Lord  be  thanked,  at  length  to  New  York,  which  is  a  pretty  city  well 
built  in  the  Holland  style  upon  an  island,  along  by  a  fine  sea  harbor, 
and  between  two  navigable  rivers.  The  situation  is  especially  con- 
venient. It  has  a  strong  castle  and  the  landscape  round  about  it  is- 
charming.     In  the  city  are  three  churches,  an  English,  a  French,  and  a 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern       257 

Hollandish  in  which  there  is  preaching  also  in  German.  There  is  all 
abundance  and  one  can  have  whatever  he  wants,  the  best  fish,  good 
meat,  grain,  and  all  kinds  of  vegetable  products,  good  beer  and  all 
sorts  of  the  most  expensive  wines. 

In  this  so  pleasant  a  place  I  stayed  ten  or  twelve  days.  After  this 
I  sailed  in  a  sloop  to  England.  I  must  confess  that  in  the  beginning  I 
feared  to  travel  over  the  great  ocean  in  such  a  small  vessel.  But  be- 
cause I  was  comforted  with  the  information  that  there  was  less  danger 
in  such  a  little  ship  since,  first,  they  are  better  masters  of  the  sails  in 
storms;  second,  that  it  goes  better  and  faster;  third,  it  rocks  less  than 
the  big  ones;  fourth,  it  is  easier  to  load  and  unload,  and  is  useful  in 
trade  since  such  a  ship  makes  two  trips  while  the  large  one  is  making 
one,  I  ventured  to  travel  on  it. 5  °  Although  we  had  the  misfortune  that 
for  the  most  part  contrary  winds  blew  and  very  often  there  were 
heavy  storms,  yet  we  arrived,  God  be  thanked,  at  the  end  of  six  weeks 
at  Bristol.  This  city  can,  because  of  its  convenience  of  importation, 
its  size,  great  trade,  multitude  of  people  or  inhabitants,  and  wealth, 
be  called  the  little  London.  There  I  rested  several  days  and  because 
the  stagecoach  was  not  safe,  I  went  horseback  in  good  company,  to 
London,  where  I  stayed  several  months  in  hopes  that  I  might  pos- 
sibly get  my  supplication  to  Queen  Anne  through  the  Duke  of  Beau- 
fort as  my  patron,  who  was  the  first  Lord  Proprietor  and  Palatine  of 
North  Carolina.  But  a  little  while  before  when  he  was  minded  to 
bring  my  supplication  before  the  Queen,  swift  death  suddenly  over- 
took him.  Again  a  stroke  of  my  unfavorable  fortune,  for  soon  after 
the  Queen  herself  died.  So  there  came  so  many  noteworthy  changes  in 
the  English  court  that  I  knew  my  supplication  was  laid  on  the  table. 
Although  I  saw  no  hopes  of  any  favor  at  this  new  court  for  a  long 
time,  yet  there  was  appearance  that  in  time  the  new  king  being  of 
the  German  nation  would  feel  inclined  towards  this  business. 

Because  the  winter  time  is  troublesome  to  travel  in  and  I  could  not 
accomplish  anything  in  London  I  was  in  a  hurry  to  go  home. 

Meanwhile  I  cannot  omit  to  relate  that  when  I  reached  London  I 
was  shocked  to  learn  that  Mr.  J.  Justus  Albrecht  with  some  forty 
miners  had  arrived.  This  caused  me  not  a  little  pains,  worry,  vexa- 
tion and  expense,  since  this  people  had  come  there  so  blindly,  think- 
ing to  find  everything  necessary  for  their  support  and  their  trans- 
portation to  the  American  mines.  But  there  was  nothing  on  hands  for 
them,  and  I  was  myself  so  lacking  of  money  that  I  could  scarcely  get 
enough  for  my  needs.  Meanwhile  no  money  remained  from  America 
and  at  London  no  note  had  been  made  for  me,  so  that  it  was  impossible 
for  me  to  assist  such  a  number  of  people.  What  an  unendurable  load 
this  was  for  me  can  well  be  imagined,  because  they  thought  that  on 

17 


258  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

account  of  the  treaty  I  was  under  obligations  to  look  out  for  them, 
and  they  had  come,  thus,  at  my  command.  But  I  had  written  to 
them  from  America,  and  that  often,  and  they  had  received  several  let- 
ters to  the  effect  that  the  chief  miner  Justus  Albrecht  with  his  com- 
pany should  not  come  without  my  orders,  saying  that  on  account  of 
the  disturbances  in  Carolina  and  the  Indian  wars  there  was  nothing  to 
be  done  with  the  mines;  that  they  had  not  been  shown  by  Mr.  Michel, 
but  if  the  chief  miner  wanted  to  come  immediately  with  one  or  two 
others  to  take  a  look,  very  well.  But  he  went  right  about  it  in  this 
thoughtless  way. 

What  was  now  to  be  done?  I  knew  nothing  better  than  to  direct 
these  people  back  home  again,  but  this  seemed  so  hard  for  them  they 
preferred  to  hire  themselves  out  for  four  years  as  servants  in  America 
than  to  return.  In  the  meantime  no  ship  was  ready  to  sail  to  America, 
and  they  had  to  stay  through  the  whole  winter  till  spring  in  London. 
But  what  were  they  to  live  on?  This  question  caused  me  much 
trouble. 5 1  Finally  I  ran  to  one  great  man  and  another  in  order  to 
procure  work  and  bread  for  them.  For  some  I  found  places,  for 
others  not.  Meantime  I  was  pressed  to  go  home.  At  last  I  found 
two  merchants  of  Virginia  to  whom  I  represented  the  matter  as  best 
I  could,  and  recommended  myself  to  Colonel  Blankistore  and  was  ad- 
vised by  him.  I  had  been  recommended  to  him  by  the  Governor  of 
Virginia  with  reference  to  the  mines  in  order  that  his  officers  should 
help  me  at  the  court.  The  result  was  that  these  people  were  to  put 
their  money  together  and  keep  account  according  to  the  proportion 
of  it.  The  rest  of  it  certain  above  mentioned  merchants  advanced 
to  make  up  the  transportation  and  living  charges  of  these  people.  At 
their  landing  the  Governor  was  to  accept  them  and  look  out  for  pay- 
ing the  ship  captain,  who  should  pay  back  then,  to  the  merchants  of 
that  country,  the  money  they  had  advanced.  For  this  purpose  I 
wrote  a  circumstantial  letter  to  Governor  Spotswood  to  whom  I  repre- 
sented one  thing  and  another  as  well  as  I  could,  telling  him  that  the 
little  colony  should  be  appointed  to  the  land  which  we  had  together 
in  Virginia  not  far  from  the  place  where  minerals  were  found  and, 
as  supposed,  the  traces  of  the  mine,  where  they  could  settle  them- 
selves according  to  the  wise  arrangements  and  under  the  helpful 
supervision  of  the  Governor. 

Meantime  if  there  were  not  sufficient  indications  for  a  silver  mine 
they  were  to  look  elsewhere,  and  because  in  Virginia  there  were,  at  any 
rate,  neither  iron  nor  copper  smelters  but  yet  plenty  of  such  minerals 
they  could  begin  on  these.  And  for  these  we  needed  no  royal  patents 
as  we  did  for  the  silver  mines.  In  the  hopes  that  they  would  suc- 
ceed, I  commended  these  good  miners  to  the  protection  of  the  Most 


Gkaffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  !N"ew  Been       259 

High,  and  so  they  departed  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  1714.  A 
whole  year  has  now  passed  that  I  have  received  no  report  either  from 
the  Governor  or  from  them,  and  for  this  reason  I  am  in  great  anxiety. 

It  appears  that  my  American  misfortunes  have  come  to  an  end,  but 
the  very  same  ill  luck  which  led  me  from  my  country,  accompanied  me 
clear  back  home.  Out  of  fear  that  my  American  creditors,  of  whom 
unfortunately  the  sharpest  of  all  was  in  London,  would  make  arrange- 
ments that  I  should  be  inquired  for  and  arrested,  I  took  the  resolution, 
instead  of  taking  the  common  routes  to  Dover  or  Harwich,  to  make 
my  journey  home  in  a  small  vessel  which  was  bound  for  St.  Valery,  as 
being  shorter  and  safer.  The  day  was  set  but,  because  I  dared  take  no 
passport  for  fear  I  should  be  discovered,  he, 5  2  to  whom  I  had  to  en- 
trust my  affairs  advised  me  nevertheless  to  travel  to  Gravesend  under 
another  name,  in  a  small  boat,  and  he  himself  got  ready.  When  I  was 
half  way  there,  such  a  contrary  wind  raged  that  I  was  compelled  to 
go  to  land  and  to  walk  to  Gravesend,  where  I  stayed  over  night, 
and  a  whole  day  besides.  But  since  it  was  costly  to  live,  not  know- 
ing how  long  this  contrary  wind  would  last,  and  besides  this,  now 
considering  that  this  also  was  a  port,  I  took  my  way  back  to  Lon- 
don, where  my  ship  captain  was  not  yet  ready,  waiting  for  better 
wind;  but  I  remained  at  Southwick  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
Thames,  waiting  for  orders.  When  he  had  cast  off,  I  was  warned  to 
follow  after,  and  I  got  aboard  the  ship  at  Greenwich.  At  Gravesend 
the  captain  let  me  go  ashore  outside  the  city  on  the  further  side,  and 
there  I  was  to  wait  until  he  had  made  his  declaration  and  the  ship 
had  been  inspected.  Despite  the  fact  that  he  said  to  the  inspectors 
that  my  chest  belonged  to  a  nobleman  of  St.  Valery,  that  he  could 
bear  witness  that  they  contained  only  clothes  and  personal  effects, 
they  did  not  want  to  believe  it.  So  he  sent  a  sailor  boy  quickly  to 
me  to  indicate  to  me  that  I  would  have  to  open  up  my  chest.  At 
this  I  did  not  feel  easy,  but  yet  I  put  a  good  face  on  it,  spoke  French, 
immediately  took  out  my  little  key  together  with  some  English  crowns 
and  gave  them  to  the  inspector  with  the  request  that  he  would 
not  disturb  my  clothes  much,  as  they  were  well  packed  in.  Fortu- 
nately this  worked.  If  they  had  discovered  my  writings,  I  should 
have  been  found  out  and  should  have  come  into  danger. 

After  this  was  past  we  went  on,  but  when  we  were  at  the  very  mouth 
of  the  river  at  a  seaport  named  Margate,  there  awoke  such  a  frightful 
storm  with  thunder  and  lightning  that  we  were  in  the  greatest  danger 
and  through  the  night  we  could  scarcely  keep  our  anchor.  The  day 
after,  when  the  wind  had  calmed  down  we  sailed  away,  and  when  we 
were  upon  the  sea  we  were  driven  back  with  great  danger  to  another 
seaport  called  Ramsay.     If  the  people  and  a  number  of  sailors  who 


260  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

were  there  had  not  come  to  our  help  should  have  gone  to  the  bot- 
tom. There  we  had  to  remain  eight  whole  days  on  account  of  contrary 
winds  and  to  fix  our  torn  sails  and  other  things,  which  came  very  hard 
to  me  who  had  only  money  enough  for  my  journey  to  Paris.  When 
the  wind  had  died  down  somewhat  we  sailed  out  but  were  driven  back 
again  a  second  time.  Finally  the  wind  changed  to  the  northeast,  this 
was  favorable  to  us  and  then  we  advanced  before  Dover;  again  the 
wind  changed  so  that  this  journey  caused  me  more  difficulty  than 
when  I  went  twice  across  the  ocean.  We  passed  instead  of  three  days 
the  entire  week  getting  to  St.  Valery,  and  it  is  so  dangerous  that  with- 
out pilots  who  sailed  to  meet  us  we  should  never  have  gotten  into  this 
same  harbor.  From  there  I  went  up  the  river  to  Abbeville,  from 
where  I  took  the  stagecoach  to  Paris;  from  there  to  Lyons  and  as  far 
as  the  Fort  of  Cluses  where  the  commandant  detained  me  because  I  had 
no  passport.  But  yet,  according  to  the  agreement  of  the  two  countries, 
I  did  not  need  any  and  had  not  asked  for  one  for  myself  in  Fiance. 
If  I  had  not  chanced  to  have  the  patents  of  my  office  in  Yverdon  in 
my  chest  and  had  not  shown  them,  telling  how  that  there  had  been 
good  friendship  kept  with  the  people  of  Bern,  and  had  not  given  sev- 
eral noteworthy  circumstances,  I  should  have  been  obliged  to  remain 
there  until  I  should  receive  a  document  from  Bern.  So  I  traveled 
on  to  Geneva,  from  there  to  our  vineyard  in  Vaud  near  Vevay,  where, 
according  to  written  reports  I  had  thought  to  find  my  family,  yes, 
also,  to  stay.  All  had  gone  to  Bern  eight  days  before,  so  I  had  to  go 
there  also,  with  the  greatest  unwillingness,  to  be  sure.  I  arrived,  God 
be  thanked,  upon  St.  Martin's  day  1714  in  good  health  and  found 
everything  in  good  state  at  home. 

But  O  what  a  change  I  found  in  the  city,  how  cold  the  old  friends, 
what  haughtiness  and  arrogance  among  many;  and  of  the  things  which 
further  are  grievous  to  tell,  the  worst  was  that  where  I  hoped  to  find 
help  to  restore  my  ruined  colony  I  was  part  of  the  time  refused  and 
partly  in  other  respects  can  not  succeed, 5  3  so  that  I  was  compelled  by 
lack  of  assistance,  especially  from  my  society  which  left  me  in  the 
lurch,  to  abandon  the  colony,  which  is  to  be  regretted,  since  others 
will  fish  in  the  troubled  waters  and  will  benefit  by  what  I  have  ac- 
complished with  great  cost,  danger,  pains,  anxiety,  and  vexation;  for 
affairs  in  North  Carolina  are  now  in  good  condition,  the  government 
better  arranged,  the  savages  rooted  out,  a  good  peace  made,  the 
greatest  difficulties  taken  out  of  the  way,  the  most  convenient  situ- 
ation for  the  colony  cleared  up,  and  thereby  made  more  healthy,  and 
settled  with  inhabitants;  so  that  those  who  come  after  will  find  it  far 
better  than  we,  since  all  beginnings  are  difficult.     It  grieves  me  to  the 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been       261 

heart  to  leave  such  a  good  and  beautiful  land  where  there  was  pros- 
pect of  doing  well  in  time  and  of  bringing  the  colony  to  something 
considerable. 

Since  fortune  does  not  wish  to  be  more  favorable  to  me  in  this 
world,  there  is  nothing  better  than  to  abandon  everything  which  is  of 
this  world  and  to  seek  the  treasures  which  are  in  Heaven,  where 
neither  moth  nor  rust  doth  corrupt  and  where  thieves  do  not  break 
through  nor  steal. 54 

I  might  have  made  a  regular  description  of  the  English  provinces 
on  the  American  continent  through  which  I  journeyed,  but  because 
different  authors  have  written  about  them  I  let  it  rest  here.  On  this 
subject  one  can  read  P.  Hennepin,  Blome's  English  America,  Baron  de 
la  Hontan,  Vischer's  (translation  of  Oldmixon's),  The  British  Empire 
in  America,  and  of  Carolina  in  special  the  latest  treatise  of  Mr.  Ochs, 
Vischer's  translation  of  Lawson's  Journal  and  Description  of  Carolina. 

Copy  of  the  Account  Written  Mr.  Edward  Hyde,  Governor 
in  North  Carolina,  the  23d  of  October,  1711,  with  Reference 
to  My  Miractjlos  Deliverance  from  the  Savages: 

Honored  Sir : 

Through  the  wonderful  and  gracious  providence  of  the  Most  High, 
I  have  at  last  escaped  out  of  the  barbarous  hands  of  the  wild 
Tuscarora  Nation,  and  have  arrived  at  my  little  dwelling  at  New 
Bern;  but  yet  half  dead,  because  for  two  whole  days  I  had  to  travel 
afoot,  as  fast  as  ever  I  could,  out  alone  through  the  forests  which  lie 
towards  Catechna,  compelled  to  take  up  my  quarters  by  a  frightful 
wild  ditch  in  which  there  was  deep  water,  because  the  night  over- 
took me  and  I  could  not  go  farther  from  weariness.  How  I  passed 
this  night  can  well  be  imagined,  in  no  small  fear  of  being  caught  by 
the  savage  or  strange  Indians,  and  of  being  torn  to  pieces  by  a  num- 
ber of  bears  which  growled  the  whole  night  close  about  me.  In  ad- 
dition I  was  very  lame  from  walking,  without  a  gun,  yes,  I  did  not 
have  a  knife  with  me  with  which  to  strike  a  fire,  and  because  the 
north  wind  blew  very  hard  it  was  a  cold  night.  In  the  morning 
when  I  tried  to  arise  my  limbs  were  so  stiff  and  swollen  by  the  cold 
and  hard  lying  that  I  could  not  go  a  step.  But  because  it  had  to  be 
I  looked  me  up  two  sticks  upon  which  I  could  walk,  but  with  great 
difficulty  and  pain.  I  had  enough  to  do  to  get  myself  over  this 
water,  which  was  full  of  snakes.  I  did  it  by  climbing  over  on  a  long 
limb. 

At  last  I  reached  home.  When,  I  at  a  little  distance  from  home, 
came  within  sight  of  a  dwelling,  fortified  and  full  of  people,  I  was 


262  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

somewhat  comforted,  because  I  thought  that  everything  there  had 
been  burned  out  and  destroyed  by  the  Indians,  as  well  as  the  houses 
of  the  other  colonists;  yes,  also  that  I  should  find  few  of  my  peo- 
ple, because  the  terrible  expedition  of  the  savages  was  only  too  well 
known  to  me,  when  they  burned,  murdered,  and  plundered  whatever 
they  found  along  the  rivers  Pamtego,  Neuse  and  Trent.  When  my 
good  people  got  sight  of  me,  black  and  looking  like  an  Indian,  and 
yet  looking  like  myself  as  far  as  my  size  and  blue  coat  were  concerned, 
they  did  not  know  what  to  think.  But  thinking,  all  of  them,  that  I 
was  dead,  they  were  firm  in  the  opinion  that  it  was,  rather,  an  Indian 
spy  who  had  put  on  my  coat  and  wanted  to  spy  out  something  there; 
and  so  the  men  folks  put  themselves  into  an  attitude  of  defense. 
But  when  I  came  toward  the  house  walking  very  lame  on  two  sticks, 
they  saw  by  my  countenance  and  posture  that  I  was  no  Indian  or 
savage.  Yet  they  did  not  recognize  me  till  several  came  out  in 
advance  to  look  at  me  better.  When  I  saw  that  they  were  in 
anxiety  I  began  to  speak  from  a  distance,  with  a  very  broken  voice, 
to  be  sure.  This  shocked  them  so  that  they  retreated  several  paces, 
crying  to  the  rest  to  come  forward,  that  it  was  their  master,  whom 
they  supposed  murdered.  So  they  all  came  running  pell-mell,  men, 
women,  and  children,  with  loud  exclamations,  some  weeping,  some 
completely  dumb  with  amazement,  saluting  me  as  a  marvelous  spec- 
tacle. There  was  mourning,  joy,  and  bewilderment  mixed,  and  this 
went  to  my  heart,  so  that  it  forced  out  abundant  tears. 

After  I  had  stayed  some  time  with  these  people  who  surrounded 
me,  although  I  was  very  tired  I  finally  went  to  my  old  quarters,  closed 
my  door,  and  made  a  hearty  prayer  of  thanksgiving  to  the  good  God 
for  such  a  merciful  and  wonderful  rescue,  which  for  these  times,  in- 
deed, may  pass  for  a  miracle. 

The  next  day  I  asked  what  had  happened  in  my  absence,  but  so 
many  vexatious  things  came  out  that  it  makes  my  heart  heavy.  The 
worst  was  that,  besides  sixty  or  seventy  Palatines  who  were  murdered, 
the  rest  who  could  save  themselves  were  plundered,  and  the  survivors 
of  these  Palatines  had  left  my  house,  in  which  were  their  own  goods, 
and  the  little  city.  A  certain  William  Brice,  an  unthankful  man  to 
whom  I  had  shown  much  kindness,  yes,  whom  the  money  and  goods 
belonging  to  myself  and  the  poor  colonists  had  brought  out  of  pov- 
erty, had  drawn  them  away  from  me  with  all  sorts  of  promises  and 
cunning  and  had  brought  them  to  himself  upon  the  Trent  River,  by 
means  of  whom,  with  some  English  Planters  or  inhabitants  in  ad- 
dition, he  had  succeeded  in  getting  together  a  garrison  to  defend  his 
house.  So  I  had  to  be  satisfied  with  a  number  of  women  and  children. 
In  armed  soldiery  there  were  no  more  than  forty.     These  all  I  had 


Gkaffenkied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      263 

to  support  for  twenty-two  weeks.  So  all  my  grain,  which  luckily  I 
had  in  store,  my  cattle  great  and  small,  were  all  gone.  If  we  do  not 
soon  receive  the  necessaries,  we  shall  have  to  starve  to  death  or  give 
up  the  post.  Therefore,  Honored  sir,  we  urgently  beg  you  to  send 
as  soon  as  possible  and  in  all  haste  the  needed  provisions,  military 
stores,  and  armed  troops,  in  order  that  we  may  drive  back  these 
barbarian  murderers,  otherwise  the  evil  will  become  greater,  and  it  is 
to  be  feared  that  the  whole  land  will  be  destroyed. 

One  cannot  wonder  enough,  yes,  it  is  provoking  to  see  such  cool- 
ness and  so  little  love  among  the  inhabitants  of  Albemarle  County 
that  with  folded  arms  they  can  see  how  their  nearest  brothers  are 
frightfully  murdered  by  this  barbarous  nation.  Indeed,  they  them- 
selves need  not  expect  a  better  fate.  They  ought  to  be  ashamed  of 
themselves  and  are  worthy  of  a  continuous  rebuke.  This  is  also  no 
less  to  be  wondered  at,  a  policy  so  bad  and  wrong  orders  of  those  in 
authority,  but  I  except  your  Excellency  here  in  the  best  form,  assured 
that  you,  Most  Honorable  Sir,  had  given  all  necessary  commands  and 
made  all  needful  arrangements,  but  they  were  badly  executed  or  not 
executed  at  all,  which  is  a  thing  to  be  mourned. 

Honored  Sir,  the  above  only  as  a  report  how  I  came  home.  But  to 
free  and  justify  myself  it  will  be  necessary  for  me  to  tell  how  I  came 
into  this  barbarous  nation. 

Because  of  the  fine  and  apparently  settled  weather,  the  Surveyor- 
General  Lawson  came  to  invite  me  to  travel  up  the  Neuse  River, 
saying  that  there  was  a  quantity  of  good  wild  grapes,  that  we  could 
enjoy  ourselves  a  little  with  them.  But  that  was  not  enough  to  per- 
suade me  to  go  there.  So  the  above  mentioned  Monsieur  Lawson 
came  again  soon,  pled  better  reasons,  namely  that  we  could  at  the 
same  time  see  how  far  up  the  river  was  navigable;  whether  a  shorter 
way  might  be  made  to  Virginia,  in  place  of  the  ordinary  way  which  is 
long  and  difficult,  and  in  like  manner  see  what  kind  of  land  is  up  there. 
This,  and  how  far  it  is  to  the  mountains,  I  had  been  for  a  long  time 
desirous  to  know  and  to  have  seen  for  myself.  So  at  this  I  resolved 
upon  a  small  journey  and  took  everything  that  was  necessary,  includ- 
ing provisions  for  fourteen  days.  I  asked  Mr.  Lawson  in  particular 
whether  there  was  danger  from  the  Indians,  especially  with  those 
with  whom  we  were  not  acquainted.  He  gave  me  for  an  answer  that 
this  was  of  no  consequence,  that  he  had  already  made  the  trip  and  it 
was  entirely  safe,  that  he  knew  of  no  wild  Indians  on  this  arm  of  the 
river,  but  that  they  were  tolerably  distant.  But  that  we  might  go  the 
more  securely,  I  took  besides  two  negroes  to  row,  two  neighboring 
Indians  whom  we  knew,  to  whom  I  had  shown  much  kindness.  And 
since  one  understood  the  English  language,  I  thought  if  we  had  these 


264  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

two  Indians  with  us  we  should  have  nothing  to  fear  from  the  others, 
and  so  we  traveled  right  on  up.  It  had  not  rained  for  a  long  time; 
the  water  was  not  deep;  the  stream  or  current  of  the  water  was  not 
strong.  The  whole  day  we  were  upon  the  river;  at  night  we  spread 
our  tent  upon  the  land  by  the  water  and  rested;  in  the  morning  we 
proceeded  again. 

May  it  please  the  Governor  to  learn  that  the  above  mentioned 
Surveyor-General  Lawson  urged  me  very  much  for  my  horses,  plead- 
ing that  he  wanted  to  ride  a  little  into  the  forest  when  we  were  up 
above,  in  order  to  see  where  the  way  to  Virginia  could  be  most  con- 
veniently commenced.  At  first  I  did  not  wish  to  agree  to  it.  But 
finally  he  begged  for  only  one.  This  I  granted  him.  The  one  Indian 
rode  by  land,  but  at  one  place  he  had  to  go  over  the  river,  which 
was  our  misfortune,  for  he  went  first  to  the  Indians.  I  do  not  know 
whether  he  lost  his  way  or  did  it  treacherously.  He  came  to  the  great 
Indian  village  Catechna,  where  he  was  immediately  asked  what  the 
horse  was  doing,  for  the  Indians  use  none.  He  answered  that  he  had 
to  drive  the  horse  for  us,  while  we  traveled  up  the  river.  This  im- 
mediately alarmed  the  Indians,  especially  the  inhabitants  of  Catchena, 
so  that  they  ran  together  frum  the  whole  neighborhood.  They  kept 
the  horse  and  said  to  our  Indian  that  he  should  go  immediately  to  us 
and  announce  to  us  that  they  would  not  allow  us  to  go  further  up 
through  their  country.  At  the  command  of  the  king  who  resides  there 
we  should  come  back,  and  so  the  signal  that  we  should  stand  still  was 
given  by  a  shot  which  our  Indian  fired.  This  we  did  after  we  also 
had  fired  off  our  guns  as  a  signal.  It  was  already  late  when  he  came 
to  us  with  the  bad  news.  We  were  landing  at  the  first  spring  to  take 
up  our  quarters  for  the  night.  We  met  already  two  armed  Indians 
there,  who  looked  as  though  they  were  coming  from  hunting.  Upon 
this  I  said  it  did  not  please  me,  that  we  would  not  remain  there,  but 
would  go  back.  He,  the  Surveyor-General,  laughed  at  me,  but  be- 
fore we  turned  around  it  became  serious  so  that  his  laughter  dis- 
appeared. In  a  moment  there  came  out  of  all  the  bushes  and  swim- 
ming through  the  river  such  a  number  of  Indians  and  overpowered  us 
that  it  was  impossible  to  defend  ourselves,  unless  we  wanted  to  have 
ourselves  wantonly  shot  dead  or  frightfully  tortured.  We  were  forth- 
with taken  prisoners,  plundered,  and  led  away. 

By  this  time  we  had  gone  three  good  days  journey  up  the  river,  not 
far  from  another  Indian  village,  called  Zurutha. 

The  river  is  there  still  rather  broad,  but  the  water  not  more  than 
two  or  three  feet  deep,  and  it  is  still  far  from  the  mountains. 

We  asked  that  they  should  leave  us  there  this  night,  with  a  guard 
if  they  doubted  us,  giving  as  reason  that  I  could  not  go  so  far  afoot, 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  ]S!"ew  Bern      265 

that  early  in  the  morning  we  would  go  by  water  to  the  king  at  Catechna, 
promising  that  we  would  be  there.  But  it  was  not  to  be  done  since 
I  was  such  a  rare  and  important  capture;  for  they  took  me  for  the 
Governor  of  the  whole  province.  Their  barbarous  pride  swelled  them 
up  so  that  we  were  compelled  to  run  with  them  the  whole  night, 
through  forests,  bushes,  and  swamps,  until  the  next  morning  about 
three  o'clock  when  we  came  to  Catechna  where  the  king,  Hancock  by 
name,  was  sitting  in  all  his  glory  upon  a  raised  platform;  although  the 
Indians  are  accustomed  at  other  times  to  sit  upon  the  ground.  After 
a  consultation  and  a  sharp  speech  by  the  leader  or  captain  of  our 
escort  the  king  with  his  council  left  and  came  to  us  very  politely  with 
his  chief  warrior.  But  he  could  not  speak  with  us.  After  a  short 
time  the  king  went  into  his  cabin  or  hut;  we  remained  by  a  fire  guarded 
by  seven  or  eight  savages.  Toward  ten  o'clock  there  came  a  savage 
here,  another  there  out  of  his  hut ;  council  was  held,  and  it  was  disputed 
vigorously  whether  we  should  be  bound  as  criminals  or  not.  It  was 
decided  no,  because  we  had  not  been  heard  yet.  Toward  noon  the 
king  himself  brought  us  some  food  in  a  lousy  fur  cap.  This  was 
a  kind  of  bread  made  of  Indian  corn,  called  dumplins, 5  5  and  cold  boiled 
venison.  I  ate  of  this,  with  repugnance  indeed,  because  I  was  very 
hungry. 

We  had  the  liberty  of  walking  about  the  village.  Toward  eve- 
ning there  was  a  great  festival  or  assembly  of  all  the  neighboring 
villages.  This  was  appointed  for  two  reasons:  first,  they  wanted  to 
revenge  themselves  of  the  evil  treatment  of  certain  bad  and  surly 
English  Carolinians  who  were  of  Pamtego,  Neuse,  and  Trent  Rivers; 
and  second,  to  find  out  what  help  they  might  expect  from  their 
neighboring  Indians. 

N.  B.  Hereby  it  is  to  be  observed  that  neither  we  nor  our  colony 
were  the  cause  of  this  terrible  slaughter  and  Indian  war,  as  is  to  be 
seen  and  concluded  from  several  circumstances. 

In  the  evening  there  came  hither  from  all  the  villages  a  great  num- 
ber of  Indians  with  the  neighboring  kings,  upon  a  fine,  broad,  open 
space,  especially  prepared  for  the  festivities  or  executions.  And  there 
was  appointed  an  assembly  of  the  chiefs  as  they  call  them,  con- 
sisting of  the  most  prudent,  sitting  after  their  fashion  in  a  ring 
around  a  great  fire.  King  Hancock  presided.  There  was  a  place  left 
in  the  ring  for  us,  where  were  two  mats,  that  is  to  say  pieces  of 
wickerwork  woven  of  small  canes  or  reeds,  laid  down  to  sit  on, 
which  is  a  sign  of  great  deference  and  honor.  So  we  sat  down,  and 
our  spokesman,  the  Indian  that  had  come  with  us,  who  could  speak 
English  well,  sat  at  our  left.  The  king  gave  a  sign  to  the  orator  of 
the  assembly,  who  made  a  long  speech  with  much  gravity.     And  it 


266  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

was  ordered  that  one  of  the  youngest  of  the  assembly  should  repre- 
sent and  defend  the  interests  of  the  council  or  of  the  Indian  nation. 
He,  so  far  as  I  could  discern,  did  it  in  due  form.  He  sat  right  next  to 
our  interpreter  and  spokesman.  The  king  alwa}^  formed  the  ques- 
tion, and  then  it  was  debated  pro  et  contra.  Immediately  after  that 
came  a  consultation  and  decision. 

The  first  question  was,  what  was  the  cause  of  our  journey?  Our 
answer  was,  that  we  had  come  up  there  for  our  pleasure,  to  get  grapes 
and  at  the  same  time  to  see  if  the  river  were  convenient  so  that  we 
could  bring  goods  to  them  by  water;  to  have  good  business  and  cor- 
respondence with  them.  So  the  king  asked  us  why  we  had  not  paid 
our  respects  to  him  and  communicated  our  project  to  him.  After  this 
there  came  into  question  a  general  complaint,  that  they,  the  Indians, 
had  been  very  badly  treated  and  detained  by  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Pamtego,  Neuse,  and  Trent  Rivers,  a  thing  which  was  not  to  be 
longer  endured.  And  they  named  the  authors  of  it  in  particular,  and 
among  others,  the  Surveyor-General  was  accused.  He  being  present 
excused  himself  the  best  he  could.  After  considerable  disputing  and 
after  a  deliberation  which  followed,  it  was  decided  that  we  should  be 
set  free,  and  the  next  day  was  appointed  for  our  journey  home. 

The  next  day  there  was  a  considerable  delay  before  we  could  get  our 
canoe  or  small  boat.  Meantime  there  came  some  of  their  chiefs 
and  two  kings  who  were  curious  to  know  what  grounds  of  justification 
we  had.  And  so  we  were  examined  again  in  King  Hancock's  hut  two 
miles  from  the  village,  and  gave  the  same  answer.  Unfortunately  the 
king  of  Cartuca  was  there,  who  reproached  Lawson  with  something, 
so  that  they  got  into  a  quarrel  on  both  sides  and  became  rather 
angrjr.     This  spoiled  everything  for  us. 

However  much  I  tried  to  keep  Lawson  from  disputing,  I  could  not 
succeed  at  all.  The  examination  finally  ended,  we  all  rose  up,  we  two 
walked  together  and  I  reproached  him  very  strongly  for  his  unguard- 
edness  in  such  a  critical  condition.  Immediately  thereafter  there 
came  suddenly  three  or  four  of  the  chiefs  very  angrily,  seized  us 
roughly  by  the  arms,  led  us  back  and  forcibly  set  us  down  in  the  old 
place.  There  were  no  mats  laid  for  us,  they  took  our  hats  and  wigs 
away  from  us  and  threw  them  into  the  fire.  After  that  some  mali- 
cious young  fellows  came  and  plundered  us  the  second  time,  searching 
our  pockets,  which  they  had  not  done  before  when  they  confined 
themselves  to  the  larger  things. 

Hereupon  a  council  of  war  was  held  and  we  were  both  condemned 
to  death,  without  knowing  the  cause  of  it.  And  so  we  remained  the 
whole  night,  sitting  in  the  same  position  upon  the  ground  till  morn- 
ing.    At  the  break  of  day  we  were  taken  away  from  there  and  again 


Geaffeneied  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      267 

led  to  the  great  judgment  and  assembling  place,  a  bad  omen  for  us, 
and  I  turned  toward  Mr.  Lawson  bitterly  upbraiding  him,  saying 
that  his  lack  of  foresight  was  the  cause  of  our  ruin;  that  it  was  all 
over  with  us;  that  there  was  nothing  better  to  do  than  to  make  peace 
with  God  and  prepare  ourselves  betimes  for  death;  which  I  did  with 
the  greatest  devotion. 

When  we  arrived  at  the  place  mentioned,  the  great  council  was 
already  together.  By  chance  I  saw  an  Indian  dressed  like  a  Chris- 
tian before  we  were  called  into  the  ring.  He  could  speak  English.  I 
asked  him  if  he  could  not  tell  us  what  was  the  cause  of  our  condem- 
nation. He  answered  me  with  a  very  disagreeable  face,  why  had 
Lawson  quarreled  with  Core  Tom  and  why  had  we  threatened  that 
we  would  get  revenge  on  the  Indians?  At  that  I  took  the  Indian 
aside,  promising  everything  I  could  if  he  would  listen  to  me  and  after- 
ward tell  of  my  innocence  to  some  of  the  chiefs.  I  had  enough  to 
do  to  persuade  him  to  do  it.  Finally  he  paid  attention  to  me.  And 
so  I  told  him  I  was  sorry  that  Monsieur  Lawson  was  so  imprudent 
as  to  quarrel  with  Core  Tom;  that  the  councilors  could  themselves  see 
very  well  that  I  was  not  to  blame  for  that;  and  about  the  threaten- 
ing, there  was  not  the  least  thought  of  that,  it  was  a  misunderstand- 
ing or  else  Monsieur  Lawson  complaining  at  my  negroes  for  disturb- 
ing his  rest  the  first  night.  At  this  I  threatened  the  negroes  sharply 
because  of  their  impudence,  and  this  was  all.  After  the  Indian  had 
heard  me  he  left  me,  I  repeating  my  promises  to  him. 

Whether  he  spoke  very  much  in  my  favor  I  do  not  know,  but  a 
quarter  of  an  hour  after  the  old  chief  came,  led  us  out  upon  the  place 
of  judgment  and  bound  us  there  hand  and  foot,  and  the  larger  of  my 
two  negroes  as  well.  And  there  began  our  sad  tragedy  which  I  would 
like  to  relate  with  your  leave,  if  it  would  not  be  too  long  and  sad. 
Yet  since  I  have  begun  I  will  continue. 

In  the  middle  of  this  great  space  we  sat  bound  side  by  side,  sitting 
upon  the  ground,  the  Surveyor-General  and  I,  coats  off  and  bare 
headed;  behind  me  the  larger  of  my  negroes;  before  us  was  a  great 
fire  and  around  about  the  fire  the  conjurer,  that  is,  an  old  gray  In- 
dian, a  priest  among  them,  who  is  commonly  a  magician,  yes,  even 
conjures  up  the  devil  himself.  He  made  two  rings  either  of  meal 
or  very  white  sand,  I  do  not  know  which.  Right  before  our  feet  lay 
a  wolf  skin.  A  little  farther  in  front  stood  an  Indian  in  the  most 
dignified  and  terrible  posture  that  can  be  imagined.  He  did  not  leave 
the  place.  Ax  in  hand,  he  looked  to  be  the  executioner.  Farther 
away,  before  us  and  beyond  the  fire,  was  a  numerous  Indian  rabble, 
young  fellows,  women,  and  children.  These  all  danced  in  the  most 
abominable  postures.     In  the  middle  was  the  priest  or  conjurer,  who, 


268  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

whenever  there  was  a  pause  in  the  dance,  made  his  conjurations  and 
threats.  About  the  dance  or  ring  at  each  of  the  four  corners  stood  a 
sort  of  officer  with  a  gun.  They  beat  time  with  their  feet  and  urged  on 
the  other  dancers  and  when  a  dance  was  over  shot  off  their  guns.  Be- 
sides this,  in  a  corner  of  the  ring,  were  two  Indians  sitting  on  the 
ground,  who  beat  upon  a  little  drum  and  sang,  and  sang  so  strangely 
to  it,  in  such  a  melod}^  that  it  would  provoke  anger  and  sadness 
rather  than  joy.  Yes,  the  Indians  themselves,  when  tired  of  dancing, 
would  all  run  suddenly  away  into  a  forest  with  frightful  cries  and 
howling,  but  would  soon  come  back  out  of  the  forest  with  faces  striped 
black,  white,  and  red.  Part  of  them,  besides  this,  would  have  their 
hair  hanging  loose,  full  of  feathers,  down,  and  some  in  the  skins  of 
all  sorts  of  animals:  In  short  in  such  monsterous  shapes  that  they 
looked  more  like  a  troop  of  devils  than  like  other  creatures;  if  one 
represents  the  devil  in  the  most  terrible  shape  that  can  be  thought  of, 
running  and  dancing  out  of  the  forest.  They  arranged  themselves  in 
the  old  places  and  danced  about  the  fire.  Meanwhile  there  were  two 
rows  of  armed  Indians  behind  us  as  a  guard,  who  never  left  their  post 
until  all  was  over:  Back  of  this  watch  was  the  council  of  war  sitting 
in  a  ring  on  the  ground  very  busy  in  consultation. 

Toward  evening  when  the  sun  went  down,  the  rabble  above  men- 
tioned left  off  dancing  and  went  into  the  woods  to  fetch  wood  to  main- 
tain the  fires  in  different  places;  but  especially  they  made  one  at  some 
distance  in  the  forest  which  lasted  the  whole  night  and  was  so  great 
that  I  thought  the  whole  forest  was  afire. 

Let  the  Governor  consider  what  a  mournful  and  terrifying  sight 
that  was  for  me  to  die,  yet  I  had  my  mind  made  up  for  it.  I  was, 
thus,  the  whole  day  and  night  in  ardent  devotion.  Oh  what  thoughts 
I  had!  Everything  that  happened  to  me  so  far  back  as  I  could  re- 
member occurred  to  me.  I  applied  and  made  use  of  everything  that 
I  had  read  from  the  scriptures  and  the  Psalms  and  other  good  books. 
In  short,  I  prepared  myself  as  well  as  I  could  for  a  good  and  blessed 
end;  yes,  the  merciful  God  gave  me  so  much  grace  that  fearlessly, 
calmly,  I  waited  what  my  end  might  be.  After  the  anguish  of  soul  I 
had  endured,  worse  than  the  fear  of  death,  nevertheless  there  remained 
in  me  I  hardly  know  what  kind  of  hope,  despite  the  fact  that  I  saw 
no  sign  of  any  rescue.  Although,  as  I  said  before,  my  sins  hovered 
before  me,  still  I  afterwards  found  great  consolation  in  considering  the 
miracles  which  the  Lord  Jesus  did  in  His  times  on  the  earth.  This 
awakened  such  a  confidence  in  me,  that  upon  this  I  made  my  ardent 
prayer  to  my  Saviour,  in  the  strong  confidence  that  my  prayer  was 
heard,  and  that  these  savage  minds  and  stony  barbarian  hearts  would 
perhaps  turn,  so  that  at  my  pleading  and  explanation  they  would 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      269 

change  their  minds  and  be  led  and  moved  to  mercy;  which  also 
happened  through  God's  wonderful  providence.  For  as  the  sun  was 
going  down  the  council  assembled  once  more,  without  doubt,  to  make 
an  end  of  this  fatal,  terrible,  and  sad  ceremony.  I  turned  myself 
somewhat  aromid,  although  bound,  knowing  that  one  of  them  under- 
stood the  English  language  rather  well,  and  made  a  short  speech,  tell- 
ing my  innocence,  and  how  if  they  did  not  spare  me  the  great  and 
mighty  Queen  of  England  would  avenge  my  blood,  because  I  had 
brought  the  colony  to  this  land  at  her  command,  not  to  do  them 
any  harm  but  to  live  on  good  terms  with  them;  and  what  else  seemed 
to  me  good  to  say  to  engage  them  to  kindness;  with  the  offer  of  my 
services  and  all  sorts  of  favors  if  I  were  liberated. 

Now  after  I  had  finished  talking,  I  noticed  that  one  of  the  leading 
Indians,  who  before  this  seemed  entirely  inclined  to  me,  the  one,  in- 
deed, who  had  once  brought  me  food,  and  who  belonged  to  King  Taylor, 
from  whom  I  had  purchased  the  land  where  New  Bern  now  stands, 
was  amazed  and  spoke  very  earnestly;  I  had  no  doubt  in  my  favor; 
which  turned  out  to  be  the  case,  for  it  was  hereupon  decided  to  send 
some  of  their  members  immediately  to  the  neighboring  Tuscarora  vil- 
lages; and  with  them  the  result  was  that  I  should  have  my  life,  but 
the  poor  Surveyor  General  would  be  executed.  I  passed  the  night  be- 
tween life  and  death,  bound  all  the  time  in  the  same  place,  in  con- 
tinual prayer  and  sighs.  I  examined  my  poor  negro  and  spoke  as 
well  as  I  could  to  him,  and  he  gave  me  more  satisfaction  than  I 
hoped.  But  Surveyor  General  Lawson,  being  a  man  of  understanding 
though  not  of  good  life,  I  allowed  to  do  his  own  devotions.  In  the 
morning  about  three  or  four  o'clock  the  deputies  came  back  from 
their  mission  bringing  the  decision  regarding  their  errand,  but  very 
secretly.  One  of  them  came  after  a  while  to  loose  me  from  my 
bonds.  Not  knowing  what  that  might  mean,  I  submitted  patiently 
to  the  will  of  the  Lord,  the  Most  High,  arose  and  followed.  Oh  how 
dumb-founded  I  was,  when,  some  paces  from  the  old  place,  the  Indian 
said  to  me  in  my  ear,  in  broken  English,  that  I  should  not  fear,  they 
would  not  kill  me,  but  they  would  kill  General  Lawson.  This  went 
to  my  heart. 

About  twenty  paces  from  the  place  where  I  was  bound  the  Indian 
brought  me  to  the  cabin  or  hut  and  gave  me  food  to  eat,  but  I  had  no 
appetite.  Soon  there  came  a  great  number  of  the  Indian  rabble  about 
me,  who  all  evidenced  great  joy  at  my  deliverance.  The  very  same 
man  brought  me  again  to  the  clear  space,  but  a  little  further  in  ad- 
vance, where  the  whole  council  sat,  and  they  congratulated  me  in 
their  way  and  smiled.  Meantime  I  was  forbidden  to  say  the  least 
thing  to  Monsieur  Lawson,  not  even  to  speak  a  single  word  to  him. 


270  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

They  let  my  negro  loose  also,  but  I  never  saw  him  again.  Poor 
Lawson  remaining  in  the  same  place  could  easily  guess  that  it  was  all 
over  and  no  mercy  for  him.  He  took  his  leave  of  me  striving  to  see 
me  in  his  danger;  and  I,  not  daring  to  speak  with  him  or  give  him 
the  least  consolation,  indicated  my  sympathy  by  some  signs  which  I 
gave  him. 

A  little  while  after  this,  the  man  who  had  spoken  for  me  in  the 
council  led  me  to  his  hut,  where  I  was  to  remain  quietly  until  further 
orders,  and  in  this  interval  the  unfortunate  Lawson  was  executed; 
with  what  sort  of  death  I  really  do  not  know.  To  be  sure  I  had 
heard  before  from  several  savages  that  the  threat  had  been  made  that 
he  was  to  have  his  throat  cut  with  a  razor  which  was  found  in  his 
sack.  The  smaller  negro,  who  was  left  alive,  also  testified  to  this;  but 
some  say  he  was  hanged;  others  that  he  was  burned.  The  savages 
keep  it  very  secret  how  he  was  killed.  May  God  have  pity  on  his 
soul. 

The  day  after  the  execution  of  Surveyor  General  Lawson  the  chief 
men  of  the  village  came  to  me  with  the  report  that  they  had  it  in  mind 
to  make  war  on  North  Carolina.  Especially  did  they  wish  to  surprise 
the  people  of  Pamtego,  Neuse,  and  Trent  Rivers,  and  Core  Sound.  So 
that  for  good  reasons  they  could  not  let  me  go  until  they  were  through 
with  this  expedition.  What  was  I  to  do?  I  had  to  have  patience,  for 
none  of  my  reasons  helped.  A  hard  thing  about  it  was  that  I  had 
to  hear  such  sad  news  and  yet  could  not  help  nor  let  these  poor  people 
know  the  least  thing  of  it.  It  is  true,  they  promised  that  Caduca, 
which  is  the  old  name  of  the  little  city  of  New  Bern,  should  receive  no 
harm;  but  the  people  of  the  colony  should  come  down  into  the  little 
city,  otherwise  they  could  not  promise  much  for  the  damage.  These 
were  good  words,  but  how  was  I  to  let  the  poor  people  know?  Since 
no  savage  would  take  the  warning  to  them,  I  had  to  leave  this  also  to 
the  Most  High.  There  were  about  five  hundred  lighting  men  collected 
together,  partly  Tuscaroras,  although  the  principal  villages  of  this 
nation  were  not  involved  with  them.  The  other  Indians,  the  Mar- 
muskits,  those  of  Bay  River,  Weetock,  Pamtego,  Neuse,  and  Core 
began  this  massacring  and  plundering  at  the  same  time.  Divided 
into  small  platoons  these  barbarians  plundered  and  massacred  the 
poor  people  at  Pamtego,  Neuse,  and  Trent.  A  few  days  after,  these 
murderers  came  back  loaded  with  their  booty.  Oh  what  a  sad  sight  to 
see  this  and  the  poor  women  and  children  captives.  My  heart  almost 
broke.  To  be  sure  I  could  speak  with  them,  but  very  guardedly. 
The  first  came  from  Pamtego,  the  others  from  Neuse  and  Trent. 
The  very  same  Indian  with  whom  I  lodged  brought  a  young  boy  with 
him,  one  of  my  tenants,  and  many  garments  and  house  utensils  that  I 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  JSTew  Bern      271 

recognized.  Oh  how  it  went  through  my  heart  like  a  knife  thrust,  in 
the  fear  that  my  colony  was  all  gone,  and  especially  when  I  asked  the 
little  fellow  what  had  happened  and  taken  place.  Weeping  bitterly 
he  told  me  that  his  father,  mother,  brother,  yes,  the  whole  family 
had  been  massacred  by  the  very  same  Indian  above  mentioned.  With 
all  this  I  dared  not  act  in  any  way  as  though  I  felt  it.  For  about 
six  weeks  I  had  to  remain  a  prisoner  in  this  disagreeable  place,  Ca- 
techna,  before  I  could  go  home.  In  what  danger,  terror,  disgrace, 
and  vexation  is  easily  to  be  thought. 

All  sorts  of  things  happened  in  this  time.  Once  I  was  in  great  per- 
plexity. The  men  folks  were  all  on  this  massacring  expedition,  the 
women  all  somewhat  distant  to  get  cherries,  others  to  dig  sweet  po- 
tatoes, a  species  of  yellow  roots,  very  good  and  pleasant.  And  so  I 
found  myself  entirely  alone  that  same  day  in  the  village.  A  struggle 
arose  in  me  whether  I  should  get  away  from  there  and  go  home  or  not. 
I  studied  long  over  it,  considered  it  best  to  call  upon  my  God  for  help 
in  this  doubt,  so  that  he  would  put  it  into  my  mind  what  I  should  do 
in  such  a  critical  circumstance.  After  I  had  made  my  prayer,  ex- 
amined and  treated  the  matter  pro  et  contra,  I  finally  considered  the 
better  way  would  be  to  stay;  comforting  myself  with  this  that  He 
who  had  saved  me  from  the  first  extreme  peril  would  still  help  me 
further.  Again,  if  any  Indian  met  or  saw  me  I  should  be  a  dead  man, 
for  there  would  be  no  hope  of  mercy.  In  addition  they  would  be 
so  embittered  that  before  I  could  get  home,  since  I  did  not  know  the 
way,  everything  would  be  plundered,  burned,  and  murdered.  Ex- 
perience proved  afterwards  that  I  chose  the  better  way. 

After  these  heathens  had  made  their  barbarous  expedition  they 
came  home  and  rested  for  a  time.  Then  I  watched  the  opportunity 
and  when  I  found  the  chiefs  of  the  village  in  good  humor  I  asked 
whether  I  might  not  soon  go  home.  To  bring  them  to  a  favorable 
disposition  I  proposed  to  make  a  separate  peace  with  them,  promised 
at  the  same  time  each  chief  of  the  ten  villages  a  cloth  coat,  something 
in  addition  for  my  ransom;  to  the  king,  two  flasks  of  powder,  five 
hundred  bullets,  two  bottles  of  rum,  a  brandy  made  of  sugar.  But 
the  Indians  wanted  to  have  much  more,  such  as  guns,  more  powder, 
and  lead  or  bullets;  but  I  told  them  this  was'  contraband,  that  is, 
ware  which  was  forbidden  to  offer  for  sale  under  penalty  of  hanging; 
that  I  would,  at  least,  have  to  be  neutral  and  help  neither  one  side 
nor  the  other:  Otherwise  there  would  nothing  come  of  our  peace. 
They  accepted  these  and  other  reasons,  and  so  we  made  an  agree- 
ment as  your  Highness  will  see  in  the  enclosed  articles  of  the  treaty. 

But  although  we  made  our  treaty,  still  these  suspicious  fellows 
did  not  want  to  let  me  go  without  more  secure  and  certain  guarantee. 


272  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

They  wanted  that  I  should  send  my  smaller  negro  to  New  Bern,  so 
that  everything  that  I  had  promised  should  be  brought  up  to  Ca- 
techna;  but  yet  not  a  savage  would  go  with  him  although  I  wanted 
to  give  him  a  passport  or  safe  conduct.  I  told  him  that  none  of  my 
people  who  survived  would  come  back  with  him,  because  they  were 
so  frightened  at  the  robberies  and  murders,  and  my  negro  could  not 
come  alone  against  the  current  with  a  loaded  boat.  Since  we  could 
not  come  to  an  agreement,  I  referred  it  to  the  Indian  with  whom  I 
lodged,  who  gave  a  sensible  decision  about  our  strife  so  that  we  were 
satisfied  on  both  sides. 

On  the  very  day  that  I  wanted  to  send  the  negro  to  New  Bern  with 
a  letter  to  the  man  who  had  charge  of  my  house  that  he  should  send 
the  above  mentioned  goods  half  way,  for  the  security  of  both  sides, 
strange  Indians  came  on  horseback  from  the  Governor  of  Virginia 
with  a  letter  as  enclosed  copy  will  show.  Nobody  besides  myself 
could  read  the  letter.  The  letter  was  very  sharp.  I  did  not  know 
what  it  contained.  Finally  I  thought  the  messenger  might  know  the 
contents  of  it,  so  I  read  the  letter  to  the  chiefs  of  the  villages.  When 
I  had  finished  reading  the  letter  I  observed  something  in  their  faces 
which  showed  that  it  was  not  acceptable  to  them,  that  on  receipt  of 
the  letter  they  should  send  me  immediately  to  my  home,  failing 
which,  if  the  least  injury  came  to  me,  he,  the  Governor,  was  prepared 
to  avenge  me,  yes,  to  exterminate  every  one  and  spare  neither  women 
or  children.  Upon  this  they  had  a  council,  and  it  was  decided  to  let 
me  go  to  the  village  among  the  Tuscaroras  where  the  Indian  trader 
from  Virginia  was,  who  before,  at  the  very  time  that  Monsieur  Law- 
son  was  executed,  was  staying  in  the  same  village;  and  on  his,  the 
Governor's  return,  had  told  him  our  sad  adventure.  Upon  which  this 
generous  Governor  Spotswood  had  immediately  sent  this  Virginia 
trader,  who  dealt  with  the  Indians  and  understood  and  spoke  their 
language  very  well,  with  the  above  letter  to  the  Tuscaroras.  But  he, 
the  Governor,  was  waiting  in  the  first  Indian  village  called  Natoway, 
with  a  strong  escort,  with  orders  to  the  neighboring  militia  to  hold 
itself  in  readiness  to  act  at  once  if  the  desired  word  did  not  come. 

So  the  next  morning  early,  I  set  out  on  horseback  with  the  Indian 
messengers;  and  many  of  the  chief  Indians  of  Catechna  came  with 
me  towards  the  principal  village  called  Tasky.  They  marched  as 
swiftly  as  I  on  horseback,  and  in  the  evening  between  day  and  night, 
we  arrived  at  the  place  where  the  Virginia  merchant  was  also  staying. 
This  village  was  fortified  with  palisades,  and  the  houses  or  cabins 
were  very  artfully  made  of  withes,  mere  pieces  of  bark,  placed  around 
in  a  circle  or  ring,  so  that  a  great  fire  was  placed  in  the  center.  The 
council  which  consisted  of   the  chiefs   of   the  Tuscarora  Nation  was 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      273 

sitting  around  on  the  ground.  There  was  a  place  left  for  me  and  a 
place  for  the  Indian  trader  above  and  the  Indians  who  came  with  me. 
After  I  had  greeted  this  gentleman  we  sat  down.  In  all  this  I  had  a 
secret  joy,  having  the  hope  of  going  to  Natoway  to  the  Governor 
of  Virginia,  who  was  waiting  for  me;  and  so  at  length  of  being  free 
from  this  savage  captivity.  But  unfortunately  it  did  not  succeed. 
The  orator  of  the  assembly  began  a  long  speech  and  asked  the  four 
Indians  who  came  with  me  what  was  the  cause  of  my  detention  and 
my  crime.  After  a  hearing  I  was  found  and  declared  innocent,  and  it 
was  decided  to  comply  with  the  desires  of  the  Governor  of  Virginia, 
when  it  was  represented  to  them  what  danger  would  arise  from  a  re- 
fusal. 

The  Virginia  trader,  as  interpreter,  spoke  what  he  could  in  my 
favor;  the  four  Indians  of  Catechna  would  not  agree  to  that  for  fear 
that  the  ransom  would  not  follow  although  the  Virginia  trader  prom- 
ised them  surety  for  it ;  they  pretending  that  they  dare  not  do  it  with- 
out the  consent  of  the  other  kings  and  chiefs,  yet  promising  to  let  me 
loose  as  soon  as  the  king  and  council  should  be  together;  but  they 
wanted  to  keep  my  negro  as  security  until  the  ransom  should  be  paid. 

The  next  day  my  hopes  were  entirely  frustrated.  I  took  my  leave 
of  the  Virginia  trader,  who  was  much  vexed  at  the  unfriendly  manner 
of  these  savages.  So  I  marched  back  again  very  sadly.  When  we 
had  gone  three  or  four  miles  and  were  near  Hancock  Town  or  Ca- 
techna, we  heard  a  great  outcry  and  yelling  around  in  that  direction, 
and  here  some  and  yonder  other  savages  came  out  of  the  bushes. 
This  inspired  fear  in  me,  and  not  without  cause;  especially  when  they 
came  right  up  to  me,  all  out  of  breath  and  frightened,  saying  that  the 
English  and  the  Palatines  were  close  by.  In  particular  they  sig- 
nified the  Palatines  with  a  disagreeable  expression,  mocking  the  Pala- 
tines by  the  repetition  of  ja,  ja,  to  signify  that  even  some  of  my  own 
people  were  seen  there.  In  order  to  have  me  take  a  roundabout  way 
they  made  me  go  through  a  desolate  ravine.  When  from  a  distance 
I  saw  a  fire  time  began  to  hang  heavy  on  my  hands,  fearing  they 
wished  to  murder  me  in  secret.  I  studied  how  to  persuade  them  that 
the  Palatines  had  not  joined  with  the  English  at  all;  that  these  words 
ja,  ja,  were  not  German  but  a  rough  English  word,  aye,  aye,  which 
is  otherwise  a  good  English  word  meaning  yes,  that  is,  ja.  I  kept 
them  in  this  opinion  as  well  as  I  could.  When  we  came  to  the  place 
where  the  fire  was  I  saw  with  perturbation  the  whole  rabble  of  Ca- 
techna where  I  was  captured,  together  with  their  household  goods 
and  a  little  food,  in  a  fine  corn  field  where  every  Indian  had  placed 
his  own  family  in  the  midst  of  a  swamp,  that  is,  in  a  wild  place, 
a  portion  of  forest  in  the  morass,  and  water  on  one  side  and  the  other 

18 


274  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

it  is  next  to  the  river. B  7  All,  that  is  to  say,  the  old  decrepit  men, 
women,  children,  and  young  men  under  age  were  there,  very  much 
frightened.  In  order  to  make  myself  acceptable  to  them,  and  for  my 
part  to  keep  them  in  security,  I  did  not  fail  to  give  them  every  com- 
fort; assuring  them,  that  as  long  as  I  was  with  them,  nothing  evil 
would  happen  to  them.  I  represented  to  the  warriors  who  came  to 
encourage  the  throng,  that  they  ought  to  have  let  me  go  before,  and 
with  their  warriors;  that  I  would  treat  with  the  English  and  persuade 
them  to  peace.     They  would  not  let  me  go  however. 

The  day  following,  all  the  Indians  round  about  to  the  number  of 
three  hundred  brave  fellows  came  together,  joined  themselves  to- 
gether with  the  others,  and  went  to  look  for  the  Christians  who  were 
no  more  than  sixty  in  number,  and  who  were  only  four  miles,  that  is, 
about  three  quarters  of  an  hour  distant  from  our  village.  But  the 
Palatines  who  did  not  know  how  to  fight  with  the  Indians  any  other 
way  than  merely  to  show  themselves,  were  mostly  wounded  and  one 
Englishman  was  shot  to  death.  Since  they  were  overpowered  by  the 
Indians  they  turned  their  backs  and  hurried  home.  The  Indians  pur- 
sued them  but  did  no  great  damage  except  for  what  they  got  in  the 
way  of  booty.  So  the  savages  came  back  two  days  afterwards  to 
Catechna  with  horses,  food,  hats,  boots,  also  some  coats.  When  I 
saw  all  this,  especially  a  neat  pair  of  boots  with  silver  trimmings  be- 
longing to  me,  I  was  much  dismayed  and  greatly  feared  that  they  had 
plundered  my  house  and  store,  but  there  was  no  damage  done.  Why 
my  things  were  among  them  is  this.  My  people  used  the  things  of 
which  they  had  need  for  this  expedition. 

So  these  wild  warriors  or  murderers  who  were  in  great  glory  came 
in  triumph  home;  and  we  also  went  out  of  our  place  of  concealment 
in  the  evening,  and  traveled  the  whole  night  through,  back  again  to 
our  old  quarters  in  Catechna.  They  made  great  fires  of  rejoicing, 
especially  in  the  place  of  execution,  on  which  occasion  they  hung  up 
three  wolf  hides,  representing  as  many  protectors  or  gods.  At  the 
same  time  the  women  made  offering  of  their  ornaments,  such  as  neck- 
laces of  wampum,  which  is  a  kind  of  coral  of  calcined  mussels,  white, 
brown,  and  gold  colored. 

In  the  midst  of  the  ring  was  a  conjurer  acting  as  their  priest,  who 
made  all  sorts  of  strange  motions  and  adjurations;  and  the  rest  danced 
in  a  ring  about  the  fire  and  the  above  mentioned  skins. 

After  the  Indian  celebration  was  over  I  began  to  become  impa- 
tient, asked  certain  of  the  chiefs  whether  now  they  would  not  let 
me  go  home,  because  they  were  victorious  and  possibly  all  of  my  peo- 
ple had  been  slain.  One  of  the  troop  answered  laughing,  that  they 
would  see  what  to  do,  and  he  called  the  king  and  his  council. 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      275 

Two  days  after,  early  in  the  morning,  they  brought  me  a  horse. 
Two  of  the  chiefs  accompanied  me,  armed,  but  afoot,  until  about 
two  hours  distant  from  Catechna.  There  they  gave  me  a  piece  of 
Indian  bread  and  left  me.  Because  I  saw  a  long  way  before  me  I 
begged  them  to  leave  me  the  horse,  saying  that  I  would  send  it  back 
without  fail,  or  they  should  go  somewhat  nearer  to  my  quarters  with 
me.  But  I  could  not  prevail  upon  them.  They  remained  at  the  place 
where  I  left  them  and  made  a  big  fire,  to  signify  to  me  that  there 
were  strange  Indians  in  the  woods,  and  I  should  hasten  and  walk 
swiftly;  yes,  for  two  hours  run  as  fast  as  ever  I  could,  which  I  also 
did,  until  night  overtook  me  and  I  came  to  my  frightful,  desolate 
ravine,  over  which  I  could  not  go  in  the  dark  on  account  of  deep 
water;  but  on  the  contrary  I  had  to  stay  over  night  there  until  morn- 
ing.    The  rest  of  the  journey  I  have  already  told  to  the  Governor. 

Some  notes  of  what  I  observed  among  the  Indians  and  during  my 
Tuscarora  captivity,  merely  as  they  come  to  my  mind,  without  es- 
pecial arrangement;  which  are  to  be  found  designated  with  a,  b,  c. 

Certain  jealous  and  indiscreet  inhabitants  of  Carolina  have  as- 
serted that  I  or  my  colony  was  the  cause  of  this  Indian  war  and  mas- 
sacre. To  my  justification  I  could,  indeed,  present  many  reasons; 
but  for  this  reason  will  not  trouble  myself  much,  because  my 
innocence  is  sufficiently  known;  yet  I  cannot  refrain  from  adducing 
here  the  following  proofs: 

(1)  If  I  were  the  cause  why  did  not  the  Indians  execute  me  as  well 
as  Lawson  ? 

(2)  I  paid  for  the  land  or  piece  of  ground  which  the  savages  called 
Cartouca,  three  times.  To  the  Lords  Proprietors,  to  the  Surveyor- 
General,  and  to  the  Indian  King  Taylor.  This  Indian  King  lived 
with  his  people  in  that  place  where  my  house  now  stands  and  the 
little  city  of  New  Bern  was  begun;  with  which  Indians,  I  and  my 
people  lived  on  friendly  terms.  For  the  rest  of  the  land  I  had  also 
paid  whatever  was  demanded  of  me. 

(3)  There  was  no  complaint  against  me  or  the  colony;  witness 
which  the  great  assembly  of  the  Tuscaroras  where  this  had  come  into 
question  in  the  presence  of  the  Virginia  trader,  and  there  the  authors 
of  these  troubles  were  indicated  by  name.  But  out  of  Christian  love 
I  will  not  name  them.  Both  the  Governor  of  Virginia  and  of  Caro- 
lina are  herewith  informed  of  it. 

I  have  seen  many  notable  assemblies,  have  myself  been  present  at 
some;  but  I  have  wondered  at  the  gravity  and  good  order  of  these 
heathen,  their  silence,  obedience,  respect  towards  those  in  authority; 
no  contradiction  except  by  turn,  and  that  only  once  and  with  great 
decency.     One  could  not  in  the  least  observe  any  passion,  and  there 


276  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

was  time  enough  given  for  reply.  In  fine  everything  was  done  with 
a  propriety  which  would  bring  conviction  and  put  many  Christian 
magistrates  to  shame.  The  trial  was  conducted  also  in  as  orderly  a 
manner  as  could  ever  be  with  Christian  judges,  and  I  have  heard 
such  sensible  reasons  given  by  these  savages  and  heathens  that  I 
was  amazed. 

There  were  seven  villages  of  the  Tuscarora  Nation,  which  very  much 
wanted  to  pretend  that  they  had  nothing  to  do  with  this  Indian  war 
and  massacre,  and  for  this  reason  had  no  understanding  with  the 
other  Indians.  These  were  somewhat  farther  distant,  more  beyond 
Virginia,  and  are  loyal  yet,  keeping  their  loyalty  on  the  account  of 
trade.  These  seven  towns  or  villages  hold  the  others  in  this  region  in 
certain  bounds  and  submission.  This  Tom  Blount  is  a  king  or  leader 
of  a  considerable  number  of  wild  Indians,  has  very  good  understand- 
ing, is  very  well  inclined  towards  the  English  nation,  and  contributed 
not  a  little  to  a  good  peace;  yes,  when  it  was  argued  with  regard  to 
me,  spoke  as  best  he  could  for  my  rescue. 

I  can  here  also  not  forget  the  generosity  and  sympathy  of  a  good 
widow,  who,  immediately  at  my  arrival  and  during  my  captivity, 
always  brought  me  food,  so  that  there  was  never  any  lack  of  food 
with  me.  But  the  most  remarkable  thing  was,  as  soon  as  she  had 
seen  that  when  I  was  bound  young  fellows  plundered  me  (among 
other  things,  my  silver  rings  were  taken  from  my  shoes  and  these 
were  held  on  by  a  small  cord  only),  she  took  some  of  her  pretty 
brass  buckles  through  which  she  had  drawn  her  hair  bands  on  her 
forehead  and  fastened  them  upon  my  shoes,  and  had  no  rest  until 
she  discovered  what  Indian  had  taken  my  buckles,  and  had  traded 
with  him  and  gotten  them.  She  came  running  back  full  of  joy  and 
put  the  silver  buckles  on  my  shoes.  This  was  indeed  a  great  kind- 
ness from  a  savage,  enough  to  bring  conviction  to  many  Christians. 
I  must  say  here  to  the  shame  of  Christians,  that  all  in  all,  the  Indians 
are  much  more  generous.  I  have  observed  many  good  things  from 
them,  such  as — they  do  not  swear,  keep  their  word  exactly  what- 
ever they  promise,  do  not  quickly  quarrel  in  their  games,  are  not  so 
avaricious,  there  is  not  so  much  haughtiness;  among  their  young 
people  also,  I  have  not  noticed  anything  improper;  Altho  they  are 
almost  naked  they  act  more  decently  than  many  Christians.  The 
bad  thing  about  them  is  that  their  rage  is  furious. 

It  is  here  to  be  observed  that  when  these  barbarous  murderers  come 
home,  their  wives  know  before  hand  through  messengers.  They  pre- 
pare themselves  for  a  feast  in  the  night.  Each  household  prepares 
the  best  food,  after  their  fashion,  brings  the  same  out  upon  the  great 
execution  place  where  they  also  hold  their  dances.     Each  family  makes 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  1STew  Bern      277 

a  small  scaffold,  before  which  is  a  fire.  These  scaffolds  are  round- 
about, and  in  the  middle  of  the  great  space  is  a  big  fire,  beside  which 
the  priest  stands.  The  women  took  off  all  their  ornaments,  which 
consisted  of  pendents  of  wampum  and  glass  corals;  then  they  took 
white  wands  or  rather  thick  whips  as  an  offering  into  the  midst  of 
the  ring  where  there  were  also  stuck  up  three  deer  skins  as  a  sort  of 
an  idol  which  they  honored.  The  Queen,  or  in  her  absence,  the  first 
after  her,  began;  the  rest,  the  one  after  the  other,  followed  sing- 
ing. When  the  ring  was  full  they  danced  about  the  fire  and  the  three 
hides  till  they  were  tired,  and  then  each  went  to  her  place  or  scaffold 
to  eat  with  her  husband.  When  they  were  through  they  took  white 
wands  with  black  rings  about  them  and  went  through  the  same  cere- 
mony as  before;  took  the  first  little  sticks  or  whips  adorned  with  the 
corals,  stuck  the  ringed  ones  in  their  place,  and  so  turned  again  to 
their  places.  In  the  meantime  the  priest  did  his  office,  cursing  the 
enemy  in  the  most  horrible  motions,  on  the  other  hand  exalting  his 
warriors  and  urging  them  on  to  further  bravery.  After  this  the  young 
people  took  the  green  limbs  covered  with  foliage,  colored  their  faces 
with  black,  white,  and  red;  let  their  hair  hang  loose  covered  with 
goose  down,  so  that  they  looked  terrible,  more  like  devils  than  men, 
and  ran  to  the  great  open  space  with  a  terrible  outcry,  and  danced 
as  described  above. 

Here  is  to  be  observed,  that  when  the  above  mentioned  savage 
warriors  or  rather  murderers  came  in  with  their  booty  and  prisoners, 
the  priest  and  the  leading  women  seized  the  poor  prisoners,  com- 
pelled them  to  go  into  the  dance,  and  if  they  did  not  wish  to  dance 
they  caught  them  under  the  arms  and  dragged  them  up  and  down, 
as  a  sign  that  these  Christians  were  now  dancing  to  their  music  and 
were  subject  to  them. 

And  so  these  heathenish  ceremonies  may  be  considered  a  sort  of 
sacred  litany  or  divine  worship.  In  the  morning  I  observed  at 
times  that  they  sang  a  serious  little  song  instead  of  a  prayer;  and 
when  they  are  in  great  danger,  the  same. 

At  New  Bern  where  I  settled  and  started  the  little  city,  I  ob- 
served another  custom  among  the  Indians  who  lived  there  before, 
which  was  somewhat  nearer  the  Christian  worship.  There  they  had 
constructed  a  sort  of  altar,  very  cleverly  and  artistically,  out  of  woven 
twigs  and  having  an  arched  dome.  In  one  place  there  was  an  open- 
ing as  though  made  for  a  little  door,  through  which  they  laid  the 
offering  inside.  In  the  middle  of  this  heathen  chapel  were  little  holes 
in  which  they  hung  corals  and  also  offered  wampum.  Towards  sun- 
rise there  was  set  up  a  wooden  image  tolerably  well  carved,  the  figure 
as  herewith  sketched,  half  red,  half  white,  before  which  was  stuck  up 


278  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

a  long  staff  upon  which  was  a  crown.  The  staff  had  rings  around  it, 
red  and  white.  Toward  the  north  or  rather  towards  the  west,  there 
was  placed  opposite  to  it  another  image  with  an  ugly  face,  colored 
black  and  red.  They  represented  thus  by  the  first  image  a  good 
divinity,  and  by  the  other  the  devil,  with  whom  they  are  better 
acquainted. 

I  cannot  omit  to  tell  here  what  happened  to  one  of  my  tenants,  a 
sturdy,  droll  man.  When  he  was  coming  past,  observing  these  two 
images,  he  immediately  made  a  distinction  between  the  one  which 
represented  the  good  God  and  the  other  which  represented  the  bad; 
and  because  this  one  was  colored  with  black  and  red,  which  were  the 
very  colors  of  the  Canton  of  Bern,  he  was  so  embittered  at  it  that 
he  cut  the  ugly  image  in  two  with  his  ax.  Then  when  he  came  home 
again  he  boasted  of  it  as  a  brave  deed,  as  though  he  had  split  the 
devil  in  two  at  one  blow.  This  in  the  beginning  provoked  a  small 
laughter;  but  yet  I  did  not  approve  of  the  deed.  Soon  after  there 
came  an  Indian  king  very  angry,  taking  this  for  a  sacrilege  and  a 
great  affront,  and  complaining  bitterly.  I  treated  it  indeed  as  a  joke, 
saying  that  only  a  bad  idol  was  injured  and  destroyed,  that  it  was  of 
no  great  harm,  but  if  it  had  been  the  good  one,  I  would  inflict  se- 
vere punishment;  but  I  would  thenceforth  take  such  measures  that 
such  vexations  should  not  happen  to  them  any  more.  Although  the 
Indian  king  saw  that  I  made  a  joke  of  the  matter  it  did  not  please 
him,  but  he  became  serious.  So  I  gave  evidence  to  him  in  earnest 
that  this  man's  action  also  did  not  please  me  entirely;  and  if  he  could 
point  out  the  man  who  did  it,  he  should  be  punished  for  it.  I  gave 
the  king  and  those  who  were  with  him  rum  to  drink,  which  is  a  kind 
of  brandy  made  of  distilled  sugar  waste,  in  those  parts  very  common 
and  healthful  if  one  drinks  it  with  moderation.  In  addition  I  was 
very  friendly  with  them,  so  that  they  went  from  me  well  contented  and 
satisfied. 

In  their  burials  they  make  more  ceremony  than  in  their  weddings 
or  marriages.  And  I  have  observed  something  strange  at  the  burial 
of  a  deceased  widow.  I  will  not  expand  much  on  it  here  because 
there  are  many  printed  accounts  of  the  life  and  customs  of  the  Indians; 
only  in  passing,  what  I  found  most  strange. 

And  principally;  when  an  Indian  is  sick  or  dying  their  priests  come 
into  the  house,  go  all  through  all  sorts  of  figures  and  antics,  make  all 
sorts  of  conjurations  and  give  to  the  sick  also  all  sorts  of  medicines. 
If  that  does  not  help  they  blow  their  breath  into  the  mouth  of  the 
sick  with  a  frightful  roaring,  and  I  do  not  know  what  all  conjura- 
tions. If  the  sick  one  arises  there  is  an  indescribable  rejoicing,  but 
if  he  dies  a  sad  howling,  enough  to  frighten  one. 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      279 

They  make  their  graves  with  great  care,  and  arch  them  over  with 
bark.  When  the  deceased  is  carried  to  the  grave  two  priests  stand 
there  and  lament  and  make  a  funeral  sermon  after  their  fashion.  If 
there  is  anything  to  be  gained  thy  extol  the  deeds  of  the  departed  or 
comfort  his  relatives  and  make,  I  do  not  know  what  all  strange  con- 
jurations. In  short  there  is  much  action  and  chattering  so  that  I  have 
seen  the  priest  or  conjurer  all  in  a  sweat,  but  this  happens  if  a  good 
present  is  to  be  expected.  When  this  is  all  over  the  heirs  give  to  the 
priest  pendants  of  wampum  or  made  of  calcined  mussels.  These  are 
little  things  like  corals,  as  has  been  mentioned  above,  white,  purple, 
yellow;  and  this  is  their  pay.  N.  B.  The  Indians  are  accustomed  to 
make  out  of  these  things  trousers  and  necklaces,  and  they  know  how 
to  knit  and  to  weave  them  so  skillfully  and  ingeniously  through  one 
another,  with  all  sorts  of  figures,  that  it  is  to  be  wondered  at. 

When  it  was  done  and  the  grave  covered  over,  in  my  time  some- 
thing marvellous  took  place  which  I  myself  saw.  A  pretty  fire  or 
flame  of  about  two  candle  light  size  went  straight  up  into  the  air,  as 
high  probably,  as  the  longest  and  tallest  tree,  traveled  again  in  a 
straight  line  over  the  hut  of  the  deceased  and  so  farther  over  a  great 
heath,  probably  half  an  hour  long  until  it  disappeared  in  a  forest. 

When  I  saw  this  and  evidenced  my  astonishment,  the  savages 
laughed  at  me,  as  though  I  ought  to  know  that  this  was  nothing  new 
to  them,  but  did  not  want  to  say  what  it  was.  After  this  I  ask  sev- 
eral about  it.  No  one  could  say  positively,  but  they  set  much  store 
by  it  p-  :  it  is  considered  an  especially  good  sign  for  the  deceased. 
An  artificial  fire  it  cannot  be  because  of  the  duration  and  great  dis- 
tance it  traveled.  Physically  it  might  be  considered  a  sulphurous 
vapor  out  of  the  earth;  but  this  long  regularity  is  too  much  for  me. 

Once  when  I  was  at  Governor  Hyde's  in  the  presence  of  the  council 
and  many  others  while  we  were  busied  with  the  Indians  about  the 
peace,  I  took  notice  of  an  old  Indian  who  looked  to  me  like  a  con- 
jurer or  priest.  So  I  asked  him  what  that  was  which  I  have  just  re- 
lated to  have  seen.  Among  twenty-five  Indians  that  were  there  only 
this  old  one  besides  one  other  could  give  me  an  account  of  it.  But 
it  seemed  to  m3  like  a  fable. 

They  said  that  only  great  men,  old  experienced  priests,  could  see 
and  do  such  things.  When  I  questioned  them  further,  they  gave  me 
for  an  answer  that  this  little  fire  is  the  soul  of  the  departed,  which 
goes  into  another  good  creature,  if  the  person  has  lived  well  and  be- 
haved himself;  if  he  has  not  behaved  well  it  goes  into  a  villainous 
smoke  and  into  an  ugly  and  miserable  creature.  The  priests  come  to 
their  art  in  the  following  manner;  namely,  it  happens  that  a  subtile 
little  fire  or  flame  shoots  from  one  tree  into  another,  but  very  sel- 


280  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

dom;  and  when  an  Indian  sees  that  he  must  run  as  fast  as  possible 
to  catch  it,  and  if  he  catches  it,  it  goes  right  on  and  becomes  a  small 
wood  spider  which  jumps  and  runs  so  quickly  in  and  over  his  hand 
that  it  has  to  be  seized  quickly  by  the  other  hand.  But  if  he  finally 
catches  it,  this  spider  grows  and  becomes  like  a  mouse;  and  so  who 
ever  catches  this  wonderful  thing  afterwards  becomes  the  best  con- 
jurer or  magician  and  can  do  all  sorts  of  wonders.  N.  B.  These 
artists  or  conjurers  as  they  are  called  in  English,  have  the  faculty  of 
invoking  the  devil  and  sending  him  away  again. 

A  ship  captain  has  asserted  to  me  that  he  once  carried  several 
Indians  in  his  boat  or  small  ship  and  in  the  Carolina  Sound  there 
came  such  a  calm  that  they  could  get  nowhere.  One  among  the 
Indians  said  that  probably  he  could  procure  a  good  wind,  and  was 
willing  to  do  it.  The  steersman  who  did  not  have  much  provisions  with 
him  and  wished  very  much  to  advance  farther,  left  it  to  the  Indian. 
Soon  after  this  there  came  such  a  strong  wind  that  he  became  fright- 
ened and  would  gladly  have  had  less  wind,  but  he  had  to  go  through 
with  it,  and  so  they  came  in  a  very  short  time  to  the  desired  place. 
But  the  above  mentioned  captain  assured  me  that  he  received  such  a 
great  fright  on  this  account  that  as  long  as  he  lived  he  would  no  more 
use  such  help. 

Whoever  will  may  believe  this  and  the  above.  It  is  certain  that 
Satan  practices  many  delusions  with  these  poor  creatures;  yet  if  such 
things  seem  incredible,  I  would  not  have  made  bold  to  tell  such  fab- 
ulous things  here  if  it  had  not  gone  about  and  been  talked  of  in  such 
eminent  company. 

I  have  heard  and  observed  many  more  such  things  among  the  In- 
dians. But  because  so  many  authors  have  written  about  them  that 
my  remarks  would  only  pass  for  repetition  I  will  not  relate  more, 
except  to  say  concerning  the  cruel  and  barbarous  manner  of  the  In- 
dians, that  they  are  indeed  furious  when  one  angers  them;  but  if  one 
leaves  them  in  peace,  does  them  no  harm,  and  treats  them  according 
to  their  ways  in  a  friendly  and  goodhearted  manner,  they  will  sel- 
dom injure  a  Christian,  except  if  given  cause  for  it.  They  have  oc- 
casionally been  treated  cruelly  and  badly  by  the  Christians.  I  have 
spoken  to  many  of  the  Indians  about  their  cruelty,  but  a  sensible 
king  answered  me  and  gave  a  nice  example  of  a  snake.  If  one  leaves 
it  in  its  coil  untouched,  quiet,  and  uninjured,  it  will  do  no  creature 
harm;  but  if  one  disturbs  and  wounds  it,  it  will  bite  and  wound.  And 
the  Spaniards  had  used  their  forefathers  too  cruelly,  yes,  very  in- 
humanly. Concerning  their,  the  Indians'  massacres  and  fighting 
treacherously:  They  had  to  use  their  advantage  or  else  they  could 
not  hold  their  own;  they  were  not  so  strong  in  numbers,  and  were 


Graffeneied  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been       281 

not  provided  with  pieces,  muskets,  swords,  and  all  sorts  of  other 
treacherous  inventions  made  with  powder  to  destroy  men;  likewise 
they  had  neither  powder  nor  lead  or  else  they  got  them  from  the  Chris- 
tians themselves;  so  that  our  ways  were  much  more  treacherous,  false, 
and  harmful;  otherwise,  we  would  not  use  them  so  cruelly.  More- 
over we  practiced  among  ourselves  the  greatest  tyranny  and  cruelty. 
Indeed  I  have  experienced  this  myself. 

TREATY. 

Which  was  made  with  the  Indians  and  translated  from  the  English. 

It  is  hereby  made  known  to  all  and  sundry  that  in  October  1711, 
it  was  agreed  as  follows  between  Baron,  Count  von  Graffenried,  Gov- 
ernor of  the  German  Colony  in  North  Carolina,  and  the  Indians 
of  the  Tuscarora  Nation  with  their  neighbors  of  Core,  Wilkinsons 
Point,  King  Taylor,  those  of  Pamtego,  and  others  of  the  region. 

1.  That  both  parties  shall  forget  the  past  and  henceforth  be  good 
friends. 

2.  The  subscribed  Governor  of  the  German  colonies,  in  times  when 
the  English  and  the  Indians  are  in  strife,  enmity,  and  war  against 
each  other,  shall  be  entirely  neutral;  in  like  manner  he  shall  remain 
quietly  in  his  house  and  city,  allowing  neither  English  nor  Indians  to 
pass  there,  nor  do  any  Indian  injury.  They  promise  the  same  toward 
our  people.  In  case  strife  occurs  between  the  parties  named,  they 
shall  not  get  justice  for  themselves,  but  shall  make  their  accusation 
at  the  proper  place;  namely  with  the  authorities  of  both  sides. 

3.  The  above  named  Governor  of  the  German  colony  promises  to 
stay  within  his  boundaries  and  to  take  no  more  territory,  up  toward 
them,  without  the  consent  of  the  king  and  nation. 

4.  He  promises  further,  to  procure  a  truce  of  arms  for  four  days, 
in  order  that  within  this  time  able  persons  may  be  chosen  and  com- 
missioned to  propose  salutary  plans  of  peace,  which,  as  far  as  possible, 
would  have  to  be  acceptable  and  pleasing  to  the  parties  in  strife. 

5.  It  shall  be  allowed  to  the  Indians  to  hunt  where  they  wish 
without  any  hinderance,  except  in  case  they  come  so  close  to  our 
plantation  that  the  cattle  would  be  driven  away  or  injured  or  danger 
of  fire  might  be  feared. 

6.  To  them,  the  Indians,  wares  and  provisions  shall  be  allowed 
to  come  at  a  reasonable  and  cheap  price.  Further  it  is  agreed,  that 
where  the  marks  written  below  shall  be  on  the  doors  of  our  houses, 
hat   there  no  injury  or  damage  shall  be  done.     So  shall,  herewith, 


282  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

the  conditions  and  clauses  be  exactly  observed.  As  a  genuine  voucher 
of  which  we  on  both  sides,  subscribe  ourselves  and  there  is  affixed  the 
ordinary  signs. 

The  sign  of  Neuse,  N.       Graffenried,  Governor  of  the 

German  Colony. 
Tuscaroras'  Sign,       MA         Tuscarora  Indians  and 

Neighbors. 

Mandate  of  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  translated  out  of  the  English 
original. 

Alexander  Spotswood,  Governor,  Regent,  and  Commandant  of  the 
Colonies  and  Provinces  of  Virginia,  in  the  name  of  Her  Royal  Majesty 
of  Great  Britain,  to  the  Indian  Nation  which  holds  Baron  von  Graf- 
fenried prisoner. 

Having  heard  that  Baron  Von  Graffenried,  Governor,  and  the 
head  of  the  German  Colony  in  North  Carolina  is  captive  among  you, 
I  request  and  command  you,  in  the  name  of  the  Queen  of  Great 
Britain  of  whom  he  is  a  subject,  that  on  receipt  of  this  you  let  him 
go  free  and  send  him  to  our  government. 

And  here  you  are  given  to  know  that  if  you  should  have  it  in  mind 
to  kill  or  willfully  inflict   any   injury  upon  him,   I  will  revenge  his 
blood,  and  will  spare  neither  men,  women,  nor  children. 
Given  under  my  great  seal, 
the  7th  of  October,  1711. 

A.  Spotswood.     <^L.  S.^> 

Carolina,  Newburn,  May  6,  1711. 
Gentlemen : 

I  send  you  once  more  a  copy  in  answer  to  the  letter  of  August  23, 
sent  to  me  and  F.  Michel,  received  here  April  11th.,  for  fear  that 
my  previous  one  had  gone  lost,  to  indicate  what  before  this  was  writ- 
ten to  the  old  Schultheiss  von  Graffenried,  as  I  had  cause  enough, 
to  the  effect  that  such  great  enterprises  must  be  strongly  supported. 
It  is  impossible  to  succeed  with  so  little.  It  would  have  been  better 
to  let  it  rest  than  to  put  one's  self  into  danger  and  to  so  expose  one's 
reputation  and  honor  and  lose  all  credit.  Or  if  I  could  have  foreseen 
all  that  I  know,  I  should  have  taken  entirely  different  measures. 
Timid  business  men  seldom  make  great  fortunes,  and  if  Messrs.  Ritter 
and  Von  Graffenried  stay  out  of  it;  if  I  cannot  help;  others  will  prob- 
ably be  iound  in  place  of  them.  If  it  were  not  out  of  consideration 
for  H.  J.  Ritter,  and  those  who  before  this  advanced  money  to  one 
F.  Michel  and  assisted  him,  we  could  have  associated  ourselves  with 
a   rich    Englishman.     But    he   wanted   to  be    alone  with   us.     Thus 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      283 

there  are  here  only  a  few  good  men  who  are  of  a  mind  to  stay  in,  but 
only  in  the  trade.  Since  they  have  land  enough  for  the  present, 
we  are  not  served  with  this,  for  these  great  debts  must  be  paid.  Fr. 
Michael,  indeed,  when  in  Pennsylvania,  told  me  he  would  there  find 
enough  associates.  But  I  doubt  it.  Sad  experience  teaches  me  not 
to  trust  too  firmly.     It  is  better  to  make  a  more  certain  play. 

I  wonder  through  whom  the  100  £  sterling  shall  be  paid  at  New 
Castle,  because  Mr.  Wray  gives  me  no  notice  of  it. 

You  tell  us  that  we  in  Carolina  should  try  to  do  something  on 
credit.  Enough  has  already  been  done.  Indeed  we  had  to  use  all  our 
credit  to  get  the  necessaries  of  life  and  stock  for  a  year,  if  we  did  not 
want  to  die  of  hunger  with  the  whole  colony;  for  ill-fortune  will  have 
it  that  we  found  the  government  at  our  arrival  in  the  greatest  con- 
fusion because  of  the  death  of  the  Governor.  When  I  wished  to  bring 
the  Receiver-General  to  keep  that  which  the  Lords  Proprietors  had 
promised  he  resigned.  Since  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  and  Colonel 
Cary  will  accept  neither  the  new  Governor  Hyde  nor  any  of  the  Lords 
Proprietors'  new  officers,  I  have  not  found  the  slightest  assistance 
upon  the  side  of  the  Lords  Proprietors  and  of  the  government.  If 
an  honorable  well-to-do  man,  Colonel  Pollock,  and  another,  had  not 
assisted  us,  we  should  have  been  compelled,  as  said  before,  to  die  of 
hunger.  So  I  was  compelled  to  get  everything  from  him  and  others 
upon  notes,  and  these  provisions  had  to  be  for  a  year  long,  that  is, 
until  the  coming  December;  for  the  neighboring  islands  which  are  in 
great  want  of  food  buy  the  corn  before  it  is  ripe  in  the  field.  So  then 
this  business  needs  a  good  heart,  good  friends,  and  good  credit;  and  if 
I  had  not  been  a  land-grave  so  that  I  could  sit  in  the  Court  and 
Upper  House  of  Parliament,  which  give  me  authority  and  credit,  we 
should  have  had  to  die. 

Thus  you  see  Gentlemen,  in  passing,  that  the  jealousy  in  regard  to 
these  titles  of  honor,  which  indeed  bring  in  nothing,  is  not  well  founded; 
but  rather  this  position  of  honor  procures  the  colony  advantage  and 
benefit.  It  might  be  objected  that  it  causes  great  expenses  and  cere- 
mony. For  this  reason  I  have  not  even  a  livery  coat  in  the  proces- 
sion. I  live  as  poorly  as  the  least  private  individual,  as  you  can  well 
hear  from  others. 

Regarding  the  mines;  It  is  true  that  you  are  under  obligation  to 
Fr.  Michel  for  looking  for  and  discovering  them.  But  if  I  had  not 
been  present  at  the  first  negotiation  nothing  would  have  come  of  it, 
and  Mr.  Perm  would  do  and  conclude  nothing,  unless  it  were  signed 
by  me. 

Regarding  my  difficulties  and  pains,  there  is  much  to  be  said  about 
them.     Speaking  of  recompence,  even  if  I  can  be  recompenced  for  the 


284  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

danger  to  my  life,  unspeakable  cares,  and  affronts  which  have  already 
come  to  me  because  of  the  lack  of  needed  assistance,  and  if  I  were, 
on  account  of  the  protestation  of  my  notes  to  expect  it,  there  is,  in 
truth,  none  big  enough  and  none  good  enough  for  me.  I  should  do 
better  to  claim  none.  The  best  recompense  would  be  to  pull  me  forth- 
with out  of  this  difficult  labyrinth;  it  will  be  to  your  advantage  and 
my  own. 

Since  you  announce  that  probably  all  of  you  will  come  to  this  coun- 
try, I  am  glad.  I  could  wish  that  you  had  been  here  from  the  be- 
ginning, and  were  here  still.  Then  you  could  see  whether  everything 
goes  so  easily,  and  with  so  little  to  do  with.  You  would  also  have 
been  compelled  to  take  your  share  in  this  great  complaint,  toil,  anxiety, 
and  vexation,  instead  of  all  this  resting  upon  me. 

To  make  a  day-book  of  occurrences  will  not  be  entirely  a  pastime 
because  until  now  little  of  anything  pleasant,  but  many  vexations 
have  occurred. 

A  journal  or  table  of  the  expenses  of  the  past  is  hardly  to  be  made 
so  very  exactly,  especially  where  Fr.  Michael  has  acted.  But  in  the 
future  more  regularity  will  be  observed. 

If  you  should  not  come  so  very  soon,  it  will  be  well  to  send  here  a 
young  honest  burgher  who  understands  book-keeping.  The  English 
are  entirely  too  expensive.  They  ask  50£  sterling  a  year.  As  far  as 
the  others  are  concerned,  whether  they  are  tenants  or  artisans,  we 
will  wait  until  the  general  peace  is  made,  but  there  is  need  of  a 
pastor  and  a  book-keeper.  They  could  come  this  next  autumn,  that 
is,  in  October  or  November,  with  the  Virginia  Fleet.  Care  must  be 
taken  to  conclude  and  negotiate  everything  there,  for  when  they  get 
here  they  immediately  become  puffed  up,  want  to  be  masters  them- 
selves. But  if  I  would  give  high  wages  I  could  not  get  a  man-  or 
woman-servant  into  my  service.  Tenants  and  servants  must  be  hired 
at  Bern,  as  also  all  sorts  of  artisans.  Here  is  the  answer  to  all  the 
articles  of  the  letter. 

Now  I  will  report  upon  the  condition  of  affairs  here,  upon  the  situ- 
ation and  productiveness  of  the  land,  in  a  few  words;  deferring  the 
rest  till  my  vexed  and  disturbed  mind  is  in  a  quieter  frame.  And  so 
I  send  to  you  only  a  map  made  in  haste  and  quite  plain.  The  situa- 
tion of  the  city  could  not  be  finer,  more  cheerful,  and  convenient. 
So  also  the  whole  colony  touches  upon  it;  and  all  the  settlements  ie 
side  by  side,  and  all  lie  along  the  water  in  such  a  way  that  at  one 
place  one  can  cume  up  from  the  sea  and  on  the  other  back  into  it 
again  and  go  only  six  or  eight  m^es  by  land.  I  do  not  believe  that 
there  has  been  a  finer  colony  planted  in  the  world,  that  is  regarding 
the  situation.     It  continues  thus  as  far  as  the  River  Clarendon  or 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      285 

Cape  Fear.  It  is  certain  that  in  a  few  years,  under  the  blessing  of 
God,  this  colony  will  greatly  increase.  The  land  is  excellent  and  good; 
corn,  rice,  hemp,  flax,  turnips,  beets,  beans,  peas,  all  sorts  of  garden 
produce,  and  tree-fruits  grow  well.  I  know  of  few  in  our  country 
that  one  cannot  have  here.  Wild  grapes  are  very  abundant  and 
yield  especially  well.  I  do  not  doubt  that  one  could  make  them 
tame  and  plant  others,  just  as  has  been  commenced  already. 

In  the  way  of  drink,  even  if  one  does  not  yet  have  wine,  they  gen- 
erally make  a  very  pleasant,  healthful,  and  cheap  beer  of  molasses, 
which  is  a  juice  of  sugar,  and  sassafras,  a  little  dried  wheat,  corn,  or 
only  cherries.  Others  make  beer  of  figs,  quinces,  mulberries,  a  kind  of 
red  medlar,  and  other  things  beside. 

Wild  game  and  fish  are  all  in  abundance.  All  sorts  of  good  meat 
can  be  gotten  by  the  way  of  the  sea.  Small  cattle  increases,  costs 
nothing  to  keep  winter  or  summer;  so  that  if  one  has  only  a  little 
to  invest,  he  can,  in  a  few  years,  own  many  hundreds,  and  the  trade 
in  them  goes  well. 

The  general  trade  is  exceedingly  good,  but  everything  goes  by  barter. 
Of  money  there  is  none  at  hand,  except  in  the  South  Island  and  the 
lands  which  the  Spaniards  and  Dutch  possess.  But  in  these  countries 
one  receives  it  for  wares.  The  wares  which  are  disposed  of  there  are 
indigo,  certain  spices,  sugar,  rum,  molasses,  (both  of  these  made  from 
sugar  afford  us  a  delicious  brandy),  rice,  hides,  and  skins.  Tanners  of 
furs  are  much  needed  for  the  skins  of  the  wild  and  tame  animals, 
feathers  and  down.  N.  B.  Upon  these  rivers  are  swans,  geese,  and 
ducks  by  the  millions.     Wild  turkeys  are  in  great  numbers. 

Regarding  the  climate;  it  is  tolerably  good  and  healthy,  not  so 
exceedingly  warm  as  supposed.  June,  July,  and  August  are  hot, 
yet  there  blows  occasionally  a  cool  wind.  The  rest  of  the  time  of  the 
year  is  tolerably  temperate.  In  the  beginning  one  must  pay  the 
tribute  of  a  fever. 

Regarding  the  Indians,  they  are  not  to  be  feared  if  one  makes  a 
league  with  them,  which  we  have  already  solemnly  done.  At  first 
they  were  hostile  to  us  because  they  were  incited  to  it  by  jealous 
traders,  but  everything  is  now  quiet. 

The  government  is  well  appointed,  but  the  good  ordinances  and 
laws  are  badly  executed.  Everything,  as  I  said,  at  my  coming  was  in 
great  confusion,  to  my  great  harm.  But  it  is  now  better;  only  the 
revenues  to  which  I  had  claims  are  gone  because  the  Lieutenant 
Governor  Cary  wanted  to  assume  the  whole  government.  But  he, 
whom  I  had  put  into  jail  through  the  new  governor  and  council,  broke 


286  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

out  of  his  confinement  and  has  become  a  fugitive.  Before  this  he 
sold  everything  and  took  the  proceeds  with  him.  This  man  with  two 
more  has  made  such  a  rebellion  that  I  had  to  come  to  the  aid  of  the 
government  with  our  people.  For  this  cause  I  repeat  that  I  was  in 
great  extremity  from  the  failure  in  the  execution  of  good  ordinances 
and  laws;  for  because  of  the  situation,  on  account  of  its  being  in  a 
new  land,  it  would  have  been  all  topsy-turvy  if  I  had  proceeded 
differently,  since  I  had  to  give  the  Royal  Committee  security  for 
5000£  sterling  on  account  of  these  people.  If  in  the  beginning  when 
I  saw  that  everything  was  failing,  I  had  left  these  poor  people  in  the 
lurch  and  had  retired  elsewhere,  or  had  let  them  die  of  hunger,  I 
should  have  lost  the  five  thousand  pounds  and  should  have  been 
hanged  without  mercy;  and  where  would  my  conscience  have  been 
as  I  did  it?  Could  I  do  differently  than  I  did?  It  is  still  a  great 
thing  that  in  a  wild  country,  where,  strange  to  say,  I  have  no  friends 
or  acquaintances,  I  have  so  much  credit  that  I  have  received  every- 
thing which  was  really  necessary.  Now  it  is  a  question  of  how  to 
work  myself  out  of  this  labyrinth  that  I  may  not  come  to  disgrace, 
and  we  all  be  compelled  to  lose  together;  for  I  am  fearful  of  being 
arrested  because  of  the  protestation  of  the  notes,  and  Colonel  Pollock, 
as  the  strictest  creditor,  could  take  possession  of  everything,  a  pro- 
cedure which  would  do  us  all  irreparable  damage  and  cause  the  great- 
est disgrace  and  destroy  the  whole  country,  for  they  would  certainly 
run  away  from  it. 

So  I  find  no  better  means  than  to  look  for  eight  more  associates  at 
the  least,  if  possible  more,  at  300£  each  to  be  paid  in,  or  four  or  more 
at  600£  each.  If  we  wanted  to  do  something  in  trade  we  should 
double  our  money,  but  this  might  be  postponed  for  a  good  while. 
But  these  notes  must  be  paid  directly,  cost  whatever  it  will.  So  it 
seems  to  me  on  this  point,  that  one  more  experiment  would  be  good; 
that  is,  if  the  Company  would  go  to  my  father,  speak  to  him  about 
an  obligation  and  the  investment  of  the  whole  amount  from  his  money 
which  he  has  in  the  bank  in  London,  2Q00£.  There  will  still  remain 
to  him  a  considerable  portion,  and  this  would  not  discommode  him  at 
all.  But  if  this  trial  is  not  successful,  I  should  know  nothing  better 
than  to  call  upon  my  Lords,  giving  them  the  same  security.  N.  B. 
This  is  to  be  remarked  along  with  it,  that  these  are  not  lost  debts, 
which  have  been  squandered  and  are  not  to  be  gotten  back,  but  at 
the  end  of  three  years  all  will  be  replaced  with  profits.  The  especial 
account  I  will  make  this  summer;  this  time  only  in  general. 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      287 

ACCOUNT. 

1.  For  Indian  or  Turkish  Corn  for  feeding 

the  colony  and  for  sowing,  6000  meas- 
ures p.  two  shillings  make 600£ 

2.  Wheat,  400  measures,  p.  4  shillings  ....  80- 

3.  Salt,  200  measures,  p.  10  dit 100- 

4.  Fresh  meat  and  salted  for 250- 

5.  Carriage  of  all  these  and  other  things  .  .  100- 

6.  The  shallop  or  brigantine  which  in  my 

absence  Fr.  Michel  bought,  since  I 
would  not  dare  to  venture  so  much.  .   200- 

7.  To  build  a  store  or  proprietor's  house.  .     60- 

8.  Grist  and  saw  milL 70- 

9.  Our  lodging  which  was   at  the   same 

time  a  provision  house 70- 

10.  Stock,  ten  cows  and  as  many  calves, 

30£,  ten  swine  10£,  four  horses,  since 
two  were  for  the  tenants,  30£,  eight 
sheep,  6£,  four  more  cows  for  my 
household,  12£.     Sum 88- 

11.  Furnished  swine  2  p.  family 160- 

12.  Food  for  150  head  p.  3£ 450- 

Summa  Summarum 2228- 

N.  B.  The  brigantine  had  to  be  purchased  because  of  a  great 
necessity,  since  transportation  is  excessively  dear  and  hard  to  get. 
Only  a  small  journey,  with  six  hundred  measures  of  corn  and  some 
small  things,  costs  20£  to  transport.  Have  saved  already  half  in  the 
transportation.  It  is  a  good  thing  to  use  in  trade,  and  without  it, 
it  is  impossible  to  live  here.  It  is  now  on  a  voyage  to  the  South 
Islands  to  get  salt,  molasses,  corn,  sugar,  and  other  things.  The  pro- 
prietor's house  is  also  necessary.  It  served  first  as  the  provision 
house,  for  we  must  have  shelters  and  a  place  to  store  the  provisions. 
Besides,  there  was  this  reason;  it  was  in  part  on  account  of  travellers 
and  in  part  to  use  as  a  place  to  bring  food  to.  All  came  there  and 
caused  such  expense  that  in  the  long  run  it  could  not  be  endured. 
For  in  this  country  there  are  no  inns.  Everything  is  free.  When  I 
did  not  wish  to  give,  they  demanded,  and  one  could  not  let  people 
who  had  come  twenty,  fifty,  to  a  hundred  miles,  go  with  hungry 
bellies.  So  I  am  now  easy  on  this  score;  but  provision  must  be  made, 
but  yet  it  will  bring  in  a  pretty  income. 


288  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Grist  and  saw-mills  are  also  necessary.  We  were,  as  it  were,  forced 
to  it,  for  the  people  could  not  grind  their  corn.  The  saw-mill  will 
bring  in  a  considerable  amount  when  it  is  well  in  operation.  They 
saw  ever  thing,  in  England  as  well  as  here,  by  hand.  Planks  are 
incredibly  dear.  For  one  plank  I  will,  at  a  saw  mill,  get  6,  yes  indeed, 
10.  An  Englishman  has  offered  me  for  the  yearly  revenue  of  the  saw- 
mill, fifty  pound  sterling;  but  if  the  city  progresses  as  it  appears 
probable  that  it  will  do,  it  is  worth  100£  yearly. 

House-keeping  is  hard.  It  would  not  be  possible  as  they,  Ritter  and 
Isot,  thought  at  London,  to  live  individually  and  to  have  one  com- 
mon expense.  They  were  ill-informed.  The  plantations  had  first  to 
be  made.  Lodgings  were  very  poor  and  constructed  in  haste,  so  that 
one  could  also  work  his  ground  and  have  something  to  eat  from  it 
and  not  be  compelled  to  get  food  at  great  expense;  otherwise  what 
good  would  the  land  do  the  people?  Land  has  been  taken  up  for 
each  one  in  particular.  I  have  not  taken  up  any  for  myself  yet,  but 
in  the  future  provision  will  be  made  for  everything. 

Moreover  there  are  still  a  good  many  things  to  get  besides  trade 
and  income.  This  is  a  new  place,  only  five  years  ago  still  wild  and 
not  inhabited.  The  people  have  enough  to  do  with  their  planta- 
tions. They  have  not  the  time  to  invent  things  and  get  the  good  of 
them. 

The  city  will  increase  rapidly.  Almost  every  day  there  come  people 
who  want  a  lot,  that  is  an  arable  field  on  which  to  build  a  house  and 
cultivate  a  garden  and  an  orchard.  The  Governor  and  the  most 
prominent  people  of  the  country  already  have  each  their  lot.  A  lot 
is  to  yield  an  English  crown  yearly.  For  you  gentlemen,  we  have 
already  reserved  a  fine  section,  and  in  the  healthiest  locality.  But 
what  am  I  saying  here.     It  is  all  fine  and  good. 

The  sad  and  unfortunate  message  which  arrived  from  London  spoils 
all.  The  notes  are  protested,  my  honor,  credit,  and  reputation  gone, 
and  the  colony  suffers  in  the  highest  degree.  Colonel  Pollock,  who 
promised  to  supply  me  with  cattle,  has  let  my  people  come  back  empty 
handed.  I  now  have  enough  for  this  whole  year.  I  shall  try  accord- 
ingly to  supply  the  most  seriously  needed  things,  in  order  that  the 
complaint  may  not  be  too  great.  The  people  have  no  cows,  and  this 
occasions  great  loss;  there  is  so  much  murmuring  that  soon  I  shall  not 
be  sure  of  my  life;  they  have  threatened  to  send  a  letter  to  the  Royal 
Committee.  In  such  a  desperate  condition  what  is  to  be  done?  My 
property,  my  honor  gone;  nothing  but  the  greatest  vexation,  insult, 
disgrace,  and  scorn,  to  be  expected;  the  shortest  way  out  would  be  to 
withdraw  into  some  island  or  into  the  mountains,  or  even  go  over 
into  Canada  to  the  French.     Meantime  the  colony  would  disappear, 


Geaffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      289 

Pollock  would  put  himself  into  possession  of  it,  so  that  everything 
would  be  gone,  and  everything  which  had  hitherto  been  done  with 
great  labor  and  expense  would  be  in  vain. 

Yet  it  pains  me  to  leave  such  a  beautiful  place  where  there  is  such 
fine  prospect  of  good  conditions. 

Right  with  this  bad  tidings  came  bad  news  also  from  London  re- 
lating to  Virginia  and  Maryland  about  the  Tobacco  trade.  Every- 
thing is  destroyed  there,  because  from  other  places  tobacco  is  brought 
more  cheaply.  And  so  these  poor  Virginians,  who  had  all  their  capital 
in  the  planting  of  tobacco,  are  completely  ruined.  Because  now,  Caro- 
lina is  the  only  province  in  English  America  where  cattle  can  winter 
without  expense  or  labor,  so  all  are  coming  there  like  a  wave.  The 
land  increases  in  value  so  that  I  can  well  assure  you  that  what  one 
can  do  now  with  10£,  in  five  years  he  cannot  do  with  100£. 

Gentlemen,  you  will  indeed  consider  well  this  fine  profit  which 
is  to  be  made  on  the  100,000  acres  of  land  that  you  still  have,  and 
whatever  else  there  is;  likewise  the  loss  of  the  costs  already  incurred, 
which  the  nation  and  the  company  has  had  before,  and  the  fine  fu- 
ture returns  and  profits  of  other  things.  So  I  doubt  not  you  will 
do  all  possible  to  avert  such  a  great  loss,  and  to  embrace  these  splendid 
advantages;  and  so  much  the  more,  because  everything  is  now  in  its 
place,  no  more  great  expenses,  except  those  which  will  bring  in  fifty 
per  cent  or  more.     From  now  on  the  revenue  begins. 

Fourteen  days  ago  Mr.  Botschi  sailed  away.  I  sent  him  expressly 
to  recruit  people,  for  he  went  gladly  and  offered  himself,  so  that  you 
might  hear  the  whole  account  of  the  matter  by  word  of  mouth  from 
him,  as  one  personally  present  and  an  eye  witness. 

I  will  continue  to  be  patient;  indeed,  if  I  can  avoid  arrest  until 
answer  to  Mr.  Botschi's  report  comes.  I  can  just  about  calculate  when 
it  can  be.  But  if  the  goods  mentioned  do  (not)  come  then,  I  shall 
certainly  be  driven  to  great  extremity  and  afterwards  it  will  be  too 
late  to  remedy  it.  Oh  if  you  only  knew  and  could  believe  a  little 
of  what  there  is  to  do  here  you  would  not  leave  me  in  the  lurch  so, 
but  you  would  raise  as  much  as  you  possibly  can  to  pull  me  out  of 
this  labyrinth  and  to  advance  this  colonization  business  vigorously. 

Because  we  have  received  no  house-hold  utensils  nor  wares  from 
London  we  were  glad  to  use  Captain  Zechender's  things.  It  will 
therefore  be  necessary  to  satisfy  him  for  it,  and  if  he  is  still  resolved 
to  come  here,  to  advise  him  of  this,  so  that  he  can  supply  himself  ac- 
cordingly. 

Fr.  Michel  has  taken  with  him  the  firearms  of  all  except  two.  There- 
fore provision  is  to  be  made  in  Holland,  but  none  with  brass  plates. 
19 


290  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

I  would  have  much  still  to  write  on  various  matters  but  the  mul- 
titude of  occupations,  my  vexed  and  confused  mind  do  not  permit  me 
to  at  this  time.  If  you,  gentlemen,  shall  have  pulled  me  out  of  this 
labyrinth  by  speedily  sending  the  notes  to  me,  there  will  be  a  more 
detailed  account  or  else  I  will  send  no  more  at  all,  for  all  depends  upon 
this.  If  nothing  is  effected  everything  will  go  backwards,  and  God 
knows  what  will  become  of  me. 

I  commend  you  to  the  protection  of  the  Almighty  and  remain, 
Gentlemen, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

von  Graffenried. 

P.  S.  After  I  had  been  very  despondent  following  the  writing  of 
this  letter,  and  had  been  going  over  things  in  my  mind,  not  knowing 
what  to  do  further  in  this  so  vexatious  and  critical  position,  I  re- 
membered certain  Psalms  which  fitted  my  condition  very  well,  with 
ardent  prayer  taking  my  refuge  in  the  Lord  Jesus,  the  true  helper 
and  Redeemer,  and  encouraged  myself  a  little  by  an  effort.  Two 
days  afterwards  there  came  something  which  comforted  me  a  little, 
and  I  cannot  pass  on  without  telling  it.  Yet  I  will  tell  only  the  sub- 
stance, since  it  would  be  a  whole  tale  in  fact,  and  this  letter  is  already 
long  enough  without  that. 

There  came  up  to  me  from  the  sea  a  little  old  Englishman,  to  sell 
me  oysters.  He  inquired  for  Fr.  Michel,  but  since  he  was  not  pres- 
ent any  more  and  understanding  that  we  were  good  friends  he 
wanted  to  show  me  something  that  probably  would  be  acceptable 
to  me.  He  said  he  had,  sometime  ago,  traveled  with  Fr.  Michel  and 
the  Governor  of  Virginia,  to  look  for  mines;  but  he  knew  of  a  better 
and  richer  one,  and  in  that  connection,  he  could  tell  me  all  the  cir- 
cumstances of  Fr.  Michel's  trip.  It  agreed  well  with  what  I  already 
knew  very  well.  Although  before  this  I  had  entirely  discounted  Squire 
Michel's  affairs,  I  saw  by  this  there  were  nevertheless  realities.  Now 
according  to  this  report  I  have  some  hope.  May  the  Most  High,  who 
through  his  inexpressible  kindness  has  created  so  many  things  for  the 
good  of  man,  give  his  blessing  to  it,  and  give  to  us  the  grace  not  to 
misuse  his  benefits,  but  to  praise  him  for  all. 

This  mine  which  the  little  man  indicated  to  me  is  a  gold  mine 
in  Virginia,  while  Fr.  Michel's  is  a  silver  mine  in  Pennsylvania;  and 
this  gold  mine  is  said  by  report  to  be  eight  days  out  from  here,  while 
the  other  is  more  than  fourteen  days  from  Philadelphia.  At  the  dis- 
covery of  this  nearer  and  better  mine  Fr.  Michel  was  not  present,  but 
Governor  Nicholson  of  Virginia  was.  In  the  matter  of  the  gold, 
the  Governor  would  let  neither  him  nor  any  one  else  know  and  also 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  ISTew  Been      291 

forbade  him  to  tell  anyone  of  it.  In  the  meantime  the  Governor 
looked  about  for  a  man  expert  in  such  things.  He  found  one  also, 
who,  on  test,  found  it  very  rich.  They  were  already  making  arrange- 
ments to  put  it  into  operation,  but  soon  after,  the  mining  master  or 
chemist  died.  Some  time  after  this  a  disturbance  rose  in  Virginia,  the 
Governor  was  called  to  New  England  to  take  the  government  of  the 
same,  and  he  is  actually  at  this  time  in  a  notable  expedition  against 
the  French  in  Canada,  has  also  taken  Fort  Royal,  and  so  this  mine 
has  disappeared  with  him  and  this  mining  operation  is  suspended. 

This  little  man  gave  me  in  addition,  this  report  that  one  of  those 
who  was  with  him,  one  named  Clark,  a  sort  of  goldsmith,  a  godless 
man  who  had  robbed  another  man  of  his  wife  and  had  gone  up  into 
the  mountains  with  her,  had  found  gold  in  this  place,  had  coined 
pieces  of  money  out  of  it.  He  feared  he  would  be  discovered  if  he 
sold  the  lumps  of  gold.  Finally  his  money  got  so  common  and  some 
difference  was  found  in  it  so  that  it  came  to  light,  and  he  was  hanged 
as  a  counterfeiter.  Fr.  Michel's  servant  who  is  with  me  now  waiting 
for  his  master's  return,  saw  this  Clark  hanged. 

The  mine  referred  to  is  not  more  than  twenty  or  thirty  miles  from 
the  land  which  the  Queen  gave  us.  This  in  secret;  we  could  take 
a  piece  of  land  further  up,  and  so  we  could  also  take  possession  of  the 
mine,  reserving  of  course  the  Queen's  share  for  her.  I  considered  it 
advisable  to  interest  the  present  Governor  in  this  in  order  that  he 
might  help  us.  I  was  on  the  point  of  taking  the  little  old  man  and  two 
miners  that  I  have  here,  immediately  with  me,  and  we  should  have 
gone  up  into  the  mountains  in  order  to  get  a  good  view  of  it,  and  at 
the  same  time  to  see  a  notable  curiosity.  Not  far  from  this  place  is 
said  to  be  a  stone  table  forty  feet  long  and  ten  feet  wide,  upon  four 
well-hewn  and  carved  feet;  upon  it  something  written  which  these 
people  cannot  read.  Not  far  from  that  there  are  still  fragments  of  a 
wall  and  a  broken  intrenchment.  But  this  is  not  the  time  because 
on  account  of  the  thickness  of  the  bushes,  one  cannot  see  the  snakes. 
It  will  be  done  the  coming  autumn,  if  God  gives  me  health  and  life, 
and  also  if  better  news  arrives  from  Bern  so  that  I  can  breathe  a  little. 

N.  B.  Regarding  these  amounts  and  some  more  debts  still,  of  Fr. 
Michel's  not  paid  at  London,  and  something  in  wares  which  we  took 
at  London  with  your  consent;  it  will  likewise  be  necessary  to  still  send 
us  something,  at  least  300£  worth  of  goods,  for  it  is  impossible  to  live 
here  without  them.  Because  there  is  no  money  here  everything  is 
done  with  goods.  And  so  there  must  be  altogether  a  sum  of  3000£ 
raised.  That  is  a  great  deal  in  our  country,  but  it  all  comes  in  after- 
wards with  great  profit. 


292  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Whatever  in  the  future  is  subscribed  or  made  over  in  monies  you  will 
not  send  to  Danson  and  Wray,  for  they  are  false  to  us.  A  malicious 
Berner,  let  him  be  who  he  will,  has  written  to  London  very  badly  about 
us.  Besides  this  we  have  seen  only  after  coming  here,  that  their  af- 
fairs are  not  at  the  best.  Danson  as  one  of  the  proprietors,  to  be  sure, 
keeps  a  good  appearance  ...  to  give  commission, *  but  it  could  be 
done  through  my  father's  correspondent  who  is  a  good  man.  From 
him  the  writing  could  be  in  French,  and  the  affairs  would  remain 
secret.     This  Danson  and  Wray  have  opened  up  my  letters  which 

Mr wrote  to  me  in  the  name  of  the  society,  which 

had  a  very  bad  effect  here  in  Carolina  for  everything  was  written  to 
persons  here. 

N.  B.  I  do  not  believe  that  Mr.  Botschi  will  come  back,  and  if  he 
came  back  I  could  not  use  him  in  the  business,  because  he  does  not 
understand  book-keeping  at  all.  For  many  good  reasons  it  is  neces- 
sary that  some  one  of  you  come,  but  not  without  money  or  notes, 
and  that  speedily;  for  if  I  should  die  everything  would  go  badly. 

The  voyage  is  not  so  troublesome  and  dangerous  especially  in  time 
of  peace,  as  one  imagines:  We  had  the  best  of  weather  and  on  the 
whole  voyage  out  from  London  only  one  small  storm;  that  is,  if  one 
sails  around  Scotland  and  starts  away  in  May.  The  map  of  the  city 
and  colony  was  sent  in  the  previous  letter  and  Mr.  Botschi  is  bringing 
one  also. 

N.  B.  If  notes  are  made  out  one  can  find  the  bills  of  exchange 
with  Mr.  Wray  at  London.  Thomas  the  barber  and  surgeon  wishes 
to  finish  out  only  his  two  years  here.  It  will,  therefore,  be  well  to 
send  a  good  surgeon.  He  can  make  as  much  here  as  he  wishes  too. 
Mr.  Botschi  has  taken  one  of  the  small  pistols  with  him.  It  will  be 
well  to  send  the  same  by  the  book-keeper  again;  it  is  too  bad  to  spoil 
the  pair. 

BUSINESS  CONTRACT. 

May  our  help  and  beginning  be  in  the  might  of  the  Lord  who  cre- 
ated Heaven  and  earth.    Amen. 

Know  herewith  that  between  the  hereafter  subscribed  gentlemen  and 
friends,  Mr.  Frantz  Ludwig  Michel  and  Christoph  von  Graffenried 
on  the  one  part,  and  Mr.  Georg  Bitter  and  Mr.  Peter  Isot  in  their 
own  and  Mr.  Albrecht  von  Graffenried's,  Mr.  Johann  Anthoni  Jar- 
sing's,  Mr.  Samuel  Hopf's  and  Mr.  Emanuel  Kilchberger's  names  on 


'It  is  impossible  to  conjecture  what  the  writer  was  trying  to  say,  as  the  passage  is  defective,  sev- 
eral words  having  become  illegible  in  the  original  MS.  V.  H.  T. 


Geaffeneied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      293 

the  other  part,  there  has  been  made  and  concluded  with  another  pres- 
ent, true,  and  bona  fide  society,  a  contract  consisting  of  the  following 
points. 

1.  There  shall  serve  as  the  foundation  the  one  hundred  seventeen 
thousand  five  hundred  acres  of  land  lying  in  North  Carolina,  between 
the  Neuse  River  and  Cape  Fear,  which  in  the  name  of  this  society 
have  been  purchased  from  the  Proprietors  of  Carolina  according  to 
the  patents  obtained  for  that  purpose,  with  all  the  privileges  and 
rights  thereto  pertaining,  whatever  name  they  may  have,  and  with  all 
those  that  shall  or  can  be  obtained  in  the  future.  And  there  also 
belong  to  this  the  twelve  hundred  and  fifty  acres  of  land  which  were 
purchased  from  Mr.  Lawson,  situated  in  the  angle,  between  the  Rivers 
Neuse  and  Trent. 

2.  There  is  also  placed  as  foundations  the  concession  in  Virginia 
obtained  from  the  Queen  of  Great  Britain;  also  whatever  further  liber- 
ties, rights,  mines,  or  other  concessions,  whatever  name  they  may 
bear,  which  shall  be  obtained  from  the  same  queen  or  her  successors, 
so  that  all  shall  be  for  the  good  of  this  society. 

3.  We  under  the  blessing  of  God  shall  constitute  the  board  of 
directors. 

4.  Mr.  Frantz  L.  Michel  promises  that  of  all  minerals  which  he 
has  already  found  and  shall  yet  find,  he  will  put  in  all  the  portion 
coming  to  him  therefrom  to  the  good  of  the  society. 

5.  This  society  shall  be  conducted  under  the  name,  Georg  Ritter 
and  Company.  All  the  papers,  writings,  letters,  and  obligations  shall 
be  signed  by  this  name;  and  the  Society  shall  have  its  own  seal;  also 
no  member,  except  the  one  or  the  ones  whom  the  Society  shall  empower 
so  to  do,  shall  have  power  to  sign  or  to  seal  any  document  or  writing  in 
the  name  of  the  society. 

6.  The  capital  of  this  society  shall  consist  of  seven  thousand  two 
hundred  pounds  sterling  which  shall  be  employed  for  the  payment  of 
the  above  described  lands,  to  the  support  of  the  Palatine  and  Swiss 
colonies  already  sent  there  and  those  following  after,  and  also  for 
the  conduct  of  proposed  trade  and  mining  operations. 

7.  To  the  formation  of  this  capital  there  are  set  twenty-four  shares, 
each  at  three  hundred  pounds  sterling,  which  shall  be  made  over  to 
the  gentleman  here  at  London  appointed  therefor,  who  shall  also  send 
a  receipt  for  it,  and  credit  shall  also  be  given  him  in  the  books. 

8.  No  one  shall  be  able  to  possess  more  than  one  share  for  himself, 
but  two  or  at  most  three  can  combine  for  one  share;  but  if,  after  the 
lapse  of  three  years,  these  twenty-four  shares  are  not  complete,  it 
shall  be  free  to  those  who  already  have  a  share  to  take  another. 


294  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

9.  In  the  transaction  of  matters  of  importance  which  may  occur, 
such  as  the  election  of  a  director,  one  or  more  deputies  to  the  Royal 
Court,  to  negotiate  with  the  Lords  Proprietors  or  elsewhere,  at  the 
nomination  of  the  society's  salaried  servants  and  officers,  as  also  the 
acceptance  of  one  or  more  new  associates,  the  building  and  the  pur- 
chasing of  the  ships  useful  for  trade,  and  the  opening  of  mines,  every- 
thing shall  be  done  and  election  made  according  to  the  majority  of 
votes,  with  this  in  explanation,  that  where  there  are  more  than  one  to 
a  whole  share  they  shall  count  as  one  vote  only  and  also,  no  one  who 
has  not  a  whole  share  shall  be  elected  director. 

10.  It  is  free  to  each  to  go  to  Carolina  or  Virginia,  or  to  remain  in 
his  Fatherland;  and  then  his  deputy  shall  enjoy  similar  privileges  in 
his  stead,  except  that  he  cannot  be  elected  director. 

11.  It  is  free  to  everyone  to  sell  his  share  to  another,  to  trade  it 
off  or  to  give  it  away,  to  use  and  control  it  just  as  his  other  goods  and 
property;  and  if  he  dies  intestate  the  same  shall  fall  to  his  nearest 
heir,  just  as  his  other  goods.  But  the  Society  reserves  to  itself,  at 
the  sale  of  it,  to  have  the  preference,  and  ordains  that  it  shall  not 
fall  into  mortmain  and  be  sold  or  given  to  Papists. 

12.  To  every  participant  there  shall  be  designated  a  piece  of  land  in 
an  acceptable  place  at  the  building  up  of  the  city,  as  well  as  a  free 
estate  of  five  hundred  acres  in  Virginia;  but  as  much  as  he  shall  de- 
sire shall  be  free  from  interest  and  tithes,  with  the  exception  of  what  is 
due  to  the  Lords  Proprietors. 

13.  Mr.  Michel  reserves  this  to  himself,  because  he  contributes  the 
mines  in  Pennsylvania  to  the  good  of  the  Society,  that  the  first  three 
years,  when  these  mines  shall  be  open  and  begin  to  produce  the  profits, 
shall  come  to  him  in  advance.  In  the  fourth  year  Mr.  Ritter  and  Mr. 
von  Graffenried,  since  they  have  more  of  the  expenses,  shall  take  out 
according  to  the  amount  of  their  shares  contributed  before  the  be- 
ginning of  this  same  mine.  What  is  left  (for  that  year),  as  well  as  the 
whole  profits  on  the  other  portion  belonging  to  the  Society,  shall  go 
to  the  Society  for  the  remaining  seventeen  years.  He  hereby  prom- 
ises, with  good  success  of  the  above-mentioned  mine,  to  repay  Mr. 
Ritter's  principal  from  these  first  years  of  the  Society. 

14.  So  there  is  put  to  the  credit  of  Mr.  Michel,  for  his  labor  and  for 
the  mine  contributed  to  the  benefit  of  the  company,  an  entire  share; 
but  he  shall,  as  soon  as  possible,  pay  back  all  that  the  Society  to- 
date  has  advanced  and  may  still  advance. 

15.  Mr.  Christoph  von  Graff enried's  money  laid  out  for  five  thou- 
sand acres  of  land  in  Carolina,  as  well  as  the  expenses  incurred 
through  the  Palatines  and  others,  according  to  the  enclosed  specifi- 


Gkaffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      295 

cations,  shall  be  credited  to  him  for  a  share;  but  anything  more  than 
that  he  shall,  according  to  the  thirteenth  article,  take  from  the  Penn- 
sylvania mines. 

16.  In  like  manner  an  entire  share  shall  be  given  and  credited  to 
Mr.  Georg  Ritter  for  the  expenses  he  has  incurred;  but  anything 
more  than  that  he  shall,  according  to  the  thirteenth  article,  take  from 
the  Pennsylvania  mines. 

17.  It  is  not  allowed  to  anyone  to  take  up  land  in  North  Carolina 
on  his  own  account,  except  the  named  free  lands;  but  all  land  shall 
be  taken  up  on  the  account  of  the  Society. 

18.  No  member  shall  be  allowed  to  carry  on  private  trade,  either  in 
North  Carolina  or  Virginia,  but  everything  shall  be  done  there  for  the 
benefit  of  the  society;  and  yet  it  is  free  to  every  one  to  associate  him- 
self with  others  not  trading  in  this  province,  and  to  carry  on  a  trade 
on  his  own  account,  always  understood  that  it  shall  not  be  to  the 
detriment  of  this  Society. 

19.  The  other  above  named  gentlemen,  associates,  who  have  not  en- 
tirely paid  in  their  capital,  shall  pay  it  in  before  the  next  approaching 
September  and  make  it  over  to  the  gentleman  in  England,  already 
named. 

20.  There  shall  be  no  definite  end  set  for  the  Society,  because 
each  one  who  does  not  wish  to  remain  longer  in  the  Society  has 
liberty  to  sell  his  share.  But  in  view  of  the  fact  that  nothing  in  this 
world  can  be  made  fixed  or  immutable,  it  is  agreed  and  resolved  that 
this  Society  shall  exist  twenty  years,  and  that  in  this  time,  neither 
shall  or  can  there  be  talk  of  any  separation.  But  after  the  lapse  of 
these  twenty  years  the  Society  can,  at  the  discretion  of  three-fourths 
of  the  associates,  be  abolished;  when  they  can  make  their  division  of 
the  effects  then  existing,  according  to  the  majority  of  the  votes. 

21.  Before  the  expiration  of  four  years  shall  no  separation  be  made, 
but  a  report  shall  be  made  yearly  of  the  state  of  things,  a  reckoning 
of  the  balance  shall  be  made,  and  for  each  share-holder  a  copy  be 
prepared;  but  after  the  expiration  of  the  four  years  each  stock-holder 
shall  draw  ten  per  cent  of  his  invested  capital,  according  to  the  judg- 
ment of  the  whole  Society.  But  whatever,  by  the  blessing  of  God,  is 
gained  in  the  mines,  that  shall  be  divided  yearly. 

22.  It  is  free  to  the  Society  to  elucidate  this  contract  by  the  ma- 
jority of  votes,  to  explain,  to  diminish,  to  increase,  according  as  the 
advantage  of  the  Society  demands  it. 

23.  The  associates  promise  each  other  love,  faith,  and  true  friend- 
ship, and  that  they  will  help  to  further,  to  best  of  their  ability,  what- 
ever may  serve  and  promote  the  good  of  this  Society;  and,  as  much 


296  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

as  in  them  lies  ward  off  injury  and  do  everything  which  is  in  any 
way  within  the  meaning  of  this  contract,  two  copies  of  which,  uni- 
form and  of  the  same  tenor,  shall  be  prepared.  And  may  the  Lord 
our  God  give  his  blessing  to  it,  to  whom  alone  belongs  the  praise, 
honor,  and  glory,  from  eternity  to  eternity,  Amen. 
Done  in  London,  the  18th  of  May,  1710. 

Witnesses, 

William  Edwards. 
Edward  Woods. 

Fr.  Ludwig  Michel. 

Chr.  Von  Graffenried. 

Georg  Ritter. 

Petter  Isoth. 

MEMORIAL. 

Various  matters  relating  to  Carolina  translated  from  the  English. 

1.  To  have  land  surveyed  in  South  Carolina  costs  one  penny,  Caro- 
linian money,  per  acre,  but  in  North  Carolina  a  half  penny.  A  cer- 
tificate, registration,  and  copy,  costs  twenty-seven  shillings  for  every 
piece  of  land  which  is  bought,  whether  it  be  great  or  small. 

2.  Regarding  exchange:  There  is  no  law  of  exchange  between  Car- 
olina except  by  the  piece  of  eight.  The  difference  is  about  thirty- 
five  per  cent  more  in  Carolina  than  in  England. 

3.  Regarding  the  wares  which  are  to  be  taken:  The  most  useful  is 
to  bring  over  all  kinds  of  assorted  wares  of  English  manufacture; 
about  which  we  can  inform  you  in  a  report,  when  we  shall  know  what 
kind  of  people  and  how  many  shall  come  over. 

4.  An  assortment  of  wares  proportioned  according  to  our  direction 
can  give  in  Carolina  a  profit  of  two  hundred  to  two  hundred  fifty 
per  cent  when  it  is  bought,  but  certain  special  wares  give  a  profit  up 
to  three  hundred  per  cent. 

5.  Every  person  whether  man,  woman  or  child,  native  or  foreign, 
who  has  himself  transported  to  Carolina  at  his  own  cost,  has  the  priv- 
ilege to  take  up  forever  for  each  person,  fifty  acres  of  land  and  to  pay 
to  the  Lords  Proprietors  one  penny  quit-rent  per  acre. 

6.  Renting  out  land  to  tenants:  A  person  who  purchases  a  certain 
amount  of  land  can  divide  it  off  again  into  different  plantations,  of 
which  each  can  contain  as  desired,  two,  three,  four,  to  five  hundred 
acres.  Afterwards  the  land-owner  can  make  an  agreement  with  the 
tenant,  whereby  the  owner  obligates  himself  to  give  his  tenant  a  cer- 
tain quantity  of  tools,  nails,  locks,  bolts,  pans,  window-glasses,  etc., 


GrKAFFENRIED  :  ACCOUNT   OF  THE  FOUNDING  OF  New  BERN         297 

in  order  to  build  a  house;  also  to  supply  him  with  the  necessary  ani- 
mals, as  horses,  cows,  swine,  etc.,  and  likewise  necessary  crops  for  seed 
and  subsistence,  until  the  first  harvest;  in  return  for  which  the  tenant 
gives  to  the  planter  or  owner  yearly,  of  all  the  increase  of  the  cattle 
two  thirds,  together  with  a  certain  amount  of  rice,  wheat,  etc.,  accord- 
ing to  the  tenor  of  their  agreement.  On  which  subjects  I  informed 
myself  well  regarding  the  usual  conditions,  and  reckoned  up  what  the 
owner  takes  of  the  increase  of  all  the  crops  from  the  tenant. 

7.  Regarding  the  production  of  the  lands.  It  is  certain  that  it  pro- 
duces the  best  rice,  Indian  corn,  wheat,  oats,  beans,  peas,  etc.,  espe- 
cially in  North  Carolina.  They  sow,  ordinarily,  a  level  piece  of  land 
without  plowing.  It  may  be  advisable  to  change  the  seed  occasion- 
ally, as  need  may  require,  as  the  neighboring  planters  can  also  testify. 

8.  Fresh  and  good  land  is  without  doubt  the  best  for  rice,  namely 
that  which  is  somewhat  damp  and  wet;  but  if  it  is  too  wet  it  is  neces- 
sary to  dry  it  with  long  furrows  and  the  constructing  of  fascines  makes 
it  more  convenient  for  cultivation.  It  is  also  feasible  to  keep  a  certain 
amount  of  such  damp  land  for  the  planting  of  rice,  but  to  use  the  dry 
soil  for  wheat  and  other  crops. 

9.  The  centner  of  rice  contains  one  hundred  and  twelve  pounds.  It 
is  sold  at  from  fifteen  to  sixteen  shillings,  the  Indian  corn  at  two  and 
one  half  shillings  a  bushel,  reckoned  at  four  pecks;  wheat  at  three  and 
one  half  shillings  a  bushel.  As  far  as  barley,  oats,  peas,  beans,  are 
concerned,  I  have  heard  of  no  certain  price,  as  these  are  less  used. 
Regarding  the  increase  of  each  kind  of  crop,  one  can  read  in  Lawson's 
book,  which  description  I  consider  very  modest  and  it  is  certain  that 
the  land  produces  that  increase.  In  respect  to  the  price  of  animals: 
Horses  are  sold  at  from  four  to  six  pounds,  a  cow  with  its  calf  at  about 
two  and  a  half  to  three  pounds,  a  sow  with  its  pigs  at  twelve  shillings, 
a  boar  at  fifteen  shillings,  all  reckoned  according  to  the  Carolina  stand- 
ard; so  that  these  animals  maybe  bought  for  about  three-eighths  of  the 
above  mentioned  value  laid  out  in  English  wares.  With  respect  to  the 
sheep:  These  are  at  this  time  scarce,  but  their  number  may  be  easily 
increased  with  attention  and  industry,  since  one  can  drive  them  at 
night  into  an  especial  sheepfold  in  order  to  be  safe  from  the  wolves. 
The  form  of  this  fold  cannot  be  represented  here,  but  can  be  reported 
better  by  word  of  mouth.  Animals  increase  just  as  in  England.  Cows 
and  mares  breed  once  a  year,  hogs  three  times,  and  each  time  twelve, 
fourteen,  to  sixteen  at  a  time.  Their  food  for  the  most  part  is  what 
they  find  in  the  forests,  which  are  called  ranges  for  the  cattle.  And  so 
every  plantation  consisting  of  five  hundred  acres  has  pasture  for  cattle, 
for  they  have  no  need  of  cutting  hay  in  their  lowland  or  meadows,  as 
they  do  in  England  where  the  cattle  are  fed  through  the  winter.    Al- 


298  ISToeth  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

though  the  winters  are  much  shorter  in  Carolina  than  in  England, 
the  stock  in  this  time  becomes  lean  and  thin.  But  the  forests,  which 
produce  all  sorts  of  nuts  and  acorns  to  our  especial  advantage,  serve 
for  the  swine.  At  the  beginning  of  winter  and  a  little  before  the 
time  when  the  swine  are  butchered  one  takes  from  the  herd  as 
many  as  one  intends  to  kill  and  feeds  these  two  or  three  weeks 
longer  with  Indian  corn,  beans,  or  peas.  They  can  also  be  very  well 
kept  in  the  orchards,  some  of  which  contain  two,  three,  to  four  acres 
of  all  sorts  of  apples,  pears,  cherries,  peaches,  apricots,  etc.  They  feed 
themselves  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  with  grass,  afterwards  with  the 
fallen  fruit;  and  when  this  is  past  they  are  again  driven  into  the  forest. 
In  order  that  they  may  not  become  entirely  wild,  they  are,  every  ten 
days,  gotten  into  the  habit  of  coming  to  the  house  by  the  blowing  of 
a  horn,  and  then  a  little  Indian  corn  is  thrown  down  before  them. 
Now  when  they  hear  the  horn  blow  they  run  straight  for  home.  Hay 
for  the  stock  could  without  doubt  be  gotten  very  well  from  the  low- 
lands or  savannas  because  a  great  deal  of  grass  grows  in  such  places. 
From  lack  of  mowing  it  becomes  coarse  and  inedible.  But  if,  as  is 
the  custom  in  England,  it  were  mowed  often,  new  fresh  grass  suitable 
for  hay  could  grow.  If  the  cattle  were  fed  with  that  they  could  be 
kept  in  good  condition,  for  with  this  fodder  and  the  pea  vines  the 
cattle  become  vigorous  and  fat. 

10.  The  passage  for  each  person  costs  six  pounds,  so  that  accord- 
ingly, a  hundred  persons,  for  passage  alone,  will  cost  six  hundred 
pounds.  From  Holland  to  England  costs  five  shillings  per  person, 
which,  with  baggage,  costs  twenty  shillings  or  one  pound  sterling, 
which  in  all  makes  a  hundred  pounds. 

11.  For  this  reason  it  is  advisable  to  appoint  an  able  person  whom 
we  can  recommend  to  them,  in  order  to  purchase  an  English  cap- 
tured ship  of  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  tons  in  a  French  sea- 
port; which,  by  the  way,  may  cost  two  hundred  and  fifty  pounds. 
The  refitting  of  this  ship  with  sails  and  other  essentials  can  be  done 
best  and  cheapest  in  Holland.  But  the  food  and  the  provisions  are 
to  be  gotten  in  England.  These  can  be  held  ready  for  putting  on 
board  until  the  arrival  of  the  ship.  This  fitting  out  of  the  ship  and 
provisioning  of  the  hundred  persons  to  last  as  far  as  Carolina  would 
thus  amount,  at  most,  to  four  hundred  and  fifty  pounds.  So  that  the 
ship  equipped  and  provisioned  would  be  your  own  for  seven  hundred 
pounds,  and  hereby  would  cost  some  little  more  than  the  cost  of  pass- 
age. But  there  are  still  the  captain  and  sailors  to  be  provided  for, 
of  which  sailors  two  thirds  must  be  Englishmen,  that  is  to  say,  nine 
men  and  a  boy  or  eight  men  and  two  boys,  whom  we  can  also  procure. 
Their  wages  amount  to  from  twenty  to  twenty-four  pounds  monthly. 


GrRAFFENRIED  I  ACCOUNT   OF  THE  FOUNDING  OF  New  BERN         299 

The  length  of  their  journey  from  Holland  to  England,  the  wait  for 
wind  and  other  hinderances  until  they  are  away  from  shore  and  until 
they  arrive  in  Carolina  cannot  amount  to  four  months  at  most.  I 
assume,  then,  that  the  crew  along  with  unexpected  expenses  from  the 
time  the  ship  sails  from  Holland  to  England  and  Carolina  may  amount 
to  a  hundred  pounds  sterling.  Is  that  not  a  cheap  ship?  And  is  that 
not  more  advisable  than  to  rent  a  freight  ship  and  pay  seven  hundred 
pounds,  with  which  one  can  do  nothing  else  besides  transport  the  col- 
ony to  the  Carolina  coast,  and  unload  them  where  they  have  to  look 
out  for  themselves  and  rent  shallops  in  order  to  transport  themselves 
and  their  goods  into  the  country? 

I  assume,  now,  that  such  a  ship,  with  fitting  out  and  provisioning 
would  cost  eight  hundred  pounds,  plus  one  hundred  pounds  for  the 
crew  for  four  months,  making  altogether  nine  hundred  pounds.  Sub- 
tracted from  this  the  seven  hundred  pounds  for  the  above  mentioned 
one  hundred  persons,  as  well  as  fifty  pounds  additional  for  carrying 
people  in  Carolina  from  the  coast  into  the  country,  there  remains 
one  hundred  fifty  pounds  which  the  ship  would  still  cost.  I  assume 
now,  that  to  repro vision  the  ship  in  Carolina  for  the  crew  would  cost 
thirty  to  forty  pounds  sterling.  I  assume  further  that  the  ship  would 
stay  there  about  three  months  to  wait  upon  the  people  with  the  boat, 
and  to  get  freight  again  for  England.  Within  these  three  months  one 
can  rely  upon  getting  this  in  North  or  South  Carolina  or  Virginia,  and 
it  is  easy  to  believe  that  the  same  might  amount  to  from  five  hundred 
and  fifty  to  six  hundred  pounds.  The  entire  delay  of  bringing  the 
people  into  the  country  and  procuring  a  complete  cargo  for  the  ship 
may  be  prolonged  into  six  months.  The  pay  for  the  crew  for  this 
six  months  and  other  incidental  expenditures  amounting  altogether  to 
one  hundred  fifty  pounds,  subtracted  from  the  above  freight  of  the 
goods,  there  remains  four  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  with  which  the 
ship  may  be  refitted  in  England  and  of  this  there  will  still  be  left  one 
hundred  and  fifty  pounds;  which  money  can  be  laid  out  in  English 
wares  for  your  own  account.  The  ship  can  also  be  sent  again  into 
Carolina  with  a  fresh  supply  of  people,  and  there  be  loaded  with  goods. 
From  which  it  is  easy  to  be  seen  that  it  would  be  to  your  interest  to 
purchase  such  a  ship. 

It  is  also  worth  while  to  consider  how  serviceable  such  a  ship  would 
be  to  you,  in  case  the  people  should  come  to  Carolina  in  a  time  when 
they  could  not  find  sufficient  supplies  there  for  the  establishment.  In 
case  of  a  lack  of  the  same,  the  above  mentioned  ship  could  carry  some 
other  English  goods  to  Pennsylvania  or  other  neighboring  coasts,  and 
in  return,  buy  there  that  which  is  necessary  to  the  further  sub- 
sistence of  the  colony.     It  is  also  advisable  to  take  a  ship  carpenter 


300  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

with  you,  who,  with  the  help  of  one  or  two  house  carpenters  or  others 
of  the  people,  could  in  a  short  time  build  a  shallop  which  would  hold 
about  forty  tons  of  cargo.  The  iron  materials,  cordage,  sails,  must  be 
brought  over  with  you  from  England,  and  may  cost  about  eighty  or 
ninety  pounds.  Such  a  shallop  can  continually  be  put  to  good  use, 
by  purchasing  English  goods  in  different  places,  such  as  rice,  salt,  pork 
and  beef,  household  goods,  wine-cask  staves,  heads,  and  hoops,  and 
carrying  them  to  another  place  to  sell;  also  to  get  occasionally,  a  cargo 
of  salt  in  Tortuga,  or  elsewhere,  so  that  we  shall  not  have  to  buy  it 
from  another  hand  so  much  the  dearer.  For  which  considerations  and 
many  others  still  it  is  plain  that  it  would  be  eminently  useful  to  you, 
as  well  for  your  own  convenience  as  because  of  the  profits,  to  have 
such  a  ship  and  shallop.  In  the  future,  trees  could  be  felled  out  of 
which  other  shallops  might  be  built,  in  order  to  visit  the  planters 
living  on  the  neighboring  rivers,  at  the  opportune  time,  with  English 
goods,  of  which  they  have  need  at  all  times,  and  through  which  you 
could  enjoy  great  profits  and  at  the  same  time  assist  the  people  with 
all  sorts  of  necessaries,  who  thereby  are  induced  to  use  more  in- 
dustry and  to  labor  the  longer,  because  they  can  exchange  in  such  a 
manner  the  productions  of  the  country  for  the  necessary  clothing,  tools, 
household  utensils;  upon  which  I  can  give  you  special  reports  and 
exact  direction.  And  for  my  part  I  am  willing  to  undertake  it  on 
commission  in  England. 

Besides  this  your  English  neighbors  in  Carolina  will  be  happy  to 
embark  their  goods  in  your  ship  and  shallops  for  freight  money,  or  to 
exchange  their  rice,  crops,  beef  and  pork,  hides,  pelts,  as  well  as  live 
stock  for  your  English  goods,  which  you  can  bring  to  your  ships  at 
convenient  places;  for  instance  rice,  hides,  pelts  and  skins,  rosin  and 
pitch  to  England;  pork  and  beef  salted  down  in  barrels,  cask  staves, 
heads  and  hoops,  meal  and  rice,  to  Jamaica,  Barbadoes,  Antigua. 
From  there  one  can  bring  back  as  much  sugar,  rum,  royal  sugar,  grain 
sugar,  as  you  will  find  necessary,  and  it  can  be  brought  over  into  Caro- 
lina and  sold.  The  rest  of  the  sugar  bought  there  can  then  be  sent  to 
England  in  English  ships,  which  are  alwaj^s  to  be  found  in  these  is- 
lands, and  there  turned  to  silver  or  sent  by  us  to  Dortrecht  or  Rotter- 
dam, and  from  there  into  Switzerland.  I  can  give  you  directions  then 
how  you  could  in  time  be  brought  into  a  condition  to  provide  all 
Switzerland  with  sugar.  Another  shallop  may  also  be  loaded  with  cask 
staves,  hoops,  and  heads,  and  sent  to  the  Madeiras,  to  exchange 
these  wares  for  wine  and  to  bring  the  same  into  Carolina,  where,  as 
also  in  Virginia,  it  can  be  sold  for  a  good  price.  We  can  also 
recommend  them  to  certain  correspondents  in  the  places  named. 
But  if  you  should  find  it  necessary  in  the  beginning  to  transport 


Geaffeneied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  ]STew  Been      301 

more  than  a  hundred  persons,  we  could  in  such  a  case,  rent  another 
ship  for  you  and  transport  the  remainder  with  their  goods,  but  the 
freight  of  the  ship  must  be  paid  in  London. 

If  you  could  provide  yourself  with  possibly  one  family  which  un- 
derstood how  to  handle  silk  worms  and  silk,  a  number  of  women  and 
children  could  be  occupied  with  this  work.  This  commodity,  which  is 
produced  easily  and  with  little  labor  in  Carolina  would  be  of  great 
benefit  and  profit,  as  experience  has  demonstrated  in  a  few  instances. 
If  there  were  only  hands  enough  a  big  business  might  come  from 
it,  because  an  abundance  of  red  and  white  mulberries  is  to  be 
found  there.  It  is  scarcely  credible  what  great  benefit  might  be  ex- 
pected from  it,  if  only  there  were  present  enough  industrious  workers, 
as  well  as  some  of  those  who  understood  the  business.  A  single  family 
on  hand  which  had  a  good  knowledge  of  it  could  teach  many  others. 

The  indigo  has  also  been  planted  in  Carolina  in  order  to  show  what 
may  be  done  with  it.  It  is  found  as  good  as  any  brought  from  other 
places.  It  will  be  of  great  necessity  to  take  various  working  people 
with  you,  woodworkers  of  all  sorts,  to  make  utensils,  of  which  one 
must  have  a  great  many;  carpenters  to  build  houses,  which  are  en- 
tirely of  wood,  except  the  chimneys  of  brick,  for  which  reason  one  or 
two  brick-makers  will  be  necessary;  cabinet  makers  in  order  to  have 
gunstocks,  chairs,  bedsteads,  tables  and  other  such  like  household 
furniture  made.  Smiths  are  also  of  absolute  necessity,  not  alone  to 
repair  all  kinds  of  iron  work  useful  in  the  house,  field,  and  forest,  but 
also  to  repair  muskets  and  to  manufacture  all  kinds  of  iron  tools. 

The  price  of  pork  and  beef,  meal,  etc.,  is  as  follows:  Beef  salted  down 
in  casks,  each  holding  two  hundred  and  fifty-two  pounds,  which  we 
call  two  and  a  quarter  centners,  the  centner  being  a  hundred  and 
twelve  pounds,  is  sold  in  Carolina  for  from  thirty  to  thirty  five  shill- 
ings a  cask,  in  the  Barbados  or  Jamaica  and  other  English  islands, 
according  as  it  is  on  the  market  in  less  or  greater  quantity,  for  from 
forty  to  forty-five  shillings  a  cask;  pork  salted  down  in  casks  holding 
two  and  quarter  centners  is  worth  in  Carolina  from  forty  to  forty-five 
shillings,  and  is  sold  in  the  islands  mentioned  for  from  fifty  to  seventy 
shillings,  according  to  how  the  market  is  supplied  with  it.  Flour  is 
sold  in  Carolina  for  from  twelve  to  sixteen  shillings  a  centner.  It  is 
worth  in  the  Barbados  twenty  to  twenty-four  shillings. 

Of  barrel  hoops,  staves,  and  heads,  the  price  in  Carolina  is  not  known 
to  me;  but  in  the  Barbados  they  are  sold  for  eight  pounds  per  thou- 
sand, and  occasionally  for  only  four,  or  three  and  one  half  pounds. 
Such  things  also,  as  the  hoops,  staves,  and  heads,  are  merely  laid  in 
the  ship,  but  the  hoops  are  bound  together  in  bundles.  One  thousand 
hoops  are  reckoned  as  a  ton  of  freight.     The  best  staves  are  made  of 


302  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

white  oak,  expecially  for  the  Madeiras.  There,  no  others  are  sale- 
able. But  in  the  Barbados  staves  from  red  oak  and  other  woods  can 
also  be  used  for  sugar.  Casks  for  wine,  rum,  molasses,  and  all  wet 
goods  must  be  of  white  oak.  The  cost  of  transporting  sugar  from  the 
Barbados,  Jamaica,  Antigua  to  London,  or  wine  from  the  Madeiras  to 
Carolina  cannot  be  specified  because  the  freight  costs  sometimes  more, 
sometimes  less  than  in  these  war  times.  Eight  to  ten  shillings  per 
centner  has  been  paid.  But  in  times  of  peace  one  can  get  it  for  from 
two,  to  two  and  one  half  shillings  per  hundred. 

Wine  in  the  Madeiras  is  worth  sometimes  from  seven,  to  seven  and 
a  half,  to  eight  pounds  per  pipe.  Each  pipe  holds  two  hogsheads. 
Each  hogshead  holds  sixty-three  gallon.  A  gallon  makes  four  quarts 
English  measure.  So  that  a  pipe  holds  a  hundred  and  twenty-six  gal- 
lons or  five  hundred  four  measures.  Such  a  pipe  is  sold  in  Carolina 
and  Virginia  at  fifteen  to  sixteen  pounds,  etc. 

The  land  when  it  is  purchased  from  the  proprietors,  is  without 
question  the  purchaser's  own  private  possession,  and  he  has  power  to 
dispose  and  sell  it  again,  or  only  a  part  of  it,  without  the  consent  of 
the  lords  of  the  property.  If  the  purchaser  of  the  land  is  a  subject  of 
Great  Britain,  either  free  born  or  naturalized,  he  can  sell  the  land,  in- 
deed, to  whomsoever  he  will,  but  it  is  not  advisable  to  sell  it  to  foreign 
Protestants  who  are  not  naturalized,  in  order  that  disputes  may  not 
arise  over  it.  But  if  the  purchaser  is  naturalized,  and  other  people 
who  are  not  naturalized  should  be  inclined  to  have  a  part  of  it,  sale 
may  very  well  be  made  if  they  can  put  their  confidence  in  the  natural- 
ized person.  But  because  an  act  of  Parliament  was  made  for  the  natu- 
ralization of  all  foreign  Protestants,  and  the  cost  also  does  not  amount 
to  more  than  three  or  four  shillings,  it  is  more  advisable  for  all  those 
who  wish  to  have  a  share  in  the  land  to  have  themselves  naturalized. 
After  this  they  may  live  in  Germany,  Switzerland,  or  wheresoever 
they  please. 

In  case  you  should  wish  to  purchase  a  small  ship  we  can  provide  it 
with  master  and  crew  and  other  things  needed,  and  send  it  to  Rotter- 
dam, where  the  people  can  be  embarked.  The  money  for  carrying 
this  into  effect  can  be  given  over  to  Abraham  Edens,  a  merchant  in 
Amsterdam,  or  to  Egbert  Edens,  merchant  in  Rotterdam,  and  it  will 
be  as  well  cared  for  as  though  you  should  remit  to  London.  The 
Abraham  and  Egbert  Edens  mentioned,  are  brothers,  and  common  as 
well  as  very  well-to-do  people,  who  can  give  the  settlers  valuable 
assistance  on  their  arrival  in  Rotterdam,  in  case  you  should  remit 
the  money  into  their  hands,  a  thing  which  you  can  do  with  the  great- 
est safety. 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      303 

It  is  certainly  the  most  advisable  course  to  take  people  such  as  can 
pay  their  transportation  themselves,  and  who  would  still  have  the 
ability,  on  their  arrival  in  Carolina,  to  make  their  settlement,  by 
themselves,  to  provide  themselves  with  grain  and  stock,  etc.  To  such, 
one  can  rent  out  his  land  in  leases  of  eleven,  fourteen,  or  twenty-four 
years  at  two  pennies  sterling  per  acre  yearly,  quit-rent,  and  grant  the 
liberty  of  renewing  the  same  lease  on  fair  conditions  after  the  expira- 
tion of  the  time.  It  is  certainly  more  useful  for  these  people  to  give 
two  or  even  three  pennies  for  such  land  as  lies  near  or  in  a  colony, 
whose  leader  can  accommodate  them  with  ships  and  shallops  for  the 
sale  and  transportation  of  their  wares  from  place  to  place,  or  with  the 
exchange  of  the  same  for  English  wares,  as  tools,  clothing  p.  c.  I  say 
it  is  much  better  for  such  people  to  pay  two  or  three  pennies  where 
they  can  enjoy  such  conveniences,  than  to  take  up  land  from  the 
Lords  Proprietors,  at  one  penny  per  acre  for  land.  For  if  they  take 
up  farms  from  the  Lords'  land  they  have  to  look  out  for  themselves 
in  everything,  and  they  cannot  enjoy  these  above  mentioned  con- 
veniences, from  the  lack  of  which  the  products  of  their  land  cannot 
yield  them  so  much  by  far. 

The  expenses  of  transporting  people  from  England  into  Carolina  will 
be  according  to  how  they  are  provided  with  clothes,  bed-clothes,  tin 
and  copper  utensils,  tools  for  building  and  for  cultivation  of  the  soil. 
And  if  the  people  which  come  over  have  a  certain  amount  of  these 
things,  and  money  to  pay  their  own  passage,  you  have  nothing  further 
to  do  than  to  provide  yourselves  also  with  a  certain  quantity  of  these 
English  goods  which  will  be  the  most  advisable  to  take  over  with  you 
so  as  to  have  cattle,  food,  and  seed,  with  which  to  barter;  as  well  as 
a  store  of  goods  with  which  to  trade  with  the  English,  and  with  the 
Indian  neighbors,  who  will  certainly  visit  you  in  order  to  exchange 
the  products  of  their  country  for  your  European  goods.  The  Indians 
will  then  seek  to  trade  their  stag  and  deer  hides,  pelts,  etc.,  with  you, 
for  wares  which  are  suitable  to  them.  This  kind  of  traffic,  where 
wares  are  exchanged  for  wares,  will  be  very  useful  to  you;  wherefore 
we  can  give  you  instructions  regarding  the  best  kind  of  goods  to  bring, 
as  well  as  how  you  can  exchange  them  with  the  people  in  the  country. 
Such  an  assortment  of  goods  will  cost  fifteen  to  sixteen  hundred  pounds 
sterling,  which  may  be  sufficient;  but  we  must  have  two  or  three 
months  notice,  and  money  to  get  all  these  things  together.  About 
this  we  can  prepare  the  complete  report  in  writing;  namely  for  what 
amount  every  sort  of  these  goods  could  be  sold  in  Carolina.  As  re- 
gards your  people,  namely  those  who  do  not  have  the  ability  to  settle 
themselves,  to  them  you  will  have  to  give  credit  until  they  enjoy  the 
productions  of  the  country  and  can  give  you  due  reimbursement  for 


304  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

this  advance.  Through  this  you  will  be  in  a  capacity  to  enjoy  a  good 
portion  of  the  people's  labor.  On  this  point  we  have  the  necessary 
instructions  ready  for  you  and  are  delivering  them.  It  will  also  be 
advisable  to  take  over  with  you  some  serviceable  things,  in  order  to 
make  a  present  to  the  chief  Indians.  These  need  not  cost  much.  By 
this  means  you  can  make  them  good  neighbors  to  you  and  create  a 
good  will  to  trade  with  you,  whereby  your  plantations  will  be  quiet 
and  secure. 

It  will  also  be  advisable  to  take  over  with  you  all  sorts  of  garden 
seeds,  as  cabbage,  turnip,  beet,  salad,  potatoes,  etc.,  which  the  people 
will  take  out  of  Switzerland.  But  what  is  not  to  be  found  there  can 
be  bought  in  England. 

They  can  also  take  with  them  some  coarse  linen  cloth  of  small  price, 
from  Switzerland,  which  is  serviceable  for  the  common  household  use; 
and  if  it  is  found  worth  while,  one  can  order  a  greater  quantity.  One 
could  also  make  a  trial  with  a  few  casks  of  wine,  whether  it  could  be 
disposed  of  with  profit  in  London,  in  which  case  more  could  be  dis- 
posed of;  for  what  we  purpose  in  this  undertaking  can  be  to  the  ad- 
vantage of  both  sides;  not  only  for  those  who  purchase  land  and  go 
into  Carolina,  but  also  in  general  for  all  Switzerland,  which  advantage 
it  could  enjoy  through  commerce.  An  example  which  serves  as  an 
illustration  I  have  already  adduced,  namely,  the  productions  in  Caro- 
lina can  be  exchanged  for  sugar  in  the  Barbados  and  Jamaica.  This 
can  be  sent  to  England,  and  from  there  to  Rotterdam  or  Dortrecht, 
and  so  on  to  Switzerland;  but  the  rice  will  be  disposed  of  to  the 
great  advantage  of  the  associates  in  Switzerland,  after  that  in  Hol- 
land, Spanish  Netherlands,  Bremen,  and  Hamburg;  from  which  places 
those  interested  in  Switzerland  get  their  money  by  note.  If  linen, 
wine,  and  certain  other  commodities  can  be  disposed  of  with  some 
profit  in  England,  even  if  it  were  small,  it  could  be  to  the  great  ad- 
vantage of  the  country. 

It  will  also  be  necessary  to  take  two  or  three  men  with  you,  who 
understand  the  construction  of  mills,  in  order  to  make  water  wheels 
or  mills,  for  corn  as  well  as  for  rice.  For  which  nevertheless,  other 
mills  are  demanded  than  merely  common  corn  mills;  and  if  one  cannot 
find  enough  of  these  people  in  Switzerland  you  will  have  to  secure 
them  from  England  or  elsewhere.  And  while  it  is  of  absolute  ne- 
cessity to  keep  shallops  and  boats  upon  the  rivers,  which  would  serve 
as  a  great  convenience  to  the  people,  indeed,  they  are  more  service- 
able than  one  would  imagine,  and  it  is  so  profitable  for  those  to  whom 
shallops  belong;  it  would  be  necessary  to  take  the  equipment  for  them 
from  England  with  you;  while  one  could  construct  the  ship  in  Caro- 
lina where  the  wood  could  be  found  more  easily.     But  if  the  equip- 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      305 

ment  for  such  a  shallop  could  be  secured  from  England  it  could  serve 
in  the  future  as  a  pattern,  Such  an  equipment  may  cost  in  England 
about  thirty  to  thirty-five  pounds.  Sails,  anchors,  iron,  and  cordage 
for  a  shallop  must  be  purchased  in  England.  It  would  cost  ninety  to 
a  hundred  pounds  at  the  most. 

From  such  observations  it  is  easily  to  be  seen  how  much  the  costs 
would  run  up  too,  if  one  should  wish  to  transport  and  establish  four 
or  five  hundred  persons.  If  I  had  had  the  time  I  should  have  been 
able  to  bring  these  observations  before  you  in  better  order,  but  must 
postpone  it  this  time;  yet  I  hope  the  present  report  will  be  sufficient 
to  enable  you  to  conclude  what  would  be  necessary  for  such  an  under- 
taking. It  is  also  my  desire  that  Mr.  Ludwig  Michel  should  read  it, 
and  that  he  might  take  a  copy  of  it,  if  he  considers  it  worth  the  effort. 

It  would  be  very  useful  to  purchase  a  ship  of  about  ninety  tons 
burden.  A  ship  with  three  masts  is  better  than  a  brigantine,  and 
when  it  is  loaded  it  must  not  go  deeper  than  eight  feet  in  the  water; 
in  fact,  a  half  foot  less  rather  than  more.  You  can  get  the  sails  and 
cordage  in  Holland,  and  it  must  be  supplied  with  everything  double, 
as  well  as  the  necessary  anchors.  It  must  be  sheathed  in  order  to  be 
assured  against  worms.  These  worms  attack  ships  at  all  times  from 
May  to  September.  You  could  bring  over  some  people  from  Holland 
in  this  ship,  and  from  there  into  North  Carolina. 

So  then,  when  the  ship  is  loaded  and  draws  seven  and  a  half,  or  at 
most,  eight  feet,  you  can  travel  with  it  into  the  country  and  up  into 
the  Neuse.  A  little  ship  such  as  that  strongly  built  of  good  wood 
and  well  nailed  can  always  be  used;  sometimes  to  transport  pork, 
beef,  flour,  cask  staves,  hoops,  etc.,  to  the  Barbados;  and  from  there 
by  barter,  to  take  sugar,  cotton,  rum,  molasses  to  Carolina;  occasion- 
ally to  carry  Carolina  goods  to  the  Madeiras  to  exchange  for  wine; 
to  go  occasionally,  with  a  load  of  rice,  hides,  peltry,  tar  and  pitch  to 
England,  to  unload  the  tar,  pitch,  hides  and  peltry  in  a  harbor  in  that 
country,  but  to  bring  the  rice  to  Holland  and  sell  it;  and  so  bring 
into  Carolina  all  sorts  of  English  goods,  as  iron  ware,  woolen  stuff, 
duffles  cloth,  blankets  for  the  savages,  coarse  linen,  hats,  stockings, 
shoes,  powder,  shot,  muskets  and  whatever  else  would  be  advisable. 

But  you  could  not  purchase  such  a  ship  yourselves.  On  the  con- 
trary you  would  have  to  use  Egbert  and  Abraham  Edens  for  this; 
with  whom  you  would  have  to  agree  regarding  the  time,  as  well  as  the 
terms.  I  have  no  doubt  that  they  will  be  modest  and  get  it  as 
cheaply  as  possible.  They  must  sell  it  to  you  and  deliver  a  bill  of 
sale  written  on  parchment,  sealed  and  signed,  so  that  when  it  comes 
to  England  you  can  show  that  you  have  purchased  it  from  the  Dutch 
and  not  from  the  French.      Otherwise  it  cannot  have  entry.      On 

20 


306  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

further  investigation  I  have  found  that  it  must  be  an  English  built 
ship,  otherwise  it  cannot  have  free  entry.  You  must  also  know  at 
what  place  it  was  built  and  under  what  name  it  was  registered  in 
England,  otherwise  it  cannot  be  registered  again.  The  ship  must  be 
within  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  long  and  eighteen  broad. 

If  the  people  are  able  to  pay  their  own  passage  and  to  purchase 
themselves  a  certain  quantity  of  bed-stuff,  tools,  provisions,  stock, 
and  seed,  you  would  have  nothing  more  to  pay  for  than  the  land 
within  a  four  years  term;  the  ship,  the  hull  for  a  shallop,  sails,  anchors, 
cables,  and  cordage  for  two  shallops  and  a  sufficient  provision  of  all 
kinds  of  English  goods.  This  all  may  cost  at  the  most  three  thousand 
pounds  sterling,  and  we  should  be  supplied  with  more  than  enough. 
If  then  your  ship  should  embark  one  hundred  persons  at  Rotterdam 
and  transport  them  to  Carolina,  and  should  be  used  there  two  or  three 
months  in  their  service,  it  could  earn  thereby  eight  pounds  per  person, 
which  makes  800-£ 

Remaining 2200- 

The  first  payment  for  the  land 200- 

Incidental  expenditures 100- 

S.  a ...2500-£ 

The  ship  and  the  shallop  will  bring  a  profit  every  year.  When  you 
shall  know  the  number  of  your  people  you  are  bringing  with  you,  you 
can  inform  me,  in  order  that  I  can  rent  a  ship  in  time  for  those  who 
cannot  be  loaded  into  your  ship.  After  the  first  passage  you  will  have 
no  need  to  rent  a  ship,  but  your  ship  will  be  sent  every  year  from  Caro- 
lina to  England  loaded  with  goods,  and  from  there  it  will  return  again 
with  fresh  people. 

COPIES  OF  VARIOUS  LETTERS  FROM  NORTH  CAROLINA. 

With  friendly  greeting  I  inform  you  that  I  with  my  household  ar- 
rived safe  and  sound  in  Carolina,  and  that  with  happiness.  But  on 
the  twenty-sixth  of  February,  my  son  Hans,  with  a  great  longing  for 
the  Lord  Jesus,  died.  On  the  contrary  my  daughter  has  a  fine  young 
son,  born  the  last  of  July,  1710.  We  are  in  a  very  good  and  fat  land. 
I  am  in  hopes  that  within  a  year  I  shall  have  over  a  hundred  head  of 
horses,  cattle,  swine.  If  one  would  present  me  with  the  whole  low- 
land, in  order  that  I  should  go  back  again  to  Switzerland  and  take  up 
the  former  service  I  would  not  do  it  on  account  of  the  freedom  of 
conscience.  If  my  son  Uhli  would  venture  to  go  upon  the  journey, 
he  should  turn  whatever  he  can  into  money,  and  if  he  has  not  mar- 


Gbaffeneied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      307 

ried  since  my  departure,  let  him  take  an  honorable  honest  girl  to 
wife,  even  if  she  has  not  much  temporal  means,  if  only  he  can  pay 
the  passage  over.  Whoever  desires  to  come  over  here,  he  can  call 
upon  Mr.  Bitter  in  Bern.  If  you,  my  son,  wish  to  undertake  this 
journey,  keep  God  always  before  your  eyes,  and  also  if  you  do  not 
wish  to  come,  so  that  we  may  enjoy  and  see  one  another  sometime 
up  above  with  spiritual  eyes  in  Heaven. 

But  if  you  will  come,  I  will  inform  you  how  you  shall  do.  Buy  a 
few  hundred  steel  tobacco  pipes  with  the  stems  and  four  thalers  worth 
of  Arau  knives  and  several  brass  knives.  From  these  you  can  get 
twice  the  price  of  the  half  in  Rotterdam.  In  England  and  Carolina 
as  much  again.  On  the  sea  provide  yourself  with  something  besides 
what  there  is  upon  the  ship  in  the  way  of  food  and  drink,  for  one 
must  not  save,  by  hunger  or  thirst.  If  my  brother-in-law  Hans  should 
want  to  go  with  you  he  can  do  it.  I  am  in  hopes  if  I  stay  well  to  pro- 
vide five  or  six  households  with  food  and  drink  for  possibly  a  year 
long.  I  will  not  tell  anyone  he  should  go  upon  the  journey.  Who- 
ever has  not  the  leading  from  God,  he  may  stay  in  Switzerland.  If 
my  brother-in-law,  Peter  Seeman,  and  Uhli  Kiintzi  should  have  a 
desire  for  the  journey,  they  can  make  it.  Our  Count  Von  Graff enried 
will  supply  them  with  good  land;  after  this  he  will  give  them  a  four- 
year  lease,  supply  them  with  stock  and  furniture,  so  that  they  can 
thenceforth  be  well  supplied  their  life  long,  if  they  have  luck. 

After  this  I  will  report  to  you  a  little  how  it  went  with  us  upon  the 
voyage.  Down  the  Rhine  to  Rotterdam  we  passed  through  the  great- 
est danger.  At  Rotterdam  we  lay  quietly  for  six  weeks.  There  two 
children  and  one  man  died.  From  Rotterdam  to  Newcastle  two  wo- 
men died.  At  New  Castle  we  lay  quietly  for  four  weeks.  Then  we 
started  away,  went  out  on  the  sea,  lay  still  for  eight  days.  After  this 
the  fleet  started.  At  that  time  my  daughter  gave  birth  to  a  little  son. 
Then  we  took  six  weeks  to  cross.  For  six  weeks  we  saw  nothing  but 
sky  and  water.  Out  of  the  hundred  persons  no  one  died.  So  we  came 
to  land  in  Virginia.  Then  we  traveled  a  hundred  miles  by  water  and 
land,  landed  at  our  Landgrave's  house  on  Michael's  day.  Meanwhile 
a  woman  died.  After  this  we  lay  quietly  till  New  Years;  then  they 
began,  everyone,  to  move  upon  his  own  land  alloted  to  him.  Until 
now  of  a  hundred  persons,  nine  have  died. 

I  and  my  daughter's  husband  have  gone  from  one  another  about 
half  a  mile,  for  this  reason  I  would  have  need  of  my  son. 

Besides  this  I  send  also  to  the  pastor,  and  all  my  relatives,  as  also 
my  father-in-law  and  his  family,  also  Uhli  Miiller's  wife  and  the 
Mayor,  yes,  also,  the  whole  community,  a  thousand  greetings  with  a 
kiss  of  love.     Benedict  Kupferschmied  my  son-in-law  sends  his  father 


308  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

and  brothers,  as  also  his  sister,  friendly  greeting,  and  could  wish  that 
they  were  all  with  him.  He  would  like  to  be  able  to  provide  his 
father  and  his  household  with  food  and  drink. 

Let  Uhli  Muller,  the  gunsmith,  write  me  accurately,  through  Mr. 
Ritter,  how  it  stands  with  my  property,  and  also  about  my  neighbors 
and  my  son.  For  this  time  nothing  more  than  to  commend  you  to 
God.     Given  this  seventh  day  of  April,  from  Carolina,  1711. 

By  me  Hans  Ruegsegger. 

Out  of  India  or  America,  in  the  Island  of  North  Carolina,  on  the 
river  Neuse. 

April  8,  1711. 

With  service,  duty  and  greeting,  dear  and  faithful  father,  mother, 
brothers  and  sisters,  children  and  relatives,  and  all  good  friends. 
With  regard  to  myself,  I  live  well  and  happy  and  would  not  wish 
to  have  remained  at  home.  I  am  also  married  to  Margaret  Pfund 
of  Zweysimmen.  As  far  as  the  land  is  concerned  it  is  very  hot,  many 
brooks,  and  much  forest.  The  natives  or  Indians  are  black,  half 
naked,  yet  clever  and  sociable,  unbelievers,  unsuited  for  work.  I  will 
not  praise  much  nor  complain.  If  one  has  money  and  property,  gold 
and  silver,  he  can  be  master  just  as  in  Europe,  but  I  will  say  that  for 
a  workman  or  a  poor  man  it  is  better  there  than  here.  He  can  get 
land  as  much  as  he  needs.  He  can  keep  as  much  stock  as  he  is  able. 
Swine  cost  nothing  to  keep.  Cattle  go  the  whole  year  on  pasture,  be- 
come fat  and  good  to  butcher  by  themselves.  They  make  no  hay.  It 
is  true  that  many  a  one  has  up  to  a  thousand  head  or  more  of  cattle 
and  hogs. 

The  land  is  uncultivated,  yet  is  to  be  hoped  tolerably  fruitful;  but 
yet  I  would  not  cause  any  one  to  come  here,  nor  would  I  advise  it, 
because  of  the  costly  and  difficult  journey  over  the  fearful  and  wild 
sea.  Yet  we  arrived  safely  and  suffered  little  sickness,  and  for  my 
part,  did  not  get  here  so  badly.  For  old  and  young  it  is  hard,  never- 
theless we  got  a  young  son  on  the  sea.  The  great  God  has  kept  all. 
To  be  sure  it  has  cost  much  and  gone  slowly  in  these  expensive,  hard, 
war  times. 

On  the  8th  of  March,  as  you  know,  we  departed  from  Bern;  the  9th 
of  April  we  came  to  Rotterdam;  there  we  remained  seven  weeks  and 
two  days  at  our  own  expense;  the  30th  of  May  we  set  sail  at  Rotterdam; 
the  4th  of  June  we  arrived  at  Yarmouth  in  England;  we  sailed  on 
farther,  until  the  11th  ditto  we  arrived  at  New  Castle  in  north  Eng- 
land; there  we  remained  five  weeks.  After  that  on  the  11th  of  July 
we  sailed  from  there  upon  the  sea  and  stood  at  anchor  for  seven  days 
waiting  for  the  fleet,  whither  a  great  number  of  ships  came  together. 
On  the  24th  ditto  we  sailed  away,  and  sailed  eight  weeks  long  upon  the 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      309 

sea  and  went  through  storm-wind  and  other  dangers.  Yet  the  great 
God  brought  it  quickly  to  an  end.  On  the  10th  of  September  we 
saw  land.  The  11th  we  cast  anchor  in  Virginia.  After  that  we  made 
another  long  journey,  now  by  water,  now  by  land,  probably  about 
eighty  hours,  to  where  we  live  on  the  river,  which  is  called  Neuse. 

Herewith  you  are  again  greeted  father  and  mother,  brothers,  sis- 
ters, children,  and  all  good  friends.  Greet  for  me  Uhli  Treut  espe- 
cially, and  his  whole  house,  Hans  Klasner,  and  his  dear  wife,  Rufascher 
and  his  whole  house.  If  I  have  injured  anyone  or  done  anything  to 
anyone  please  forgive  me  for  it,  as  God,  in  Christ  forgives  us.  I 
wish  you  all  prosperity  from  God.  May  he  bless  your  work  and  the 
fruit  of  your  labor  from  now  on  till  into  eternity.     Amen. 

Your  beloved  Samuel  Jacob  Gabley 
and  Margreth  Pfund. 

Out  of  America  or  India  the  9th  of  April,  1711. 

With  my  duty  and  greeting  dear  and  faithful  Cousin,  Christen 
Eggen;  and  your  whole  house.  If  I  could  hear  that  you  were  well  it 
would  rejoice  me.  As  far  as  my  condition  is  concerned  I  am  well 
and  live  contented,  and  do  not  wish  that  I  had  remained  at  home. 
As  far  as  the  land  is  concerned,  it  stands  like  this.  Whoever  has 
riches,  gold  and  silver,  can  be  master  just  as  in  Europe,  but  I  will  say 
that  for  a  poor  man  or  workman  it  is  better  there  than  here.  If  he 
wishes  to  work  for  day  wages  he  gets  a  half  crown  for  every  day,  in 
produce  or  stock.  Gold  and  silver  are  rare.  He  can  get  as  much  land 
as  he  has  need  of.  He  can  keep  as  much  cattle  and  swine  as  he  is 
able,  and  the  swine  become,  of  themselves,  fat  and  good  to  butcher. 
Cattle  go  on  pasture  the  whole  year.  I  say  that  many  a  one  here  has 
up  to  a  thousand  head  of  cattle  or  more.  The  country  is  hot,  uncul- 
tivated, many  streams  of  water,  great  forests.  The  natives  or  Indians 
are  black,  half  naked,  yet  sociable ;  but  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  land  is 
tolerably  fruitful.  Still  I  would  not  advise  nor  cause  any  one  to  come 
here  on  account  of  the  costly  and  difficult  voyage  over  the  terrible 
and  wild  sea.  But  yet,  for  my  part,  it  has  not  gone  badly  with  me; 
but  for  old  people  and  young  children  it  is  difficult.  It  has  gone 
slowly  with  us  here  because  of  the  expensive  and  hard  war  times. 

The  18th  of  March,  as  you  know,  we  left  Bern.  The  10th  of  April 
we  came  to  Rotterdam;  there  we  remained  seven  weeks  and  two  days. 
The  31st  of  May  we  sailed  away.  The  14th  of  June  we  came  to  the 
north  of  England.  There  we  stayed  five  weeks.  After  that  we 
boarded  the  ship  and  put  out  to  sea.  There  we  stood  at  anchor  eight 
days  waiting  for  the  fleet,  whither  came  a  great  number  of  ships  to- 


310  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

gether.  After  that  we  sailed  away  and  traveled  over  the  great  oceanic 
sea.  For  a  while  several  ships  sailed  with  us.  After  that  we  traveled 
alone  and  endured  storm-winds  and  other  actions.  After  that,  in 
eight  weeks,  the  great  God  made  an  end  of  it  for  us,  and  brought  us 
safe  to  land,  and  one  more  from  the  ship  than  embarked  in  England. 
After  that  we  made  a  great  journey  farther,  now  by  water,  now  by 
land,  for  about  eighty  hours,  away  to  the  place  where  we  lived  by 
the  River  which  is  called  the  Neuse. 

Something  new:  The  crooked  have  become  straight  and  the  sick 
have  recovered.     Women  folks  are  very  rare. 

Monzua  has  married  my  big  son;  but  the  people  under  him  serve 
him  to  his  destruction  and  try  to  eat  him  out.  There  is  a  pinching 
of  his  back,  a  pinching  in  the  beard,  a  pinching  in  the  private  parts 
that  I  will  not  name,  and  a  tailor  for  business,  a  count  in  name. 

If  it  should  come  about  that  more  people  should  come  into  this 
country,  I  beg  you  send  me  a  half  dozen  readymade  shirts,  a  few 
sheets  plus  ten  ells  of  linen  cloth  and  ten  thalers  in  money,  a  half 
dozen  knives  of  Barbli  and  an  axe  that  has  been  tested,  and  pack  it 
together  and  give  it  to  certain  people  that  they  may  have  care  of  it, 
so  that  nothing  may  spoil  for  me  on  the  sea.  Buy  me  at  Rotterdam 
or  in  England  a  jacket  and  trousers.  With  this  I  commend  you  to 
God.  Greet  the  pastor  for  me  and  his  whole  house,  Magistrate  Zergen, 
the  Mayor  and  his  whole  house,  Treasurer  Martge,  both  Kilchmeyers, 
Truwhart  and  their  whole  house,  Heinrich  Egender  of  St.  Stephan's 
Court  and  his  whole  house  for  his  sons  Jacob  and  Peter  Treuthart, 
Joseph  Bullre  of  Wyssenbach  and  his  wife  Wassle,  Anna  Maria,  Jacob 
Gobli  and  his  whole  house  up  in  the  village.  Greet  for  me  my  dear 
Comrades  namely  the  good  Saumers.  I  wish  for  them  that  they  may 
earn  much  and  become  rich  in  this  world,  for  into  the  other  world  one 
takes  nothing.  With  this  I  wish  you  all  temporal  and  eternal  pros- 
perity from  God.  God  bless  your  food  and  income.  Finally  I  wish 
the  same  for  my  fatherland.     Amen. 

Your  humble  Jacob  Wahre  of 
Zweysimmen. 

P.  S.     Do  not  think  it  strange  that  my  brother  is  not  writing,  he 
did  not  have  the  chance  as  I  did. 
This  is  to  be  reported  to  Daniel  Zant  in  Eriswyl. 

[Owing  to  the  corrupt  text  in  the  original  of  the  two  sentences  which  should  follow 
here,  no  attempt  has  been  made  at  a  translation. — Editor.] 

Before  we  went  upon  the  journey,  unwillingly  to  be  sure,  for  fear 
of  such  great  danger,  my  husband,  Johannes  Zant,  who  did  not  stand 
it  but  fell  asleep  in  the  blessed  Lord,  left  word  and  commanded  me 


Graffenkied  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      311 

that  I  should  write  home;  and  at  the  present  time  because  I  have 
opportunity,  I  announce  that  I  am  making  a  beginning  of  house- 
keeping again.  But  this  comes  hard  without  means,  wherefore  I 
greet  a  thousand  times  each  and  every  friend,  relatives,  brothers  and 
sisters,  and  the  twelve  sworn  friends,  and  the  Usher  of  the  Court,  the 
Mayor,  and  the  Pastor,  and  all  other  good  friends,  and  commend  them 
always  to  the  protection  and  care  of  God,  and  with  it  beg  that  you 
would  be  so  brotherly  and  Christianlike  as  to  send  what  I  need  for 
my  domestic  settlement.  Namely  a  specified  some  of  money,  which 
lies  with  my  dear  and  faithful  cousin,  Daniel  Zant.  The  principle  is, 
namely,  a  hundred  guldens  and  the  interest  is  fifteen  guldens.  You 
can  send  me  this  money  with  Graffenried's  draft.  The  place  and 
the  country,  the  rivers  where  we  now  live  and  dwell  is  a  good  soil, 
and  cattle  raising  also  good  and  safe,  and  there  is  freedom  in  North 
Carolina. 

Now  concerning  ourselves,  my  condition  and  life.  My  daughter 
Katherine  also  desired  to  go  to  the  Lord  before  I  came  from  the  sea 
to  land  in  Virginia  and  North  Carolina.  You  are  herewith  commended 
to  the  protecting  hand  of  God,  and  again  greeted  a  thousand  times 
by  me. 

Anna  Eva  Zant,  in  North  Carolina. 

Anno  1711.  the  15th  of  April. 

A  friendly  greeting  to  my  grandfather,  Benedict  Schetele,  of  Nider 
Linog  and  my  father's  brother  in  Buch,  Heinrich  Simon,  Andreas 
Krachig,  and  my  grandmother  in  Buch. 

Our  father,  Benedict  Simon,  willed  on  his  deathbed  that  we  sur- 
viving children  should  still  have  something  on  demand  from  my 
grandfather,  Benedict  Schettele;  and  so  we  have  a  friendly  request  for 
Heinrich  Simon  and  Andreas  Krachig,  while  we  have  opportunity,  at 
this  time  if  possible  to  send  it  into  Carolina,  to  the  city  of  New  Bern, 
with  Mr.  Graffenried's  draft.  Benedict  Simon's  wife  and  child  Katherine 
are  dead.  His  daughter's  husband  Joseph  Stern  of  Biggisberg  is  also 
dead.  Madlena,  the  surviving  widow  is  married  again  to  Jacob  Himler 
of  Madiswyl  and  Madlena  has  another  child,  Johannes  Stern,  and 
Anna  Margreta  is  married  to  Andreas  Weinmann  of  Mentzingen. 
Johannes  Simon,  these  three  relatives  are  in  Carolina  with  Graffenried. 

Maria  Magdalena  remained  behind  with  her  husband  Johann 
Heinrich,  Hans  von  Buchse  in  London. 

We  brothers  have  a  friendly  request  to  make  to  our  magistrates 
that  they  would  take  an  interest  in  us  like  fathers.  And  so  a  thousand 
greetings   from   us   to    all   good   friends    and    acquaintances.     Jacob 


312  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Himler  and  his  wife  Madlena,  Andreas  Weinmann  and  his  wife  Anna 
Margretha,  and  Johannes  Simon.  That  these  here  named  persons  de- 
sire and  request,  witnesseth  von  Graffenried. 

Johann  Jacob  Botschi, 
Clerk  of  Court 
And  Captain  in  Carolina. 
New  Bern  in  Carolina,  the  20th  of  April  1711. 

My  friendly  greetings  and  all  good,  first  to  you  my  dearly  beloved 
father  and  mother,  brother  and  sister-in-law,  and  Hans  and  Bartlome 
and  Basi,  as  also  grandfather,  all  good  friends  and  neighbors.  Be  it 
known  to  you  that  through  the  grace  of  God,  I  am  well  and  healthy. 
To  hear  the  same  from  you  would  be  very  pleasant,  to  me.  It  goes 
well  with  me.  I  do  not  lack  food  nor  clothes,  but  money  is  rather 
scarce  in  this  country.  I  have  hired  myself  out  to  Christoph  von  Graf- 
fenried, citizen  of  Bern,  formerly  mayor,  now  landgrave  in  Carolina. 
The  quality  of  the  country  is  sandy,  but  yet  suitable  for  everything 
one  plants,  still  there  are  different  streaks.  It  produces  fairly  well 
especially  Indian  corn. 

If  any  one  should  demand  that  you  send  me  something,  do  not 
give  any  one  anything.  I  owe  no  one  anything.  If  it  please  God 
and  he  grants  me  life,  I  want  to  visit  my  Fatherland  again.  With  this 
I  send  you  all  a  thousand  friendly  greetings.  I  commend  you  to  God, 
the  Word,  and  his  mercy,  and  remain,  your  dear  son 

Benedict  Zionien. 

With  a  thousandfold  greeting,  I  wish  all  true  friends,  neighbors, 
and  acquaintances  God's  grace  and  blessing.  I  and  my  wife,  two 
children,  and  my  old  father  have,  the  Lord  be  praised,  arrived  safe 
and  sound  in  Carolina,  and  live  twenty  English  miles  from  New  Bern. 
I  hope  to  plant  corn  enough  this  year.  The  land  is  good,  but  the 
beginning  is  hard,  the  journey  dangerous.  My  two  children,  Maria 
and  Hansli  died  at  Rotterdam  in  Holland  and  were  buried  in  the  com- 
mon burial  place. 

This  country  is  praised  too  highly  in  Europe  and  condemned  too 
much.  I  hope  also  in  a  few  years  to  have  cows  and  swine  as  much 
as  I  desire.  Mr.  Graffenried  is  our  landgrave.  Of  vermin,  snakes, 
and  such  like,  there  is  not  so  much  as  they  tell  of  in  Europe.  I  have 
seen  crocodiles  by  the  water,  but  they  soon  fled.  One  should  not 
trust  to  supporting  himself  witn  game,  for  there  are  no  wild  oxen  or 
swine.    Stags  and  deer,  ducks  and  geese  and  turkeys  are  numerous. 


Graffenkted:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      313 

I  wish  that  I  had  my  child  with  me,  which  I  left  with  my  father- 
in-law,  together  with  forty-five  pounds  which  I  left  behind  me  in  the 
parish  of  Tofen.  And  if  my  father-in-law  wishes  to  come  to  me  I  will 
give  to  him  from  my  land.  One  can  have  as  much  swine  and  cattle 
as  he  wants  without  labor  and  expense.  I  am  very  sorry  that  Chris- 
tian Balsiger  took  away  his  Uhli  from  me  again  at  Bern. 

This  letter  to  Hanss  Wichtermann, 

Branen. 

P.  S.  Anna  Wiill  of  Riimligen  is  also  here  and  rather  rich.  With 
this  you  are  commended  to  God. 

Who  ever  has  a  desire  to  travel,  he  can  get  in  Holland  one  hundred 
iron  tobacco  pipes,  knives,  iron  pots,  and  copper  kettels.  He  can 
make  on  them  in  America  about  three  or  four  times  the  cost.  Three 
cows  and  four  swine  are  my  beginnings  in  North  Carolina.  The  Lord 
Jesus  be  with  you  all.    Amen. 

With  our  friendly  greeting,  all  good  first  to  you  and  to  your  and  our 
beloved  father,  grandfather,  and  both  mothers,  brothers,  brothers-in- 
law,  sisters,  and  sisters-in-law.  Be  it  known  to  you  that  we,  by  the 
grace  of  God,  are  hale  and  hearty.  To  hear  the  same  from  you 
would  be  very  pleasant  to  us.  Salome  has  been  sick,  but,  by  the 
grace  of  God,  she  has  become  well  again.  We  still  have  no  minister 
but  we  hope  soon  to  get  one.  I  have  as  yet  taken  no  land.  The  day 
wages  are  good.  One  gets  eighteen  Stiiber,  this  makes  nine  Batzen, 
and  board.  I  have  now  separated  from  my  brothers  but  yet  in  peace. 
I  will  soon  take  up  a  plantation  which  comprises  toward  three  hun- 
dred acres.  There  is  land  enough.  It  requires  considerable  labor  at 
the  beginning,  but  if  one  has  once  made  a  beginning  with  cattle  and 
swine  he  can  prosper  with  small  labor.  He  can  have  indeed  up  to 
three  hundred  head  without  cost,  so  that  they  become  fat  enough  but 
rather  wild.  But  the  journey  coming  here  is  costly  and  difficult. 
One  person  over  sea  from  Rotterdam  in  Holland  thirty-four  Thaler, 
where  we  lay  seven  weeks  and  two  days,  at  our  own  expense.  The 
thirtieth  of  May  we  went  aboard  the  transport  ship,  and  went  upon 
the  sea  to  Brull.  The  4th  of  June  we  came  to  Yarmouth,  the  11th 
to  Newcastle,  a  place  situated  in  England.  The  17th  of  July  we  went 
aboard  the  ship  again,  travelled  as  far  as  Shields  upon  the  sea,  where 
we  lay  quietly  eight  days  and  waited  for  the  fleet,  which  traveled  four 
days  with  us  and  which  consisted  of  over  one  hundred  ships.  After 
this  we  sailed  alone,  and  often  in  great  danger,  and  arrived  here  safely 
through  the  goodness  of  God.  No  one  among  us  died.  For  that  we 
cannot  thank  the  good  God  enough.     The  10th  of  September  about 


314  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

nine  o'clock  we  saw  land.  At  night  we  cast  anchor.  The  11th  we 
stepped  upon  land,  which  was  very  joyful  for  us,  since,  for  a  long 
time  we  had  seen  nothing  but  water  and  sky.  From  Virginia  it  is 
very  difficult  with  baggage,  now  by  water,  now  by  land. 

We  live  in  North  Carolina  on  the  stream  called  Neuse.  Regarding 
the  land:  It  is  tolerable  sandy  and  productive,  fairly  good  for  all 
crops,  especially  for  Indian  Corn.  Regarding  fruit;  It  does  not  grow 
unplanted,  either  good  or  bad.  The  native  born  inhabitants  are 
quick  but  naked;  for  the  covering  of  their  nakedness  they  have  coats 
or  else  shirts.  For  this  time  nothing  more.  Greet  for  me  my 
friends  Ziorien,  and  my  mother  wishes  to  be  remembered  to  you. 
Greet  for  us  all  good  friends  and  neighbors,  and  I  commend  you  to 
God,  the  Word,  and  his  grace,  and  remain  your  affectionate  children 
Michael  Ziorien  and  Salome  von  Muhlenen. 

To  Christian  von  Muhlenen  in  Switzerland, 
in  the  Canton  of  Bern,  in  upper  Simmenthal, 
in  the  parish  of  Bottigen  of  the  Fluhli. 

My  friendly  greeting  and  all  good  first  of  all  to  Hans  Aeschbacher, 
the  inn-keeper  Uhli  Bache,  cousins,  also  all  my  godparents  and  good 
neighbors.  This  is  to  inform  you  that,  the  Lord  be  praised,  we  are 
hale  and  hearty.  Anni  died.  I  am  deeply  grieved.  No  one  has  died 
except  three  women.  My  Anni  was  ill  the  whole  journey.  We  have  no 
women  folks  that  wash  and  mend  for  us.  I  beg  you  if  the  inheritance 
has  been  decided  send  me  it;  you  need  only  to  deliver  it  over  to  Mr. 
Ritter.  Send  me  a  good  servant,  two  good  servant  girls,  two  good 
axes,  for  Dietrich  has  not  time  to  do  blacksmithing.  I  have  a  great 
deal  of  work  to  do.  I  have  taken  up  two  hundred  and  fifty  acres  of 
land.  If  I  wish  I  can  take  up  four  hundred  acres.  I  have  need  of 
money  so  that  I  can  have  horses,  cattle,  and  swine.  I  could  likely 
keep  two  hundred  head  summer  and  winter  without  labor  and  expense. 
Here  there  is  moss  on  the  trees,  that  is  good  as  the  best  aftermath 
hay  and  also  acorns. 

I  wish  you  would  do  me  the  favor  of  having  a  chest  made  and  of  pur- 
chasing two  hundred  ells  of  linen  cloth,  one  hundred  ells  of  flax 
ticking;  from  the  blacksmith,  four  seven  pound  skeins  with  the  linch- 
pins, a  small  hub  auger  to  bore  plow  wheels,  two  pounds  of  whole 
pepper,  one  half  pound  cloves,  two  mill  stones  that  are  a  half  heavier 
than  those  of  a  hand  mill;  but  you  must  not  buy  the  spices  or  the  mill 
stones  till  you  are  in  Rotterdam;  also  buy  me  a  few  cast  tobacco  pipes, 
about  a  dozen;  of  the  others  at  two  batzen,  two  dozen;  some  iron  pans 
in  duplicate,  only  the  dish  part  without  feet  and  handles,  in  the  smallest 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      315 

of  which  a  quart  would  go,  but  the  others  larger;  and  a  dozen  little 
horn  pipe  stems.  I  could  get  five  pounds  for  a  pipe  and  also  a  few 
brass  shoe  rings.  The  Indians  buy  such  things  for  as  much  as  one 
desires.  The  greatest  failing  and  lack  here  in  Carolina  is  that  too 
few  people  are  here,  and  no  good  mills.  There  is  one  being  built  by  us 
people  who  are  in  Carolina.  No  one  has  any  desire  to  be  back  in 
Switzerland,  for  one  can  eat  but  little  meat  in  Switzerland,  but  here 
in  Carolina  I  need  have  no  anxiety  from  this  year  on,  that  every  year 
I  should  not  butcher  thirty  or  forty  to  fifty  swine,  more  if  I  wish. 
And  if  Cousin  Haldmann  would  give  me  the  whole  meadow  of  the 
estate  with  everything  belonging  to  it,  I  should  not  want  it  for  I  have 
meadow  and  forest  enough  for  the  swine  and  arable  soil,  one  adjoin- 
ing the  other.  If  I  only  had  money  so  that  I  could  buy  a  half  dozen 
cows,  and  also  as  many  swine,  a  few  horses,  I  would  ask  nothing  more 
of  temporal  blessing  than  good  health  and  afterwards  eternal  life,  as 
I  wish  for  all  mankind.  I  would  also  wish  that  the  poor  neighbors 
were  with  us  and  then  they  would  not  need  to  suffer  hunger  if  they 
would  only  be  willing  to  work  a  little.  Therefore  whoever  has  a  de- 
sire for  it,  let  him  just  venture  boldly  under  the  protection  of  the 
Most  High.  To  be  sure  they  do  not  give  one  a  ready  built  house 
and  cleared  land.  Each  one  can  labor  for  it  and  clear  it  himself. 
The  journey  is  certainly  hard  and  was  hardest  for  me.  But  after  the 
rain  comes  sunshine.  And  now  we  are,  the  Lord  be  praised,  all  as 
well  as  we  have  never  been  before.  And  the  Usher's  daughter  has 
borne  a  son  upon  the  sea  and  all  are  hale  and  hearty.  They  are  ten- 
ants of  the  Governor  and  have  the  best  conditions.  But  the  lease 
runs  four  years,  and  every  week  he  can  work  one  day  upon  his  lease 
and  half  the  product  from  tending  to  the  (salt)  pan  is  his.  The  journey 
has  been  very  expensive.  We  had  to  lie  eight  weeks  at  Rotterdam 
and  it  was  very  dear.  Also  for  six  persons  we  had  to  pay  the  boat- 
man thirty-one  Thaler  from  Bern,  also  paid  the  ship  captain  to  take 
us  over  the  sea,  two  hundred  and  four  thalers.  From  the  ship  over 
the  sea  we  had  to  travel  through  Virginia  to  our  place,  more  than  a 
hundred  miles  over  land  because  of  sea-robbers.  Since  we  arrived  in 
Holland  too  late  and  the  fleet  had  assembled,  we  went  alone  and 
traveled  eight  weeks  upon  the  sea  with  our  ships.  But  now  we  have 
good  fine  land.  Send  me  also  a  few  dozen  good  knives.  There  is  a 
great  lack  of  German  women  folks.  Greet  for  me  my  father-in-law 
if  he  is  still  alive,  my  brothers  and  sisters-in-law,  but  first,  Christian 
Hausmann  in  Heybiihl  and  his  wife.  I  and  Dietrich  his  servant  send 
friendly  greetings  to  the  blacksmith  and  Hans  at  Fliih.  It  would  be 
well  if  they  both  were  here.  They  could  make  as  much  as  they 
wished  to.    As  far  as  trades  are    concerned    the  best  are  armorers, 


316  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

gunsmiths,  carpenters,  tailors,  shoemakers,  potters,  and  ropemakers. 
If  these  came  it  would  be  exceedingly  fine.  Also  weavers.  If  I  had 
thirty  pounds  worth  of  knives  and  the  wares  mentioned  above  I  could 
gain  more  than  an  hundred  English  pounds.  A  crown  is  worth  more 
than  a  thaler  in  Germany.     April  8th,  1711. 

Let  Casper  Gerber  give  this  over  to  Mr.  Ritter  in  Bern,  and  I  hope 
that  if  my  father-in-law  is  still  alive  he  will  send  me  a  respectable 
amount  of  money  for  my  journey.  If  people  wish  to  come  here  and 
you  could  do  me  the  favor  just  send  me  the  wares  mentioned  above. 
But  those  who  intend  to  go  must  call  upon  Mr.  Ritter,  so  that  when 
the  other  people  wish  to  go  they  may  travel  together.  And  if  the 
inheritance  has  been  settled  let  my  godfather  give  to  each  a  half  thaler, 
namely  to  Peter  Habegger,  Helm  Kupferschmied,  Uhli  Burger  and 
Nicholas  Baits,  if  they  are  still  alive.  Herewith  nothing  more.  We 
wish  you  good  health  and  long  life,  temporal  and  eternal  wellfare  in 
soul  and  body.  Have  some  one  buy  for  me  a  half  dozen  of  those 
books  like  those  of  which  Uhli  Lerche  gave  me  one,  and  also  pay  Mr. 
Ritter  for  the  letter.  It  would  be  well  if  one  or  two  pot  makers,  that 
is  to  say  tinkers,  should  come.  I  have  not  time  to  write  more,  it  is 
too  short  for  me.  Christen  Engel. 


Copy  of  a  letter  written  by  Christen  Janzen,  out  of  North  Caro- 
lina, the  last  of  April  1711. 

God  greet  you  most  beloved  souls,  father,  mother,  related  friends, 
and  neighbors,  always  with  our  thousandfold  greetings  and  obedient 
service.  I  wish  you  at  this  time  to  learn  of  my  health,  and  to  know 
that  I  must  make  my  writing  as  short  as  I  can  compose  it.  I  hope 
that  you  have  the  letters  that  I  wrote  from  Holland  and  England. 
The  most  essential  contents  are  that  we  came  the  10th  of  June  to 
New  Castle  in  England,  but  the  6th  I  became  a  very  sad  widower. 

In  New  Castle  we  lay  five  weeks.  The  17th  of  July  went  aboard 
the  ship  and  lay  eight  days  at  anchor.  After  that  we  sailed,  under 
the  all-powerful  protection  of  God,  safely  to  land  in  Virginia.  Also  did 
not  lose  a  person.  A  young  son  was  born  on  the  sea.  His  father's 
name  is  Benedict  Kupferschmied.  He  worked  a  year  for  our  dear 
brother,  Christian  Biirki.  After  that  we  went  about  a  hundred  hours 
by  water  and  land,  yet  always  guided  and  fed,  and  the  people  every- 
where have  done  us  much  kindness  and  there  is  in  this  country  no 
innkeeper.  All  go  from  one  place  to  another  for  nothing  and  con- 
sider it  an  insult  if  one  should  wish  to  ask  the  price. 


Graffenbied  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      317 

Brought  here  hale  and  hearty,  the  shoemaker  Moritz  did  not  die  till 
he  was  on  his  farm.  He  was  well  on  the  whole  journey.  No  one  else 
of  us  Siebentaler  people  has  died,  but  of  the  others  though,  three 
Palatines.  Of  the  people  among  whom  we  live,  however,  a  good  many 
have  died. 

Regarding  the  land  in  general.  It  is  almost  wholly  forest,  with  in- 
describably beautiful  cedar  wood,  poplars,  oaks,  beech,  walnut  and 
chestnut  trees.  But  the  walnuts  are  very  hard  and  full  of  indenta- 
tions and  the  chestnuts  very  small  but  good.  There  is  sassafras  also, 
and  so  many  other  fragrant  trees  that  I  cannot  describe  the  hundredth 
part.  Cedar  is  red  like  the  most  beautiful  veined  cherry  and  smells 
better  than  the  finest  juniper.  They  are,  commonly,  as  well  as  the 
other  trees,  fifty  to  sixty  feet  below  the  limbs. 

The  land  in  general  is  almost  everywhere  black  dirt  and  rich  soil, 
and  everyone  can  get  as  much  as  he  will.  There  are  five  free  years. 
After  that  one  is  to  give  for  an  acre,  which  is  much  greater  than  a 
Juchart  with  us,  two  pennies.  Otherwise  it  is  entirely  free,  one's  own 
to  use  and  to  leave  to  his  heirs  as  he  wishes.  But  this  place  has  been 
entirely  uninhabited,  for  we  have  not  seen  any  signs  nor  heard  that 
anything  else  ever  was  here  except  the  so-called  wild  and  naked 
Indians.  But  they  are  not  wild,  for  they  come  to  us  often  and  like 
to  get  clothes  of  us.  This  is  done  when  they  pay  with  wild  meat  and 
leather,  bacon,  beans,  corn,  which  the  women  plant  and  the  men 
hunt;  and  when  they,  as  most  frequently  happens,  guide  the  Christians 
through  the  forest  and  show  new  ways.  They  have  huts  of  cedar 
bark.  Some  also  can  speak  English  well.  They  have  an  idol  and 
hold  festivals  at  certain  times.  But  I  am  sorry  to  say,  of  the  true 
God  they  do  not  want  to  know  anything. 

With  regard  to  the  rearing  of  cattle.  It  costs  almost  nothing  for 
the  raising,  as  the  booklet  printed  at  Frankfort  says,  for  all  stock 
pastures  in  the  winter  as  well  as  in  the  summer.  And  I  know  of  noth- 
ing to  find  fault  with  in  the  booklet  mentioned  regarding  these  two 
items,  although  it  writes  of  South  Carolina. 

They  butcher  also  no  young  animals,  so  one  can  conclude  how 
quickly  the  number  can  increase.  The  cows  give  scarcely  half  so 
much  as  with  you  for  the  calves  suck  so  long;  until  they  are  a  year 
and  a  half  old  and  in  turn  have  young.  We  buy  a  cow  with  a  calf 
for  three  pounds  sterling  or  twelve  thalers,  a  hog  for  one  pound, 
with  young  or  fat;  a  sheep  also  for  as  much.  They  have  but  few 
goats,  but  I  have  seen  some.  Squire  Michel  told  me  they  wished 
to  bring  some  here  to  us.  Wild  and  unplanted  tree-fruits  are  not  to 
be  found  here  so  good  as  Kocherthal  writes  of  South  Carolina.  I 
have  seen  no  cherries  yet.     There  are  many  grape-vines  and  many 


318  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

grapes  on  them,  of  which  some  are  good  to  eat;  and  it  can  well  be 
believed,  if  one  had  many  together  (they  would  do  well).  We  are 
going  to  try  to  plant  them  for  everything  grows  up  very  quickly  and 
all  fruit  is  of  very  good  taste,  but  we  do  not  enjoy  them  much  yet. 

We  lie  along  a  stream  called  Neuse.  There  six  years  ago  the  first 
(people),  English,  until  two  years  ago  (when)  the  Swiss  people  (came), 
began  the  cultivation.  They  are,  as  it  seems  to  me,  rather  rich  in 
cattle,  all  sorts  of  crops,  the  finest  tree-fruit,  and  that,  the  whole 
year  (except  for)  two  months.  From  the  nature  of  things  we  were 
behind  in  that  regard,  so  that  we  do  not  have  it  yet;  but  we  hope, 
through  God's  blessings  to  get  it.  We  came  shortly  before  Christ- 
mas and  we  have  by  God's  blessing,  Zioria,  my  son-in-law  Peter 
Reutiger,  and  I,  and  others  besides,  much  stronger  houses  than  the 
English;  have  also  cleared  land  in  addition,  and  the  most  have  put 
fences  around. 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  now  from  the  ground  and  the  cattle  we  will 
get  enough,  through  the  grace  of  God  who  has  always  stretched  out 
his  hand  helpfully  and  has  brought  us  safely  and  unhindered  through 
so  many  enemies,  spiritual  and  worldly,  and  over  the  great  sea.  But 
one  thing  lies  heavy  on  us  which  I  cannot  write  without  weeping, 
namely  the  lack  of  a  true  and  zealous  pastor.  For  we  have  indeed 
cause  to  complain  with  Asaph,  our  sign  we  see  no  more,  no  prophet 
preaches  to  us  any  more,  no  teacher  teaches  us  any  more.  We 
have,  indeed,  prayers  in  our  houses  every  Sunday,  but  the  zeal 
to  cleanse  away  the  canker  of  our  old  sins  is  so  small  that  it  is  to  be 
feared  it  will  consume  everything  to  the  foundation,  if  the  pitying 
God  does  not  come  to  our  help. 

If  it  had  pleased  the  good  God  to  send  some  of  our  brethren  and 
sisters  or  at  least  Christian  Blirki  as  an  instrument,  as  a  physician  of 
body  and  soul,  I  should  have  had  good  hopes  that  the  light  among  us 
would  not  become  an  evil  smelling  lamp,  for  I  do  not  believe  there 
is  a  person  here,  either  English,  German,  or  French  who  would  not 
have  loved  him  heartily;  I  believe  that  his  profession  is  especially 
good  here  and  that  he  could  have  an  estate  according  to  his  wish  with- 
out doing  work  in  the  fields.  For  of  good  liquor  and  such  medicine 
there  is  the  greatest  lack  in  this  country,  therefore  I  have  a  friendly 
request  to  make  of  you,  dear  brother;  namely,  as  follows.  I  have  mar- 
ried Christina  Christeler,  a  widow  of  Sannen.  I  am  her  third  husband. 
By  the  first  she  has  four  children.  Two  died  in  London.  Her  hus- 
band and  one  child  upon  the  sea.  But  the  eldest,  a  boy  of  thirteen, 
named  Benedict  Plosch,  is  at  Morigen  in  the  baliwick  Nidauw,  stay- 
ing with  his  deceased  father's  clientage.  And  he  was  alive  four  years 
ago.     Her   father  was   named   Peter   Christeler.     Christen  Walcker, 


Geaffenbied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  !N"ew  Been      319 

who,  with  his  wife  died  here  in  this  country  and  left  eight  children, 
said  to  her  that  she  has  a  rather  large  inheritance  from  her  late  father, 
left  with  her  brother  Moritz  Christeler,  for  he  has  received  a  hundred 
pounds  of  it.  When  you  go  to  Sannen  to  ask  about  it,  I  hope  Hein- 
rich  Perret  will  be  able  to  help  you;  for  they  have  been  nearest  neigh- 
bors.    Arfd  if  it  is  as  Walcker  says  you  can  take  it  into  jrour  hands. 

Because  my  wife  understands  brewing  so  well  and  has  done  it  for 
years,  and  the  drink  is  very  scarce  here  and  neither  money  nor  brew- 
ing pots  are  to  be  obtained  here,  otherwise  I  would  not  think  of  such  a 
thing  for  you  to  do.  But  the  pot  must  have  two  pipes  but  no  worm; 
and  if  some  reliable  people  should  not  be  coming,  would  Mr.  Ritter 
still  be  so  good  as  to  get  it  to  me  here;  also  four  pounds  worth  of 
spice,  such  as  ginger,  pepper,  safron,  nutmegs,  galangale,  cloves,  each 
according  to  the  proportion  of  the  money?  For  here  there  is  nothing 
but  laurel.  I  have  seen  it  on  trees  in  the  forest.  But  if  there  should 
be  nothing  to  be  got  from  the  inheritance,  I  would  most  kindly  beg 
you  and  my  father,  if  he  is  still  alive,  to  still  help  me  somewhat  from 
my  own,  for  it  is  very  important  to  me  and  especially  to  the  women 
folks,  who  are  very  scarce  here. 

If  only  more  people  should  wish  to  come,  I  advise  that  they  take 
women  with  them  if  they  want  to  have  any,  for  here  some  of  the  very 
best  men  find  no  wives,  because  they  are  not  here. 

The  journey  is  easily  to  be  made  if  one  can  supply  himself  prop- 
erly with  old  cheese,  dried  meat,  and  dried  fruit,  vinegar,  wine,  beer, 
and  casks,  butter,  biscuits,  in  fine  whatever  is  good  to  eat  and  feasible 
to  transport,  also  a  pan  or  kettle  that  is  narrow  at  the  top  and 
broad  below;  for  when  the  sea  is  violent  the  ship  lies  over  on  one  side 
so  that  things  are  spilt.  Yet  I  have  never  heard  that  a  ship  has  sunk 
upon  the  high  sea. 

Whoever  could  provide  himself  with  the  things  named  above  and 
should  make  an  agreement  with  the  ship  captain  that  he  give  him 
liberty  to  cook  and  a  good  place  to  he  the  voyage  would  not  be  hard. 
For  we  had  young  and  old  people,  all  are  hale  and  hearty.  What- 
ever one  brings  here  in  the  way  of  wares  is  worth  at  least  as  much 
again.  Linen  cloth  and  glass  would  be  especially  needed,  and  is  to 
be  purchased  very  well  in  Holland. 

Peter  Rohtiger  and  my  two  daughters  greet  you,  for  we  live  beside 
each  other.  Dichtli  is  still  with  me,  and  I  am  delivering  the  greet- 
ing of  us  all  to  our  dear  and  faithful  pastor,  to  the  whole  num- 
ber of  honored  persons,  especially  Godfather  Kilchmeyer  Dreuthart, 
and  Andreas  Aescher,  Christen  Jantz. 


320  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

I  would  have  much  to  write.  I  must  break  off.  Have  patience 
with  my  bad  writing,  for  whoever  sees  my  hand  and  labor  will  be- 
lieve that  I  have  not  written  and  studied  much.  Greet  for  us 
Christien  Burki  and  I  should  be  glad  if  he  could  hear  the  contents  of 
this  letter. 

I  remain  your  well  affectioned  servant,  and  my  parents'  obedient 
son  until  death. 

Greet  for  us  Anna  Drus,  item  Speismann's  people,  and  your  sister 
and  relatives,  also  my  father's  sister,  and  first  of  all  the  school-master. 


FRENCH  VERSION 


21 


FRENCH  VERSION 

1.    Relation  du  Voyage  d'Amerique  que  le  B.  de  Graff enried  a  fait 
en  y  amenent  une  Colonie  Palatine  et  Suisse,  et  Son  Retour  en  Europe. 


PREFACE 


Quoique  plusieurs  Persones  m'ayent  demande  la  Relation  de  mes 
tristes  adventures  d'Amerique,  je  ne  me  Serois  pas  dispose  a  cela,  n'es- 
toit  que  j'estoit  bien  dise  de  me  justifier  tant  aupres  de  ma  Societe 
aussi  bien  qu'a  d'autres  persones  lesquelles  auroient  peutestre  pu  avoir 
des  pensees  Sinistres  de  ma  Conduite.  Come  Si  j'avois  entrepris 
cette  Colonie  legerement  et  imprudement,  et  que  j'aurois  passe  mon 
terns  en  Carolina  en  Luxe  et  oisivite,  en  quoy  on  ce  Seroit  bien 
tromp£,  et  ma  Relation  en  fait  bien  voir  le  Contraire.  On  y  trouvera 
aussi  des  particularitez  quon  auroit  bien  pu  laisser,  mais  accause  des 
desmarches  irregulieres  de  certaines  persones  qui  ont  agis  de  mauvaise 
foy,  tant  a  legard  des  pauvres  Colonistes  qu'envers  ma  persone,  en 
estants  meme  venus  jusques  a  des  actions  noires  et  inexcusables,  Je 
nay  pu  de  moins  que  d'en  faire  mention,  (quoi  que  bien  charitable- 
ment  puis  que  ie  nomme  persone)  affin  qu'on  ne  m'en  impute  pas,  et 
que  mon  innocence  Soit  au  jour. 

Sans  doute  quelques  Curieux  voudroient  Scavoir  les  raisons  d'une 
Entreprise  Si  grande  et  eloignee  de  mon  Pays  et  Patrie.  Quelques 
uns  les  Scavent,  les  autres  ce  contenteront  de  Scavoir  que  des  le  terns 
que  jeu  1'honneur  de  faire  quelque  Sejour  chez  feu  le  Due  d'Albemarle- 
a  Londre  qui  fust  alors  establis  du  Roy  Charle  II.  vice  Roy  de  Jama- 
ique,  par  la  Relation  qu'on  me  fist  de  la  beauty,  bonte,  et  richesses  de 
L'Amerique  Angloise,  J'en  conclus  une  Idee  si  advantageuse,  que  Sur 
les  fortes  invitations  de  ce  Seigneur  je  l'aurois  Suivis  en  ce  Voyage 
avec  empressement,  si  je  n'eusse  este  detourne  par  les  fortes  remon- 
strances de  mes  parents  qui  voulloient  que  je  m'etablisse  dans  ma 
Patrie,  et  nonobstant  touttes  les  douceurs  que  j'y  pouvois  avoir,  il  me 
resta  pourtant  toujours  quelque  amorce  et  quelque  chose  d'attirant 
pour  les  pays  Susdits.  Et  la  Fortune  ne  me  regardant  pas  d'un  oeuil 
Si  favorable  come  je  l'aurois  Souhaitte,  apres  avoir  finis  mon  Bailliage 
d'Yverdon,  grand  et  important  a  Contentement  de  mon  Souverain, 
des  Estats  voisins,  et  des  Ressortissants,  Dieu  Soit  loue,  avec  une 
Conscience  bone  et  nette,  mais  n'y  ayant  pas  profite  pour  y  avoir  eu 
des  Contretems,  d' autre  Cote  n'ayant  pas  este  homme  a  m'enrichir 
au  depends  des  pauvres  Ressortissants,  outre  les  troubles  de  Neuff- 
chatel  qui  me  causerent  beaucoup  de  perte,  Voyant  encore  que  la 


324  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Reforme  nouvelle  me  privoit  de  pouvoir  obtenir  quelque  charge  profi- 
table pour  bien  longtems;  dans  l'esperence  de  faire  une  fortune  plus 
considerable  dans  ces  Pays  eloigne-  de  L'Amerique  Angloise,  Aftm  de 
mieux  Soutenir  une  Famille  nombreuse  Selon  mon  Caractere  et  qualite : 
Je  pris  dont  une  forte  resolution  pour  ce  Voyage  important  pas  moins 
dangereux  que  long  et  penible,  d'autant  avec  plus  de  Courage  que  ie 
fus  invite"  fortement  par  diverses  lettres  des  Pays  susdits,  aussi  bien 
que  de  Londre.  Je  hesitois  longtems  si  ie  communiquerois  mon  des- 
sein  a  quelque  amy  ou  Parent,  mais  prevoyant  qu'ils  m'en  disuaderoi- 
ent,  je  n'en  dis  rien  pas  meme  a  ceux  qui  me  touchoient  de  plus  pres, 
et  partis  Secrettement.  Cependant  avant  que  de  quitter  le  Pays,  je 
m'arrestay  aux  frontieres  chez  un  amy,  et  fis  une  disposition  de  mes 
affaires  que  je  n'avois  pu  entierement  regler  avant  mon  depart,  et 
l'envoyay  a  un  de  mes  Parents,  en  comuniquant  mon  dessein,  mais  le 
malheur  voulust  que  ce  pacquet  de  papiers  fust  intercepts  ou  perdu,  ce 
qui  causa  beaucoup  d'embarass  et  de  confusion.  Ne  recevant  au- 
cune  reponce  pendant  8  ou  10.  jours,  Je  partis  dont  dans  une  ferme 
resolution  de  ne  plus  retourner,  mais  L'home  propose  et  Dieu  dispose. 

2.  A  marginal  note  says  Potomak  (von  neuer  Hand)  _  _  _  The 
French  has  Potomack. 

3.  Mons.  le  Gouverneur  de  Virginie: 

4.  L'un  estoit  le  Receveur  General  lautre  L'Arpenteur  General,  le 
3e.  Un  Juge  de  Paix,  qui  touts  trois  ont  paru  pour  cett  effect  devant 
le  Comity  Royal,  ou  ils  ont  recu  leurs  instructions  et  ont  este  confirme 
pour  avoir  la  direction  de  ce  Peuple,  en  mon  absence,  tant  sur  Mer 
que  Sur  Terre,  n'ayant  pu  partir  alors  accause  d'une  petite  Colonie  de 
Berne  qui  devait  Suivre  bientost  outre  d'autres  affaires  que  J'avois 
encore  a  regler. 

5.  Monsieur  Cesar  ministre  de  l'Eglise  Refformee  Allemande  de 
Londre  a  Gravesand 

6.  il  en  mourut  plus  de  la  moitie  Sur  Mer 

7.  et  en  partie  demate 

8.  n'ayant  osez  ce  commetre  en  mer  accause  des  Capres  outre  que 
les  Eaux  estant  basses  aux  Embouchures  des  Rivieres  de  Caroline  les 
gros  Vaisseaux  n'auroient  pu  passer  ny  entrer  _   _   _ 

9.  Consistent  en  environ  1000  arpents  de  Terre. 

10.  II  faut  que  j'arest  icy  le  cours  de  ma  Relation,  aftm  que  ie  puisse 
aussi  dire  quelque  chose  de  ce  que  j'ay  negotie"  plus  particulierement  a 
Londre,  item  de  mon  depart,  de  ce  qui  s'est  passe"  et  ce  que  j'ay  re- 
marque  dans  mon  voyage,  et  de  mon  arivee"  en  Nord  Caroline  ce  meme 
mois  de  7bre  1710  apres  on  continuera  en  ordre. 

Nayant  touch e  qu'en  passant  ce  que  j'avois  negotie  a  Londre,  ie 
diray  quelque  chose  de  plus  particulier  icy,  pourtant  le  plus  Succincte- 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern     325 

ment  que  ie  pourray:  II  sera  bon  de  distinguer  un  peu  les  deux  visees 
des  Colonies  proposees  de  celle  de  Virginie,  et  Celle  de  la  Nord  Caro- 
line. 

Pour  Celle  de  Virginie  nous  avions  des  ordres  de  L.L.E.E.  de  Berne 
notre  Souverain  Magistrat  (marginal  note:  Proposition  de  PEtat  de 
Berne  pour  un  district  de  Pays  en  Virg :)  de  sonder  aupres  de  sa  Maj : 
La  Peine  de  la  Grande  Bretagne,  Si  Elle  seroit  disposed  d'accorder  a 
L'Etat  de  Berne  un  district  de  Terres  pour  la  Colonie  proposee  avec 
Jurisdiction  Sous  certaine  Clauses  et  sans  dependre  d'aucun  Gouver- 
neur  mais  directement  de  la  Reine  ou  Son  Conseil;  mais  la  Couronne 
ne  Voulant  rien  deroger  de  Son  Authorite  et  Grandeur  ne  voulust 
S'entendre  a  cette  Proposition  pretendant  que  tout  ce  devoit  con- 
former  aux  Loix  et  Reglement  du  Royaume,  ce  qui  fesant  aussi  de  la 
peine  a  un  Etat  Souv:  de  sabaisser  d'autant,  rien  ne  fust  fait. 

Cependant  nous  en  particulier  ma  Societe  et  moy,  Sous  la  recoman- 
dation  ou  par  assistance  de  Monsieur  Stanion  Envoy e  extr:  de  Sa 
Maj :  Brit :  obtimes  de  la  Reine  la  permission  de  prendre  des  Terres  en 
Virginie  au  dessus  de  la  Chutte  de  la  Rivier  de  Potomack  Sous  les 
memes  Conditions  que  les  autres  Ressortissants  de  sa  Majesty,  dans  le 
dessein  de  partager  notre  Colonie  pour  des  bones  raisons,  mais  Come  on 
nous  fist  esperer  plus  d'avantage  de  la  Nord  Caroline,  et  que  ces  Terres 
estoient  a  beaucoup  meilleur  niarche,  outre  que  nous  y  avions  quelque 
jurisdictions  et  privileges  particuliers,  nous  Commencames  par  la  et 
Tissue  fatale  fait  voir  que  nous  aurions  mieux  fait  de  comencer  par 
Virginie  d'autant  que  nous  y  aurions  este  plus  en  Surete  et  mieux 
Soutenus  en  cass  de  danger  par  la  Couronne  que  par  des  particuliers 
en  Caroline,  meme  la  Situation  suivant  le  plan  que  j'en  ay  fait,  ne 
cedoit  rien  a  celle  de  Caroline  ny  en  beaut e  ny  en  bonte.  Cependant 
touttes  ces  desmarches  que  dessus,  me  cousterent  bien  des  pas  inutiles 
de  la  peine  et  des  frais,  pour  a  la  fin  n'obtenir  qu'un  ombre  de  faveur, 
car  lors  que  nous  voullions  faire  asseurer  et  arpenter  les  Terres  Sus 
mentioned  il  ce  trouva  qu'elles  estoient  desia  prises  par  Mylord 
Coulpeper:  tellement  qu'il  en  faloit  chercher  la  plus  grand  partie  en 
Maryland  Pays  appartenant  en  propriete  a  Mylord  Baltimore :  II  est 
vray  que  nous  en  fismes  encore  marquer  et  assurer  en  d' autres 
endroits  assez  bons  en  Virginie  mais  eloignez  des  Plantations  Chres- 
tiennes.  A  l'egard  de  la  Colonie  pour  la  Carolina  ie  n'eus  pas  moms 
d'embarass  de  peines  et  de  frais,  quoy  que  pourtant  les  Lord  Proprie- 
taires  ayent  este  bien  disposez  a  me  favoriser.  Je  crois  qu'avant 
que  dentamer  cette  negociation,  il  ne  seroit  pas  hors  de  propos  de 
dire  quelque  chose  de  leur  Pouvoir  et  Priviliges  cest  ce  qu'on  voit 
amplement  dans  la  Relation  ou  journal  imprime  de  larpenteur  general 
Lawson,  ou  est  copiee  la  Charter,  ou  acte  accord e  par  le  Roy  Charles 


326  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

II.  Cette  grande  faveur  et  haute  Jurisdiction  qu'aucun  particulier  ny 
Seigneur  des  3.  Royamues  n'a  a  este  accord e  a  ces  My  lords  et  Seig- 
neurs qui  ont  rappelle  ce  Roy  de  Son  exile,  et  ont  favorise  Son  Re- 
tour  dans  le  Royaume.  Ce  Roy  n'ayant  voulu  etre  ingrat  envers  ses 
bieniaiteurs  n'a  Sceu  coment  les  mieux  reccompenser  que  par  une 
faveur  si  Singuliere  en  donant  et  remettant  la  Province  de  Caroline  a 
ces  Seigneurs  en  pleine  possession,  Authorite  et  pouvoir  absolu  come 
le  Roy  meme  l'avoit  possedee,  aussi  ont  ils  le  Titre,  Come  s'en  suit. 

A  Son  Excellence  N.N.  Palatin,  et  aux  autres  Veritables  et  absoluts 
Seigneurs  Proprietaires  de  la  Province  de  Caroline.  (Marginal  note: 
dont  il  y  a  2  Gouvernement  du  Sud  et  du  Nord.) 

L'un  des  Chefs  de  ces  Siegneurs  Prop:  estoit  au  Comencement,  Le 
General  Monck  Due  d' Albemarle,  C'estoit  luy  qui  presenta  la  Courone 
qu'il  avoit  fait  faire  au  Roy  a  Son  Entree  au  Royamue  la  quelle  on 
garde  a  la  Tour  de  Londre  aupres  de  la  veritable  du  Royaume  et  que 
j'ay  veue,  on  les  montre  toujours  touttes  deux  aux  Etrangers  curieux. 

Entre  d'autres  Privileges  que  ces  Seigrs.  Prop:  ont  est  le  pouvoir  de 
creer  des  Cassiques,  des  Comtes,  Barons,  Chevalliers,  et  Gentilshomes 
en  ces  Provinces  et  Ceux  qu'ils  veulent  bien  favoriser  ils  les  font  cor- 
roborer  et  registrer  dans  la  Heroldrie  Royale,  Come  ils  ont  fait  a  mon 
egard,  lors  que  pour  me  procurer  plus  d' Authorite,  aupres  de  mon 
Peuple,  ils  m'honorerent  des  titres  de  Landgrave  de  Caroline,  Baron 
de  Bernbery,  et  Chevallier  du  Cordon  pourpre  avec  la  Medaille,  come 
mes  Patentes  en  font  foy:  mais  le  mall  est  qu'avec  ces  Titres  il  n'y  a 
pas  un  Revenu  proportioned  tout  le  bien  qui  m'en  est  provenu  est 
qu'ils  m'ont  done  le  premier  rang  apres  le  Gouverneur  dans  la  maison 
haute  des  Parlements  de  la  Province  et  m'a  conserve  du  Respect 
aupres  des  Ressortissants;  Car  ayant  au  comencement  paru  au  Parle- 
ment  sans  Cordon,  j'y  fus  bien  receus,  mais  en  certaines  occasions  ie 
ne  fus  pas  obeis  come  cela  ce  devoit,  C'est  pourquoi  on  m'advisa  de 
porter  le  Cordon  et  la  medialle  quand  ie  paroitray  dans  les  assem- 
blies ce  que  ie  fis,  et  j'apperceus  incontinant  leffect,  car  certaines  gens 
qui  n'avoient  assez  respectez  mes  ordres  vinrent  apres  pour  m'en 
demander  pardon  a  genoux.  C'est  assez  de  L' Authorite  et  pouvoir  de 
ces  Seigrs.  Propr:  Je  diray  succinctement  quelque  chose  de  ce  qu'ils 
m'ont  accorde  notre  Traitte-   estant  trop  ample  pour  l'inserrer  icy. 

1.  Ils  m'ont  vendu  15000  arpents  terre  choisie  que  j'ay  fait  arpenter 
Sur  la  Riviere  de  News  et  Trent  et  2500  acres  Sur  Weetock  River,  a 
10  livres  Sterlins  le  1000,  ou  une  livre  Sterl:  p  cent  acres,  et  6  Sols  par 
100  arpendts.  cence  fonciere,  ce  qui  fait  la  Somme  de  175£.  Sterl:  ce 
que  j'ay  d'abord  paye  content.  2.  II  y  a  eu  une  reserve  de  100  mille 
acres  a  choisir  entre  ces  Rivieres  cy  nomees  et  Clarendon  R.  pour  le 
meme  prix,  et  pour  cela  j'ay  eu  7  ans  de  terme  pour  faire  le  premier 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      327 

payment  et  des  la  7e:  jusques  a  la  12e:  tout  devoit  etre  paye.  3e 
Les  differents  qu'auroient  mon  Peuple  avec  les  Anglois  ce  devoient 
terminer  devant  les  juges  Anglois  mais  ce  que  mes  Colonistes  auroient 
de  difieulte  entre  Eux  cela  ce  termineroit  entre  Eux  ou  par  devant 
moy:  La  haute  Jurisdiction  au  faits  criminels  a  mort  reservez  aux 
Seigrs.  Prop:  4e.  Liberte  de  Religion,  et  d'avoir  un  ministre  de  notre 
Pays  qui  pourroit  prescher  en  notre  langue.  5e.  Droit  de  Ville  et 
marche  ou  faire  a  Neuberne.  6e.  francs  de  toutte  taille  et  impots 
dimes  et  Cences  hormi  les  6  Sols  p.  100  acres  annullement  come 
susdit.  7e.  Les  Seigrs  Prop:  ou  la  Province  par  leurs  orclres  me 
devoient  fournir  pour  2  ou  3  ans  de  provision  de  vivres  et  betail  pour 
moy  et  toutte  la  Colonie  moyenant  restitution  apres  le  terme  prescript. 

J'avois  aussi  un  Traitte  particular  et  bien  exact  avec  les  Palatins 
lequell  fust  projecte  examine  &  arrete,  devant  &  par  la  Comission 
Royale  trop  ample  a  inserrer  icy,  seulement  en  Substance  ce  qui  suit 
le.  mes  Colonistes  me  devoient  fidelite  obeysance  et  Respect,  et  moy 
la  Protection  aug  2e.  Je  devois  fournir  chaque  famille  de  provision  pour 
la  premiere  annee,  d'une  Vache  de  deux  Cochons  et  de  quelques  uten- 
sils, moyenant  restitution  apres  3  ans.  3e.  Je  devois  doner  a  chaque 
famille  300  arp:  de  Terre  et  ils  devoient  me  livrer  pour  Cence  fonciere 
2  Sols  par  acre,  en  contre  ie  devois  Supporter  les  6  sols  p.  100  acres  de 
reconnoissance  envers  les  Sigrs.  Prop,  come  desia  Susdit;  pour  ce  qui 
est  du  transport  et  nouriture  de  ma  Colonie  iusques  en  Caroline  la 
Reine  l'a  gratine  et  30  shellings  pom'  habits  a  chaque  psne  gros  et 
petit  s. 

Apres  cela  il  s'agissoit  de  ce  pourvoir  de  bon  Vaisseaux,  et  il  ce 
presente  une  persone  de  ma  Connoissance,  le  Chevaliier  Fyper  qui 
entreprist  de  fournir  deux  Vaisseaux  bien  equipez  avec  la  provision  de 
vivres  necessaires,  mais  tout  cecy  ne  pust  etre  execute  avec  telle  regu- 
larite  come  on  lauroit  Souhaite.  Come  ces  Seigrs.  les  Directeurs  ou 
providirecteurs  de  cette  foule  de  monde  qui  ce  trouva  alors  a  Londre 
avoient  assez  affaire  a  pourvoir  tant  de  1000  ames,  L'argent  comenca 
a  devenir  rare,  tellement  que  notre  bon  Chevaliier  qui  fist  ces  pro- 
visions a  Credit  dans  la  ferme  psuasion  que  l'argent  luy  seroit  livre*  a 
tout  terns  qu'il  le  demanderoit,  fust  bien  Surpris  de  ce  voir  renvoye 
tant  de  fois,  ce  qui  dura  meme  plusieurs  mois,  tellement  que  ces  Cre- 
diteurs  luy  firent  denoncer  les  arrets  ce  qui  fust  meme  execute  pour 
24  heures,  Le  Chevaliier  tout  allarme  de  ce  pcede  vient  un  mattin 
pour  m'en  faire  de  meme  ce  tennant  a  moy  pour  touts  ces  incon- 
venients,  ce  qui  me  mist  bien  en  peine.  Come  alors  ie  me  trouvay 
a  la  Campagne  pour  prendre  l'air  et  me  reposer  un  peu  de  mes  fatigues, 
je  me  hastay  pour  aller  a  Londre  pour  representer  a  la  Commission 
Royale  mes  griefs  Sur  le  retard  du  payement  de  cett  argent :  on  me 


328  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

dona  des  bones  paroles,  mais  ils  ce  passerent  encore  plusieures 
Semaines  avant  que  1 'argent  promist  fust  livre  au  Chevallier  Fyper 
qui  ne  manqua  pas  de  jour  a  autre  de  presser  les  Tresoriers,  a  la  fin 
le  tout  fust  bien  conduit  et  a  Souhait. 

Apres  que  ma  Colonie  fust  partie  dans  les  vaisseaux  mentionez  ie 
me  preparay  aussi  pour  les  Suivre,  apres  avoir  dispose  mes  affaires 
particulieres  et  pris  Conge  d'une  partie  des  Seigneurs  de  la  Comis- 
sion  Royale  et  des  Seigrs.  Proprietaires  de  Carolina. 

Je  passe  icy  Sous  Silence  un  Traitt  fait  avec  William  Penn  Pro- 
prietaire  de  Pensilvanie  pour  des  Terres  et  des  mines;  Et  du  Traitt 6 
particulier  que  j'ay  eu  avec  une  Societe  de  Berne  sur  la  quelle  ie  me 
reposois  pour  en  avoir  lassistance  necessaire  dans  une  Entreprise  la- 
quelle  ie  me  trouverois  trop  faible  de  Soutenir,  mais  il  auroit  este  bien 
mieux  pour  moy  de  massocier,  pour  un  fait  de  cette  importance  avec 
quelque  persone  moyennee  et  entendue  d'Angleterre  laquelle  ne  ce 
Seroit  peut  etre  p^  laisser  epouvanter  si  viste  de  mes  Contretems, 
come  ces  Messieurs. 

Mes  Colonistes  Palatins  estant  partis  au  mois  de  Janvier  1710  je  les 
Suivis  et  partis  de  Londre  a  la  fin  du  mois  de  May  meme  je  me  Servis 
pour  cela  d'une  voiture  tres  comode,  presque  de  meme  que  celle  de 
Paris  a  Lyon.  Je  ne  puis  de  moins  que  de  parler  icy  quelque  chose  de 
ce  que  j'ay  observe  en  ce  petit  Voyage.  Un  Dimanche  qu'il  falust 
rester  a  une  petite  Ville  nomee  Harford  ou  pres  de  la  il  y  a  la  maison  de 
Campagne  du  Comte  d'Essex  fort  antique  que  ie  fus  curieux  de  voir 
et  jy  fus  venu  civilement.  dans  ce  Palais  magnifique  i'observay  dans 
un  grand  dome  des  peintures  grandes  et  extraordinaires  dans  le  Cabi- 
net du  Comte  quantitez  de  pieces  rares  et  antiquitez  tres  Curieuses; 
et  dans  une  grande  Sale  ie  crus  voir  sur  une  table  de  marbre  un  lutt 
des  fluttes  et  autres  instruments,  avec  des  livres  deployez  de  musique, 
item  un  jeu  de  carts  deploy  e,  une  bourse  de  jettons  plusieurs  pieces 
d'argent  et  plusieurs  autres  gentillesses  tres  bien  faittes  et  quand  ie 
viens  plus  pres  de  la  table  ie  fus  bien  surpris  de  voir  la  ouvrage  d'un 
Second  Appelles,  que  ces  pieces  que  ie  croyois  effective  n'estoient  que 
contrefaittes  en  peinture  ce  qui  fust  ou  me  Sembloit  le  plus  curieux 
est  que  la  Superficie  de  Cette  table  de  marbre  estoit  si  bien  polie  qu'on 
auroit  cru  que  c'estoit  des  peintures  dessous  un  verre  ou  une  glace,  et 
on  y  pouvoit  verser  de  leau  Sans  gaster  la  table  ny  la  peinture,  assure- 
ment  il  faloit  que  cela  fust  peint  d'un  vernis  merveilleux.  Apres  avoir 
veu  le  reste  du  Palais,  et  este  raffreschis  d'une  belle  Colation  et  de 
bones  liquers  ie  fis  mes  Compliments  et  pris  Conge  pour  Suivre  ma 
routte. 

Apres  quelque  journees  nous  vinmes  a  Yorck  Ville  antique  assez 
grande  et  bien  peuplee,  ou  j'eus  Seulement  le  terns  de  voir  la  Cathe- 


Gkaffenkied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      329 

drale  d'une  tres  belle  Structure  ou  j'attendis  justement  une  tres  belle 
Symphonie  ou  Vepre  et  Messieurs  les  Chanoines  my  firent  Civilite. 
de  la  nous  vinmes  a  Durham  assez  jolie  Ville  la  Cathedrale  est  assez 
belle,  L'Eveque  de  ce  lieu  a  le  titre  Seul  d'un  Prince  hormis  celuy  de 
Galle  en  Angleterre  aussi  a-il  la  pcdence  Sur  touts  les  Eveques  Hormis 
celuy  de  Londre:  apres  il  ny  eust  rien  de  remarquable  jusques  a  Neu- 
castle. 

Neu  Castle  est  une  Ville  grande  bien  peuplee  Riche,  marchande, 
bien  Situee  au  bord  de  la  Riviere  de  Tyne  qui  S'egorge  dans  la  Mer, 
toutt  abonde  en  cette  ville  on  y  fait  bone  chere  et  a  bon  march  e  le 
Saumon  y  est  en  abondance,  cett  Ville  est  remarquable  par  la  houille 
ou  Charbon  de  piere  qu'on  y  trouve  il  en  part  des  flottes  entieres  pour 
fournir  la  Ville  de  Londre  et  voisinage  de  ce  charbon,  et  les  Charbon- 
iers  y  sont  en  si  grand  nombre  quil  faloit  alors  y  tenir  garnison  pour 
les  tenir  en  bride  il  y  a  des  concavitez  si  terribles  par  la  qu'on  disoit 
que  c'est  l'antichambre  des  Enfers,  et  il  faut  qu'un  Etranger  aye  bon 
courage  d'y  aller  bien  avant,  on  y  fait  aussi  quantite  de  Sell  marin  et 
il  y  a  plusieurs  verriers,  et  d'autres  fabriques  outre  les  marchands  il 
y  a  aussi  des  persones  d'un  autre  rang  bien  Civiles,  et  honestes,  avec 
lesquelles  on  passe  agreablement  son  terns,  de  15  jours  que  j'y  ay  este, 
ie  ne  Saurois  assez  me  louer  des  Civilitez  qu'on  m'y  temoigna,  Un  des 
Chefs  de  la  Ville  Alderman  Fenwich  me  regala  magnifiquement  d'une 
belle  Symphonie  de  Musiciens  persones  de  qualite.  il  y  a  aussi  un 
tres  beau  boul  en  gren,  une  tres  belle  promenade  ou  il  y  a  un  jeu  de 
boule  entouree  de  plusieurs  rangs  de  tilliots,  et  cela  Sur  la  hauteur  de 
la  Ville,  ou  il  y  a  une  tres  belle  vue.  Cependant  ie  n'y  ay  pas  este 
Sans  Chagrin  que  me  causast  le  Capite.  du  Vaisseau  qui  transportoit 
mes  Colonistes  Suisses,  il  en  estoit  aussi  le  proprietaire  bourgois  de 
Boston  Capitale  de  la  Nouvelle  Angleterre,  sans  la  mediation  de  ce 
galant  home  Mr.  Fenwich  j'etois  pour  my  ruiner  en  process  avec  ce 
Capte.  on  avoit  desia  compose  et  conclu  avec  luy  qu'il  fourniroit 
touttes  les  provisions  necessaires,  depuis  Roterdam  jusques  en  Ameri- 
que,  Cependant  lors  qu'il  aborde  a  Neuw  Castle  pour  ces  propres 
affaires  tant  pour  y  decharger  des  marchandises  que  pour  en  prendre 
d'autres  pour  Boston  et  partie  de  provisions  de  vivres  qu'il  aymoit 
mieux  y  prendre  qu'en  Hollande  y  estant  en  effect  meilleurs  et  a  meil- 
leur  marche  ayant  este  oblige  de  sy  arrester  pres  de  4  Semaines,  II 
pretendoit  que  nous  y  fussions  a  nos  propres  frais  avec  toutte  notre 
Colonie  Suisse,  ce  qui  me  causa  bien  de  L'embarass. 

A  la  fin  nous  estants  accomodez  tellement  quellement  nous  partimes 
au  Commencement  de  Juillet  pour  l'Amerique  a  l'embouchure  de  la 
Riviere  de  Tyne  nous  nous  arrestames  quelques  heures  pour  faire  pro- 
vision de  Saumons  tant  verds  que  Sees  en  un  bourg  situe  au  bord  de 


330  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

cette  Riviere  ou  il  y  eust  une  si  grande  quantite  de  Saumon  que  tout 
le  bourg  en  estoit  tapisse  les  sechant  au  Soleil  devant  les  maisons 
aussi  bien  que  pour  exposer  a  la  vent. 

Nous  sortimes  de  L'embouchure  environ  les  3  heures  du  soir  par  un 
Vent  favorable  et  un  tres  beau  jour,  quand  nous  fumes  sur  la  hauteur 
de  la  Mer  nous  vimes  quelques  Vaisseaux  tant  plus  que  nous  les  appro- 
chions  tant  plus  nous  en  decouvrimes  a  la  fin  passant  plus  outre 
nous  nous  trouvames  entre  3  flottes,  celle  de  Hollande  qui  estoit  en 
ligne  assez  nombreuse  qui  venoit  aux  Costes  d'Angleterre  pour  pren- 
dre du  harang,  entremelee  de  Batiments  de  pecheurs  et  de  distance  de 
Vaisseaux  de  Guerre  d'un  autre  Coste  estoit  celle  des  Charbonier  qui 
revenoit  a  viude  de  Londre:  Et  d'un  Cote  celle  de  Moscovie  Le  Sole 
qui  s'en  alloit  coucher  y  donant  a  plein  et  le  vente  ayant  cesse,  c'estoit 
le  plus  beau  spectacle  qu'on  put  voir,  ces  grands  vaisseaux  de  Guerre 
parmy  ces  autres  batiments  paroissoient  come  autant  de  Superbe 
Chatteaux  parmis  des  maisons  mediocres  et  le  tout  ensemble  paroissoit 
come  3  belles  Villes,  basties  Sur  mer,  le  lendemain  qui  estoit  un 
dimanche  d'un  beau  Calme,  le  Commandeur  Anglois  de  la  flotte  de 
Moscovie  dona  le  Signal  et  touts  les  voisseaux  deployerent  leurs 
Pavillions  come  de  coutume  a  ce  jour  apres  la  devotion  Les  trompettes, 
haubois,  et  tambours  ce  firent  entendre,  on  ce  visita  les  uns  et  les 
autres,  come  si  on  auroit  este  en  ville  on  passa  le  terns  si  agreablement 
que  j'aurois  alors  souhaitte  d'etre  toujours  en  mer:  Mais  Contre  le 
Soir  il  s'eleva  Soudain  un  Vent  impetueux  que  ceux  qui  estoient  en 
visite  eurent  assez  de  peine  de  ce  Sauver  dans  leur  barquets  pour 
ce  rendre  dans  leurs  Navires,  et  meme  un  bon  biberon  qui  avoit  de  la 
peine  de  quitter  sa  bone  liquer  pour  avoir  trop  tarde,  fust  d'obligation 
de  rester  dans  le  bastiment  ou  il  estoit  en  visite  et  fust  contrainfc  de 
prendre  un  autre  routte  malgre  luy.  Pour  nous  qui  estions  en  dessein 
de  faire  voile  Nord  about,  cest  adire  contre  le  nord  au  dessus  des  Isles 
de  Shettland  primes  partis  pour  notre  Seurete  de  nous  mettre  parmis 
la  flotte  de  Moscovie  la  quelle  pour  eviter  les  Francois  avec  qui  on 
estoit  en  Guerre  alors  au  lieu  de  passer  la  Mer  Baltique  prist  son 
tour  aussi  par  le  Nord,  nous  estions  7  Bastiments  destinez  pour 
l'Amerique  qui  Fimes  voile  de  compagnie  avec  ceux  qui  estoient  destinez 
pour  Danemark,  Suede,  et  Moscovie;  A  la  hauteur  du  Nord  d'Ecosse 
nous  nous  separames  apres  avour  Same  le  Comandeur  de  la  flotte 
marchande,  de  nos  Cannons  qui  est  lordre  usite,  Eux  prirent  contre 
Nordoest  et  nous  au  Nord  et  Nordwest,  cependant  come  le  Vent 
ce  changea  en  oest  il  nous  fust  si  favorable,  quau  lieu  de  prendre  notre 
routte  par  dessus  les  Isles  de  Shettland  nous  coupames  et  passames 
entre  ces  Isles  et  celles  des  orcades,  pourtant  la  nuict,  mais  heureuse- 
ment,  Dieu  en  soit  loue\ 


Geaffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern     331 

Quand  nous  fumes  sur  une  Certaine  hauteur  au  dessus  d'Irlande, 
nous  vismes  de  loin  paroitre  quelque  Vaisseaux  faisant  5.  voiles  contre 
nous,  cela  nous  mist  en  allarme  ne  Sachant  sils  etoient  Ennemis  ou 
amys,  nous  primes  d'abord  nos  licts  et  matelats  pour  border  notre 
Vaisseau  ce  qui  nous  devoit  servir  de  rempart,  et  nous  nous  mimes 
en  aussi  bone  posture  qu'il  ce  pust  pour  nous  deffendre,  nous  en  eumes 
une  petite  peur  accause  que  de  3  Vaisseaux  que  nous  vismes,  il  y  en 
eust  avec  les  banderoles  blanches,  Couleur  de  France,  quand  nous 
fumes  a  portee  d'un  Canon,  Le  Commendeur  de  cette  flottile  tira  un 
coup  perdu  pour  Signal  que  nous  devions  le  recconnoitre,  mais  ny 
repondant  pas,  il  tira  le  second  en  Serieux  et  nous  brisa  presque  le 
grand  mas,  alors  il  faloit  ce  Soumettre  et  nous  repondimes  de  nos 
canons,  arborant  notre  pavilion  Anglois,  et  tendant  le  contrevoile;  dans 
un  moment  le  Commandeur  nous  joignist  si  pres  qu'on  pust  S'entrepar- 
ler,  et  come  il  ne  fist  pas  grand  Vent  pour  faire  Civilite  au  Command- 
nous  l'invitames  de  monter  notre  vaisseau,  ce  qu'il  ne  refusa  pas  es- 
tant  bien  aise  de  ce  regaler  de  notre  bon  biere  freche,  angloise,  et 
d'une  piece  de  Saumon  a  la  marinade  pendant  ce  petit  intervalle  ie 
pris  mon  terns  pour  ecrire  en  Europe  et  remis  ma  lettre  a  ce  petit 
Comandeur  (qui  accompagnoit  4  ou  5  autres  Vaisseaux  Ecossais  et 
anglois  venants  de  Jamaique,  Barbados,  et  autres  endroits)  et  ma 
lettre  fust  bien  remise  a  la  poste  et  parvenue  a  Berne.  Contre  le 
Soir  nous  nous  quittames  et  chacun  prist  Sa  routte. 

J'avois  fait  beaucoup  de  remarques  de  ce  que  ie  vis  sur  Mesr  et  de 
ce  qui  s'etoit  passe,  en  ayant  fait  un  journal  assez  curieux  mais  le 
malheur  voulust,  que  une  petite  masle  ou  coffre  et  dans  lequell  il  y 
avoit  encore  plusieurs  raret6z  d'Amerique  avec  des  autres  papiers  et 
quelques  hardes,  S'est  perdu  quoy  qu'il  fust  bien  reccomande  a  un 
capite.  d'un  Vaisseau  qui  partis  de  Virginie  ne  layant  pu  prendre  avec 
moy  accause  que  j'avois  un  grand  voyage  a  faire  depuis  Williams- 
bourg  Capitale  de  Virginie  iusque  a  la  Nouvelle  York,  par  terre,  estant 
desia  Surcharge  de  hardes  tant  que  mes  deux  chevaux  purent  porter. 
Ainsi  ie  ne  ferai  mention  que  de  quelque  peu  de  choses  dont  ie  men 
Souviens  bien  et  que  ie  crois  assez  dignes  de  la  Curiosite  du  lecteur, 
au  rest  il  y  a  tant  d'autheurs  de  la  Mer  qui  ont  ecrit  des  Merveille 
de  la  Mesr,  que  iy  renvoye  le  lecteur. 

Seulement  diray  ie  a  ceux  qui  nont  pas  lu  ces  Autheurs  que  quand 
nous  Sommes  venu  Sous  la  ligne  Tropique  du  Cancer,  ou  Sur  une 
certaine  hauteur  de  la  Mer  entre  cette  ligne  et  celle  du  pole  Arctique, 
nous  y  vismes  des  oiseaux  blancs  de  la  grandeur  d'un  Corbeau  qui 
memes  ce  vinrent  poser  Sur  notre  mas,  les  mattelots  les  tiennent  pour 
oiseaux  de  bon  augure  et  ne  Souffrent  qu'on  tire  dessus,  ce  qui  est  le 
plus  remarquable  et  qu'on  ne  voit  ces  oiseaux  que  sur  cette  hauteur 
de  la  Mesr  et  non  pas  autrepart. 


332  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Mais  pour  oiseaux  de  mauvois  augure  il  y  en  a  d'autre  plus  petits 
noirs  avec  un  peu  de  blanc  qui  Volent  ca  et  la  sur  la  mesr,  et  autant 
de  fois  qu'on  les  voit  voler  a  l'entour  du  Vaisseau  et  principalement 
Sus  le  devant  on  observe  qu'ils  presagent  rien  de  bon,  mais  du  mau- 
vais  terns,  ou  tempeste  ou  terribles  orages,  ie  pris  cela  au  commence- 
ment pour  des  fables  mais  l'ayant  remarque"  moy  meme  diverses  fois, 
ie  Suis  presque  oblige  d'y  adjuster  foy,  ie  crois  au  fond,  si  on  voulloit 
philosopher  la  dessus  qu'on  trouverait  des  raisons  naturelles,  de  ces 
Sortes  d'evenements. 

J'ay  encore  observe  une  chose  remarquable  en  un  poisson  nome 
Dauphin,  le  poisson  est  tres  beau  dans  leau  ayant  la  Couleur  de  l'lris, 
quand  il  Suit  un  Vaisseau  il  ne  ce  tient  qu'a  deux  pieds  de  la  Superficie 
de  leau,  C'est  un  Charme  de  le  voir  nager,  il  est  toujours  accompagne 
de  quelques  petits  poissons  qui  ce  tienent  toujours  pres  du  gouvernail 
et  ne  quittent  pas  ce  poste  que  le  Dauphin  S'en  alle  ou  qu'il  Soit  tue. 
Nous  en  primes  un  avec  un  trident,  et  voicy  come  on  les  prends,  le 
baton  ou  perche  ou  est  affiche  le  trident  est  attache"  a  une  longue  Corde, 
et  lors  que  le  Dauphin  nage  assez  pres  du  Vaisseau,  un  mattelot,  ou 
qui  voudra  pour  veu  qu'il  aye  l'addresse,  jette  le  trident  contre  le 
Dauphin,  quelque  fois  on  l'attrappe  du  premier  coup,  assez  souvent  on 
y  manque,  quand  on  la  pique,  on  retire  la  Corde  et  on  le  leve,  aussi 
beau  que  ce  poisson  est  dans  l'eau  aussi  villain  est  il  hors  de  leau, 
mais  bien  bon  aprest£z  nous  en  fimes  bone  chere,  tant  plus  jeunes  tant 
meilleurs  et  plus  delicats.  on  y  voit  aussi  des  poissons  volants,  et  tant 
d'autres  sortes  et  choses  merveilleuses  a  observer  Sur  Mesr  qu'on  en 
feroit  un  Volume;  quand  il  y  avoit  du  calme  ou  Seulement  quelques 
petit  air  ie  me  plaisois  a  regarder  et  examiner  tant  de  Sortes  d'insectes 
et  autres  choses  provenantes  de  l'ecume  de  la  Mesr;  En  certaines 
endroits  on  voit  des  herbes  et  fleurs  extraordinaires,  il  est  Surprenant 
ou  ces  herbes  prenent  racine  au  millieu  de  L'ocean  ou  il  y  a  de  si  terri- 
bles profondeurs.  on  apercoit  en  plusieurs  endroits  des  Courrents  si 
forts  que  des  habiles  maitres  de  Vaisseaux  ce  detournent  quelque  fois 
de  leur  routte  s'ils  ne  prenent  bien  garde,  mais  le  plus  curieux  Seroit 
de  Scavoir  d'ou  vienent  ces  courrents.  II  y  a  un  qui  vient  du  Golfe 
de  Mexique,  mais  pour  dautre  on  y  peut  encore  penetrer  d'ou  ils 
viennent. 

R'envoyant  les  Curieux  aux  Autheurs  qui  ont  ecrit  amplement  des 
raretez  de  la  Mesr,  je  continue  ma  routte.  Quand  nous  vinmes  a  la 
hauteur  de  Terre  Neuve,  on  me  montra  a  peu  pres  les  grands  bancs 
de  cette  Isle,  ou  il  se  prend  une  si  grande  quantity  de  Morues  dont  la 
France  et  l'Angleterre  ce  pourvoient. 

Par  la  un  Capre  Francois  nous  Suivist  une  journee  entiere  mais 
n' ayant  eu  le  Vent  favorable,  il  ne  nous  pust  atteindre  Cependant 


Gbaffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      333 

nous  apprehendions  beaucoup,  C'est  pour  quoy  nous  Consultames  par 
ensemble  et  la  Conclusion  fust  qu'aussitot  que  le  Soliel  Seroit  couch e 
nous  baisserions  peu  a  peu  et  insensiblement  les  voiles,  afnn  que 
contre  la  nuict  le  Capre  nous  perdist  de  vue,  et  come  sans  doute  il 
nous  Suiveroit  toujours  contre  le  Continant  il  faloit  changer  de  routte: 
aussitost  qu'il  fust  abscur  nous  tendimes  touts  nos  voiles  et  rebrous- 
sames  chemin  pour  3  or  4  lieux  et  prenant  le  haut  de  la  mesr  nous 
times  nos  efforts  pour  gagner  la  gauche  du  Capre,  et  prenant  en  droiture 
contre  Virginie  nous  echapames  de  ses  mains;  car  nous  aurions  eu  le 
dessous  n'ayant  eu  que  4  Canons  dans  notre  Vaisseaux. 

Peu  de  jours  apres  nous  decouvrimes  le  Courent,  des  herbes  des 
hyrondelles  de  Mesr,  et  bientost  apres  des  Canars  et  d'autres  Sortes 
d'oiseaux  deau,  qui  est  une  marque  Seure  qu'on  n'est  pas  loin  de  Terre 
ferme,  ausse  times  nous  monter  un  petit  garcon  tout  au  haut  du  mas 
qui  ne  pust  rien  decouvrir  encore,  mais  quelques  terns  apres  montant 
pour  la  Seconde  fois  il  remarqua  du  Terrein  qui  sembloit  etre  une 
petite  nuee,  bientost  apres  reconnasissant  mieux  que  c'estoit  du  Terrein 
il  cria  "Ou  ReV'  qui  est  le  mot  de  joye  ou  d'aplaudissement  des  Anglais, 
et  demande  pour  boire  un  etreine.  Nous  nous  aprochames  du  Con- 
tinant et  cotoyames  les  Provinces  de  Pensilvanie  Jersey,  et  Maryland, 
iusqu'a  ce  que  nous  decouvrimes  Cap  Henry  en  Virginie  a  la  gauche 
de  L'embouchure  de  James  River,  Un  Vent  de  Nordoest  nous  favor- 
isant  nous  enframes  fort  bien  en  cette  Riviere  et  arrivames  heu- 
reusement  a  Guiguetan  presentement  nome  Hampton  un  bourg  assez 
joly  le  premier  a  lentree  de  Virginie,  apres  un  Voyage  ou  passage  de  deux 
mois,  fort  heureux  n'ayant  eu  qu'un  Seul  orage  qui  n'a  dure  qu'une 
couple  d'heures,  et  n'ayant  point  eu  de  maladies,  nous  y  restames  une 
nuict  et  un  jour  pour  nous  raffrechir. 

Apres  avoir  fait  Scavoir  au  Lieut:  Gouverneur  de  Virginie  notre 
arrivee  et  luy  remis  la  lettre  de  la  Reine,  le  Gouverneur  ayant  ete 
absent  nous  descendimes  la  Riviere  et  enframes  dans  celle  de  Nuns- 
cimund  cest  la  ou  nous  dechargames  le  Vaisseau  de  nos  provisions  et 
hardes  et  ou  le  Capite.  du  Vaisseau  prist  conge  de  nous  prenant  la 
routte  de  la  Nouvelle  Angleterre  pour  ce  rendre  au  Lieu  de  Sa  Naissance 
a  Boston  Capitale  de  cette  Province.  Et  nous  louames  des  barques 
pour  charger  nos  hardes  et  provisions  pour  les  faire  mener  avec  notre 
monde  a  une  maison  qu'on  nous  indiqua  etre  la  plus  proche  chez  un 
Nome  Hamstead  galant  home  qui  nous  receust  fort  bien  et  nous  ac- 
comoda  tres  bien  tant  pour  les  Vivres  que  les  Voitures  pour  de  la 
prendre  notre  Chemin  par  Terre  en  Caroline. 

"A  un  honest  homme  il  n'y  avoit  pas  la  matiere  de  hesiter  et  come 
par  bonheur  ma  Reputation  estoit  assez  bien  etablie  en  Amerique  et 
que  mon  dessein  fist  grand  bruit,  j'envoyay  d'abord  en  Pensilvanie 


334  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

pour  Provisions  de  farine  ou  par  bonheur  j'avois  desia  done"  ordre 
depuis  Londre  par  precaution  et  aprehension  que  peut  etre  les  choses 
ne  Seroient  pas  si  bien  etablies  en  Nord  Caroline  come  on  m'en  faisoit 
croire:  Je  n'ay  pas  manque  d'envoyer  aussi  en  Virginie  et  dans  la 
Province  meme  pour  me  procurer  les  Provisions  necessaires,  mais  tout 
cela  traina  si  longtems  que  pendant  ce  terns  ces  nouveaux  Colonistes 
furent  oblige  de  vendre  encore  partis  des  hardes  et  marchandises 
(qu'ils  avoient  acheptee  a  Londre  pour  faire  profiter  le  peu  d'argent 
qu'ils  avoient)  pour  ce  procurer  les  vivres  necessaires  des  habitants 
voisins  pour  ne  pas  mourir  de  faim. 

12.  Aussitot  que  nous  fumes  arrivez  a  Sommertowne  un  Village  aux 
frontieres  de  Virginie  et  Caroline  une  petite  bande  d 'habitants  de  Nord 
Carolina  me  vinrent  Saluer  et  moffrirent  le  Gouvernement  ... 

13.  Je  repliquay,  que  quand  bien  j'estois  revetus  de  cette  dignite 
de  Landgrave,  que  ie  ne  voullois  pas  me  prevalloir  presentement  de  ce 
Titre,  Leurs  remerciant  civilement  _   _   _ 

14.  que  ce  seroit  de  mauvoise  grace  a  moy  de  m'ingerer  dans  une 
affaire  de  semblable  matiere; 

15.  Mais  come  ces  gens  qui  estoient  la  plus  grand  partie  des  Non- 
comformistes,  n'aymoient  pas  d'avoir  un  Si  grand  Toris  pour  Gouver- 
neur  ma  reponce  ne  leur  plust  pas  .   _   . 

16.  Je  ne  Scaurois  assez  exprimer  l'Etat  triste  et  deplorable  dans 
laquell  j'ay  trouve  ces  pauvres  gens  a  mon  arrivee,  presque  touts 
malades  et  dans  l'extremite  et  le  peu  qui  resterent  bien  portants 
desesperez.  Dieu  le  scait  dans  quell  Labyrinthe  voire  danger  de  ma 
Vie,  ie  me  suis  trouve  alors;  Je  laisse  a  pencer  le  lecteur  de  quelle 
maniere  ma  petite  Colonie  Bernoise  regarda  dans  ce  jeu,  qui  jusques 
alors  ne  manquerent  de  rien  leur  Voyage  ou  passage  ayant  este  heur- 
eux  des  le  Commencement  jusques  a  leurs  arivee  en  Caroline:  la  Saison 
bone  et  belle,  bien  fournis  de  toutte  provisions,  bien  ecquipes,  bien 
placee  au  large  sus  le  Vaisseau  presentement  de  voir  un  Si  triste 
Spectacle  devant  Eux  ou  maladies,  disette  et  desespoir  estoient  dans 
l'extremite.  Ce  qui  augmenta  encore  le  mall  est  que  ces  pauvres 
Pallatins  ayant  employe  le  plus  grand  partie  de  leurs  habits  pour 
S'achepter  de  vivres  dans  la  plus  grande  necessite,  furent  bien  de- 
concert  ez  lors  qu'ils  virent  que  les  directeurs  Sus  nomez,  ayant  la  plus 
grand  partie  de  leurs  effects  encore  en  mains,  les  retenoient,  mais 
principalement  un  N.  R.  Sous  pretexte  de  ce  reserver  une  bone  par- 
tie  pour  ces  peines  et  frais,  et  quand  ie  demanday  a  faire  Conte  il 
me  renvoya  Si  Souvant  qu'a  l'heure  qu'il  est  le  Conte  n'est  pas  encore 
regele,  et  cela  luy  fust  bien  facile  accause  des  troubles  survenus,  il 
faut  qu'il  ce  Soit  bien  accomode  de  ces  fournitures  des  Palatins  puis 
qu'avant  qu'il  eust  ses  Effects  en  main  il  vivoit  petitement  et  quapres 


Gbaffenreed  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern     335 

il  fist  le  gros  Monsieur:  II  garda  Ses  effects  jusques  a  mon  arivee  at 
quand  ie  les  voulu  faire  ammener  a  notre  lieu  de  residence  ie  ne  les 
pus  avoir  partie  Seulement  qu'a  main  armee  et  par  force,  meme  ne  les 
pus  avoit  touts  quelle  plainte  que  i'en  fis  au  Gouvernement  accause 
qu'il  estoit  de  la  Magistrature. 

Ce  qui  fust  cause  de  touts  ces  malheurs  fust  la  mechante  Conduite 
et  infidelite  dune  partie  des  Inspecteurs  Superieurs  et  inferieurs  _  _  . 

A  marginal  note  to  the  words  in  italics  is  as  follows — Dont  le  N.  R. 
en  fust  aussi  un  que  ie  nomme  pas  accause  de  Son  Parantage  con- 
siderable. 

17.  Pendant  que  de  mon  Cote  ie  fis  touts  mes  efforts  pour  etablir 
ma  Colonie,  come  ie  vien  de  dire,  d'autre  Cote  on  ecrivit  a  Monsieur 
Hyde  en  Virginie  ou  il  avoit  fait  quelque  se jours  en  attendent  une 
meilleurs  issue  de  Sa  pretention,  qui  ne  manqua  pas  de  se  rendre  avec 
Sa  Famille  au  plutost  en  Caroline  Sur  la  Riviere  de  Chouan  pres  du 
Colonel  Pollock,  .  _  _ 

18.  apres  le  repas  aupres  d'une  bouteille  de  Vin  de  Madere  nous 
vinmes  a  des  discours  bien  Serieux,  et  come  c'estoit  luy  qui  (en  vertu 
de  mes  Patentes  et  ordres  des  Lords  Prop :  me  devoit  pourvoir  de  touts 
les  necessaires  des  revenus  de  la  Province)  me  refusa  tout,  j'estois  bien 
aise  de  luy  en  faire  des  reproches  et  luy  repsenter  aussi  renormite  de 
son  procede  Criminel,  ce  voyant  convaincu,  par  tant  de  bones  raisons, 
d'autre  cote*  pour  m'endormir  affin  que  ie  ne  travaille  pas  trop  contre 
luy  il  me  promit,  etc. 

19.  A  quoy  ie  me  resolus  non  Sans  prendre,  bien  mes  precautions, 
d'autant  que  iay  ete  menace  de  meme  que  mes  Colonistes,  et  le  chemin 
n'estoit  pas  trop  assure*  estant  eloigne  de  deux  journees,  ou  il  faloit 
descendre  et  passer  des  grandes  Rivieres  et  des  forests  assez  dan- 
gereuses. 

20.  Le  malheur  voulust  que  justement  alors  un  Certain  Personage 
mutin  et  turbulent  nome  Richard  Roach,  ariva  de  Londre  qui  causa 
bien  du  desordre,  Celuy  estoit  facteur  d'un  des  Seigr.  Prop:  mais  de 
la  Secte  des  Trembleurs  qui  devoit  venir  en  ces  pays  pour  negotier, 

21.  ce  qui  f omenta  la  Rebellion  et  augumenta  le  troubles  et  nous 
fist  bien  da  la  peine : 

22.  200 

23.  equipe  et  armez  d'environ  60  ou  80  homes, 

24.  quand  nous  observames  ce  manege  nous  mimes  aussi  en  pos- 
ture et  descendimes  dernier  une  haye  vers  le  bord  de  la  Riviere. 

25.  Parmy  tout  cela  je  fus  oblige  de  prendre  le  presidial  contre 
mon  gre  car  la  matiere  etoit  delicate  et  dangereuse 

26.  Et  par  advance  on  luy  ecrivit  une  lettre  pour  luy  comuniquer 
notre  dessein  qui  par  honestete  nous  mar  qua  un  endroit  et  jour  aux 


336  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

frontieres  de  Virginie  et  Caroline,  ayant  Sans  cela  eu  envie  d'excercer 
Ses  trouppes  dans  ce  Voisinage. 

27.  Monsieur  le  Gouv  de  Virginie  laissa  ordre  qu'on  le  luy  feroit 
Scavoir  a  Williamsbourg  lieu  de  la  Residence,  aussi  tost  que  ie  Serois 
arive. 

28.  II  faloit  dont  chercher  d'autres  expedients,  Et  Mr.  le  Gouv: 
Spotswood  pour  luy  avoir  este  reccomande  de  la  Reine  et  pour  la 
premiere  fois  qu'il  m'avoit  vu  auroit  pourtant  bien  Souhaitte  de  me 
faire  quelque  plaiser  et  de  ne  me  pas  renvoyer  Sans  m'accorder  quel- 
que  faveur:  II  me  demanda  dont  si  j'avois  quelque  autre  chose  a  luy 
proposer  ou  quelque  expedient  qui  fust  plus  facile  pour  m'accorder. 
Voyant  dont  que  ces  Virginiens  n'estoient  pas  dispose  a  notre  Se- 
cours,  peutetre  tenant  Eux  memes  un  peu  de  cett  Esprit  libre  et  demo- 
cratique,  je  m'advisay  Si  on  ne  trouveroit  pas  quelque  Soldats  de 
trouppe  reglees,  Je  demanday  dont  Mr.  le  Gouv:  puis  qu'il  estoit  vice 
Admiral  des  Cotes  de  Virginie  qu'il  eust  la  bonte  de  nous  envoyer  un 
Vaisseau  de  Guerre  bien  cequipe,  ce  qu'il  nous  accorda: 

29.  Dans  la  Suitte  du  terns  il  fut  relege  Sur  une  Isle  eloignee  pour 
Sa  vie  et  y  mourut. 

30.  A  mon  retour  a  News  je  fus  bien  Surpris  de  trouver  tant  de  ma- 
lades  etmeme  plusieurs  de  morts  dont  deux  de  mes  Domestiques  qu'on 
m'avoit  ammene  de  Berne  en  estoit  du  nombre,  c'estoit  Sans  doute  la 
grande  Chaleur  quil  fist  ces  3  mois  de  Juin  Juillet  et  ougst  qui  en 
furent  cause  nos  gens  venant  d'un  pays  froid  et  de  montagne  n'ayant 
pas  este  encore  accoutume'  a  ces  pays  plats  et  cett  air  chaud;  ils  ne 
manquerent  pourtant  pas  de  Medecins  et  Chirurgiens  qui  en  eurent 
soin,  qui  apres  devinrent  aussi  Malades:  mais  la  principale  cause  en 
estoit,  qu'ils  avoient  neglige  en  mon  absence  mes  ordres  de  Regime,  les 
quells  j'avois  done  d'abord  a  mon  arivee  en  Amerique  lors  que  ie 
trouvay  desia  les  Palatins  Si  malades,  C'estoit  par  bon  ad  vis  de  per- 
sones  qui  avoient  fait  long  Sejours  en  Caroline  que  ie  leurs  avois  in- 
dique  de  ne  pas  trop  boire  d'eau  crue  et  froide,  mais  de  la  cuire  avec 
du  Sasafras  dont  les  bois  en  Sont  touts  plains  et  apres  la  laisser 
raffroidir  et  en  boire  tant  quon  voudra,  ie  m'en  Servis  le  mattin  avec 
un  peu  de  Sucre  a  place  de  Thee  ce  qui  me  fist  beaucoup  de  bien; 
J 'ay  observe  aussi  que  ceux  qui  ce  mettoient  dabord  au  lict  quand  ils 
ce  trouvaient  malades  S'en  trouvoient  bien  mall  et  beaucoup  en  mouru- 
rent:  II  y  regne  en  ce  pays  une  certaine  fievre,  cett  un  tribut  general 
qu'il  faut  que  les  Etranger  payent  au  Comencement,  et  la  guerison  en 
est  fort  particuliere,  Quand  cette  fievre  vous  prend,  le  meilleur  remede 
est  au  lieude  ce  mettre  au  lict  d'abord,  il  faut  courir  jusqua  ce  qu'on 
Sue  de  grosse  goutte  et  qu'on  tombe  de  lassitude  meme  il  n'en  faut 
pas  rester  la,  mais  ce  relever  et  continuer  jusqua  ce  qu'on  n'en  puisse 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern     337 

plus,  j'en  parle  par  experience,  aussi  ne  l'ay  ie  eu  que  3  Semaines  au 
lieu  que  dautres  ont  traine  des  annees  entieres,  ce  Sont  enfles  a  la  fin 
et  en  Sont  mort:  j'advertis  icy  les  paresseux  ce  nest  pas  une  maladie 
qui  les  accomode,  les  gens  oisifs  et  paresseux  y  Sont  presque  toujours 
maladies,  il  y  faut  de  l'exercice  preuve  qu'il  est  necessaire  et  bon, 
C'est  que  je  fus  atteint  beaucoup  de  la  goutte  en  Europe,  et  en  ce 
pays  j'en  fus  quitte  p.  quelques  petites  atteintes. 

En  ces  Pays  Les  Chesnes  rouges  y  Sont  Si  Savoureux,  qu'en  y  fai- 
sant  une  petite  ouverture  d'une  hasche  il  en  Sort  quantite  de  jus  qui 
est  un  Vinaigre,  mais  il  est  pernicieux  a  la  Sante,  nos  gens  S'en  servi- 
rent  dans  les  grandes  Chaleurs  pour  manger  de  la  Salade  et  ne  S'en 
trouverent  pas  bien.  II  y  avoit  encore  deux  inconvenients  lesquels  il 
estoit  necessaire  de  ce  precautionier.  Ce  sont  les  Serpents  et  les  ticks 
en  francais  Sourons.  II  y  croit  un  si  merveilleux  contrepoison  et  en 
assez  grands  abondance  duquel  il  ne  faut  pas  manquer  de  ce  pourvoir 
il  y  en  3  Sortes,  il  en  a  d'une  sorte  qui  a  une  vertu  particuliere  si  on 
porte  la  racine  avec  Soy  on  peut  dormir  librement  Sous  un  arbre 
aucun  Serpent  ne  Saprochera,  les  Indiens  Sen  Servent  d 'ordinaire,  Si 
on  pile  cette  racine  et  qu'on  en  clone  dans  une  tasse  ou  pot  d'eau  fresche 
a  1' animal  qui  est  mordu  d'un  Serpent  il  en  revient  et  se  guerit  en 
peu  de  terns;  j'en  ay  fait  l'epreuve  Sur  un  de  mes  chevaux  et  sur 
mon  Chien  qui  en  ont  este  gueris.  Les  Surons  incomodent  les  gens 
jusques  a  doner  la  fievre,  on  croit  que  c'est  une  rosee  corrompues  qui 
Sattache  a  l'herbe  cependant  on  n'en  appercoit  que  la  ou  il  y  a  du 
betail,  pour  les  femmes  elles  ont  plus  de  peine  a  s'en  garantir,  les  homes 
en  portant  de  bas  de  peau  en  Sont  quittes,  les  paysants  qui  ont  la 
peau  plus  dure  ne  s'en  Sentent  pas  tant  cela  ne  dure  que  certain  mois 
de  lannee. 

Chacun  de  mes  Colonistes  s'accomodant  le  mieux  posible  et  selon 
Sa  capacite  et  adresse,  II  sagissoit  de  n'en  pas  faire  moins  en  Ville, 
Suivant  la  permission  que  j'avois  et  les  privileges  ie  choises  dont  une 
pointe  de  Terre  entre  Trent  et  Neuws  River,  Endroit  ou  il  y  avoit  un 
Roytelet  Indien  avec  ses  gens  en  une  20e.  de  families  le  lieu  S'appleoit 
Chatouka.  II  en  est  fait  mention  pag.  6.  Nous  l'avons  achete  Si 
cher  accause  de  la  Situation  advantageuse,  II  sagissoit  dont  d'avoir 
ma  place  libre  L'arpenteur  gen:  Lawson  qui  L' avoit  vendue  voulloit 
que  j'en  dechassasse  les  Sauvages  mais  ie  n'en  voulus  rien  faire, 
bien  loin  de  cela  je  me  Suis  mis  aux  Eux  acheptant  d'un  de  ses 
Indiens  une  petite  etendue  de  Terre  ou  je  bastis,  ma  Cabane  en  at- 
tendant mieux,  et  fis  meme  une  espece  d'aillance  avec  ce  Roitelet 
nome  Taylor  et  Son  monde,  cela  ce  fist  Solennellemt.  quelque  peu  de 
terns  apres  voyant  que  ces  Sauvages  ne  pouvoient  s'accorder  avec  mes 
gens  ny  les  miens  avec  les  Sauvages  ie  m'advisay  de  leur  proposer 

22 


338  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

d'achepter  encore  une  fois  cette  terre  d'Eux  et  de  leur  assigner  un 
autre  endroit  ou  ils  pourroient  demeurer  aussi  comodement  et  sur  la 
meme  Riviere  pas  loin  de  ce  lieu,  ils  commencerent  de  gouter  mes 
raisons  et  on  tient  pour  cela  une  assemblee  Solenelle.  Puis  que  je 
Suis  en  mattiere  de  ces  Sauvages  avant  que  parler  du  plan  et  fonda- 
tion  de  la  Villette  de  Neuberne  Je  continue  ou  j'en  Suis  reste  avec  les 
Indiens  et  diray  aussi  quelque  chose  de  leur  Culte  et  de  ce  qui  s'est 
passe. 

Nous  convinmes  dont  d'un  jour  pour  faire  notre  accord  le  Roitelet 
ce  mist  sur  Son  propre  mais  d'une  maniere  Si  crotesque  qu'il  aproissoit 
plutost  en  Singe,  qu'un  home  il  vint  avec  17  Peres  de  famille  on  ce 
mist  en  pleine  campagne  en  rond  a  Terre,  Moy  is  mis  aussi  tout  ce 
qui  pust  briller  le  plus  me  fist  apporter  une  chaise,  et  prenant  a  mon 
Coste  un  truchement  un  Sauvage  qui  parlait  bon  anglais,  i'entamy  la 
matiere  et  le  Sujet  de  cette  assemblee  apres  leurs  avoir  repsente  mes 
raisons  ils  dirent  aussi  les  leurs,  et  a  parler  sans  partialite  ils  avoient 
dans  leurs  oppositions  des  meilleures  raisons  que  moy:  Cependant  on 
en  vint  en  une  bone  conclusion.  Je  leurs  fis  quelque  petits  presants  de 
petite  valeur,  et  pour  pris  d'achapt  ie  livray  pour  ce  Terrain  de  ques- 
tion au  Roy  deux  bouteilles  de  poudre  soit  4  livre,  une  bouteille  con- 
tenant  2  liv:  de  poudre  et  avec  cela  1000  gros  graines  de  dragee  de 
plomb;  a  Chacun  des  assesseurs  une  bouteille  de  poudre  et  500  grains 
de  plomb.  (marginal  note,  de  la  dragee  un  peu  grosse.)  apres  ie  les 
fis  bien  boire  de  Rum,  eaux  de  vie  distilee  de  La  lie  de  Sucre  liquer 
ordinaire  de  ces  pays:  et  voicy  la  pacte  faitte. 

Cette  Feste  fust  pourtant  troublee  par  la  brutalite  de  M.  M:  qui 
pour  avoir  bu  copieusement  avec  quelques  Anglais  qui  vinrent  disner 
avec  moy,  perdit  le  Respect  et  vint  insulter  ces  pauvres  Indiens, 
prist  le  Chappeau  du  Roy  et  le  jetta  Si  loin  qu'il  pust,  et  entra  dans 
le  Cercle  prenant  l'un  de  leurs  orateurs  qui  parla  un  peu  trop  contre 
notre  procede  par  le  bras  et  le  Sortit  du  Cercle  luy  donant  quelque 
coup.  Je  fis  d'abord  prendre  ce  Mr.  si  touffus  par  quelques  uns  de 
mes  Domestiques  pour  le  mener  a  la  maison  ou  ces  anglois  invitez 
luy  tinrent  compagnie  1'amusant  le  mieux  qu'ils  purent.  Le  lecteur  ce 
peut  aisement  imaginer  quell  effect  aura  produit  un  precede*  Sem- 
blable,  aussi  le  Roy  s'en  plaignant  me  dit  si  les  Chrestiens  faisoient 
la  paix  et  leur  alliance  de  cette  maniere  qu'il  ne  voulloit  rien  avoir 
affaire  avec  Eux:  Je  ne  manquay  pas  de  luy  repliquer  qu'il  ne  faloit 
pas  faire  attention  a  ce  qu'un  brutal  gouverne  par  la  force  des  liquers 
avoit  fait,  que  ie  l'en  reprimanderois  fortement,  memement  que  ie 
l'envoyeray  loin  d'icy,  qu'il  ne  les  insultera  plus,  et,  qu'ils  ce  devoient 
tenir  a  moy,  qu'ils  pouvoient  Sassurer  que  jamais  je  ne  leur  ferois 
aucun  mal  pendant  qu'ils  voissineroient  bien  avec  moy:  Content  de  ma 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      339 

reponce  et  de  mon  meilleur  traitemt.  ils  S'en  retournerent  chez  Eux. 
Ce  M:  quoy  que  depuis  un  peu  de  Someil  qui  devoit  luy  faire  passer 
les  vapeurs,  il  se  fust  tranquilise  ie  ne  Scay  quelle  mouche  le  piqua, 
apres  les  10.  heures  du  Soir  que  ie  fus  couche  croyant  tout  en  repos,  il 
ce  leva  et  sen  allast  vers  les  Cabines  des  Indiens  trouvant  encore 
L'orateur  Ind:  debout  il  le  traitta  fort  mall,  mais  d'abord  le  Roy  avec 
quelque  Indiens  mirent  le  hola:  et  j 'admire  la  patience  et  discretion 
de  Ces  Sauvages,  de  n'avoir  a  leur  tour  rosse  le  barbare  Chretien. 
Le  Lendemain  le  Roy  avec  Ses  Conseilliers  ne  manquerent  pas  de  ce 
plaindre  aupres  de  moy,  du  mauvais  traittement  reitere  de  ce  brutal 
pis  qu'un  Sauvage  avec  menaces  qui  Sils  estoient  insultez  plus  outre 
qu'ils  payeroient  de  meme  monoye;  J'eus  assez  de  peine  a  les  apaiser, 
les  fis  encore  bien  boire  et  les  renvoyay  avec  assurance  que  ie  ferois 
partir  cett  home  turbulent,  et  qu'ils  ne  Seroient  plus  insultez. 

Apres  le  depart  de  ces  Indiens,  trouvant  mon  home  dans  Son  meil- 
leur Sens  ie  luy  parlay  Serieusement  d'affaires,  II  sera  parle  de  ce  per- 
sonage bien  Souvent  dans  cette  Relation  mais  accause  de  Ces  Parents 
qui  sont  de  distinction  de  qualite  et  de  merite  j'en  ay  de  la  Considera- 
tion, et  ie  ne  le  nome  pas  ne  le  denotant  que  par  deux  M.  M:  de  8 
associez  que  nous  estions  il  estoit  l'un  mais  a  notre  perte  a  ma  Ruine 
et  plusieurs  autre:  Le  Bon  Dieu  le  Convertisse  et  luy  done  a  Con- 
naitre  tant  de  mall  qu'il  a  Cause.  L'arpenteur  gener:  a  est  6  punis 
par  une  terrible  execution  des  Sauvages  p.  ses  Crimes  et  mauvaise  foy: 
Si  celuy  ne  ce  convertit  il  pourroit  lui  bien  arriver  la  meme  Chose, 
ne  vivant  pas  mieux  quun  barbare  il  pourrait  bien  etre  chatie  par  les 
barbares.  (marginal  note,  est  mort  parmis  les  Indiens.)  Mall  Con- 
tent de  luy,  j'ay  cherche  des  expedients  pour  L'envoyer  autrepart,  II 
ce  mist  dont  en  chemin  pour  arpenter  les  Terres  le  long  de  la  Riviere 
de  Weetock  et  pour  cela  ie  luy  fournis  tout  le  necessaire  a  Son  retour 
il  ariva  un  de  ses  vieux  Camerades  de  Pensilvanie  dans  une  Chaloupe 
et  un  autre  bon  drole  avec  luy,  Entre  Eux  3  le  partis  fust  pris  de  faire 
un  tour  vers  Cap  Fear  et  d'arpenter  des  Terres  le  long  de  cette  Riviere 
nomee  autrement  Clarendon  River:  Et  pour  cela  ils  firent  des  pro- 
visions de  bouche  et  des  marchandises  tant  qu'ils  ne  m'en  resta 
presque  plus  rien  cepandant  ils  firent  une  vie  de  couchant,  et  des 
debauches  outrees,  ce  manege  ne  me  plaisant  pas  jy  fis  mes  Reflexions, 
et  un  mattin  avant  qu'ils  eussent  dejeunez  je  leurs  repsentay  que  de  la 
maniere  qu'ils  s'y  prennoient  ie  voyais  qu'ils  avoient  plutost  envie  de 
ce  bien  divertir  que  pour  faire  une  besogne  necessaire  et  profitable  que 
j'avois  besoin  de  ses  marchandises  pour  Subvenir  a  ma  necessite  et 
celle  de  la  Colonie,  que  nous  avions  pour  le  psent  assez  de  Terres, 
qu'ils  faloit  voir  pmierement  coment  reussiroient  Nos  Colonistes,  que 
puis  qu'il  falait  des  grandes  Sommes  pour  Soutenir  une  Enterprise  de 


340  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

cette  importance  il  faloit  plutost  songer  a  ce  procurer  de  quoy  pour 
Subsister,  que  de  faire  des  depenses  inutiles  et  pas  encore  necessaires, 
etc.  ma  proposition  deconcerta  ces  bons  debauch 6z,  et  ils  firent  tout 
leur  possible  pour  me  desbuser  mais  ma  resolution  fust  ferme,  et  ie 
representay  a  M.  M:  Quayanttant  fait  de  bruit  deses  mines  d'argent 
que  meme  on  en  estoit  venue  a  des  Traittes  authentiques  tant  avec 
Mons.  Penn  Proprietaire  de  Pensilvanie  qu'avec  J:  Justus  Albrecht 
Chef  des  Mineurs  d'Allemagne,  qui  n'attendoit  que  nos  ordres  pour 
les  faire  venir,  que  cestoit  la  ou  il  faloit  travailler,  qu'ils  devoient 
dont  aller  a  Philadelphia  (Cap:  de  Pensilvanie)  pour  notifier  a  M.  Ie 
Gouverneur  mon  ariv£e  en  ces  Pays,  luy  remettre  notre  Patente  de 
M.  Ie  Prop:  Penn  et  luy  denoncer  questions  en  dessein  daller  visiter 
les  mines  de  questions  puis  quelles  devoient  etre  Situ6es  sur  Sa 
Jurisdiction,  et  que  pour  cela  il  nous  donne  ^assistance  necessaire, 
qu'apres  que  le  tout  seroit  prest  et  en  bonne  ordre  assure  contre  les 
Indiens,  que  ie  my  transporterois,  etc.  Ces  deux  droles  cy  devant 
Compagnions  de  M.  M:  lors  qu'ils  allast  avec  plusieurs  autres  a  la 
decouverte  de  la  mine  de  question  gouterent  me  proposition  et  en- 
couragerent  M.  M:  a  cette  expedition,  il  y  dona  a  la  fin  la  main,  et 
partirent  fournis  des  memes  provisiones  qu'ils  avoient  prises  pour  ce 
petit  voyage  de  Clarendon  R.  Quelques  iours  apres  leur  depart  Le 
Roy  avec  quelques  de  ces  Ind:  me  vint  trouver,  ne  Sachant  pas  que 
pour  d'autres  Sujets  i'avois  fait  partir  M.  M. :  temoigna  bien  de  la 
joye  de  ce  que  je  les  avois  delivre  de  cett  home  dangereux,  Et  cett 
affaire  me  fist  beaucoup  de  bien  dans  ma  Captivite"  de  Cathechna  ou 
ce  Roitelet  parla  en  ma  faveur. 

La  dessus  nous  nous  promimes  reciproquement  bon  Voisinage,  et 
les  Indiens  quitterent  bientost  apres  cett  endroit  pour  ce  placer  au 
lieu  assigne  pas  loin  dela.  Quelque  terns  apres  je  fis  un  tour  a  Cor 
Towne  a  10  milles  de  Chatouka,  ou  ie  fis  assembler  les  Sauvages  pour 
leur  proposer  que  me  trouvant  dans  leur  Voisinage  que  ie  pretendois 
de  vivre  bien  avec  Eux  avec  offre  de  mes  Services  cela  fust  bien  receu, 
mais  Come  il  y  avoit  deux  Chefs  dans  le  Vilage  l'un  nome  Cor  Tom  et 
l'autre  Sam,  le  premier  Enemy  des  Anglois  et  L'autre  Amy,  qui  fust 
absent,  ie  ny  pus  pas  tout  a  fait  regler  ce  que  j'aurois  bien  Souhaitt6, 
Cependant  assez  content  de  leur  acceuil  ie  m'en  retournay  le  meme  jour 
chez  moy,  Ce  village  de  Cor  est  tres  bien  Situe,  il  y  a  un  air  plus  frais, 
borde  de  la  Riviere  de  Neuws.  Si  ces  Indiens  auroient  voulu  changer 
de  place  j  'en  aurois  eu  bien  envie. 

Ayant  eu  jusques  icy  des  occupations  plus  pressantes  Je  n'avois  pas 
fait  encore  grand  chose  pour  l'Etablissment  de  la  Ville,  me  trouvant 
un  peu  desoeuvre"  je  pris  l'arpenteur  general  avec  moy  et  son  Clerc 
pour  faire  le  Plan  de  cette  nouvelle  Ville.     Come  en  Amerique  on 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern     341 

n'ayme  pas  etre  logez  a  letroit  affin  de  jouir  d'un  air  plus  pur  j'ordonay 
dont  les  rues  bien  larges  et  les  maisons  bien  Separees  Tune  de  l'autre, 
ie  marquay  3  arpents  de  Terre  pour  chaque  famille,  pour  maison 
grange,  Jardin,  Verger,  chenevier  bassecour  et  autres  places,  je  parta- 
gay  la  Ville  en  Croix  et  au  millieu  ie  destinay  l'Eglise,  l'une  des  rues 
principales  tendoit  des  le  bord  de  la  Neuws  droit  avant  dans  les  bois 
et  l'autre  rue  principale  croisoit  depuis  la  Riviere  de  Trent  jusques  a 
la  Riviere  de  Neuws:  apres  cela  nous  plantames  des  picquets  pour 
marquer  les  maisons  et  faire  les  deux  premieres  rues  Capitales  le  long 
et  au  bord  des  deux  Rivieres  et  la  miene  estoit  Situee  a  la  pointe.  Et 
come  les  artisans  Sont  mieux  en  Ville  quaux  Plantations,  le  leurs  donay 
quelques  privileges  au  lieu  que  les  habitants  ou  nouveau  bourgois 
estoient  obliged  de  me  payer  annuellement  pour  mon  droit  et  les  3 
arpents  de  Terre  un  Escublanc,  les  gens  de  mettier  estoient  francs 
pour  10  Ans  les  autres  Seullement  pour  3.  J'eus  d'abord  un  bon 
nombre  qui  Comencerent  a  coupper  du  bois  pour  faire  leurs  maisons, 
II  y  eust  deux  Charpentiers  un  masson,  deux  menuisiers  un  Serrurier, 
un  mareshal  Un  ou  deux  Cordoniers,  un  tailleur,  un  munier,  un 
armurier,  un  boucher,  un  tisseran,  un  tourneur  un  Sellier,  un  vitrier,  un 
potier  et  tuiller,  faiseurs  de  moulin  deux,  Un  medecin,  un  chirurgien 
un  maitre  d'ecole.  il  y  avoit  encore  ga  et  la  aux  Plantations  encore 
quelques  artisans,  II  ne  manquoit  encore  qu'un  ministre  et  en  attend- 
ant celuy  que  ie  faisois  venir  d'Allemagne,  ie  fis  la  fonction  (marginal 
note,  lisant  a  la  maniere  Angloise  les  Sermons.)  ayant  meme  pmission 
de  Mr.  l'Eveque  de  Londre  de  marier  et  babtiser,  pour  Comunier  j'en 
fis  venir  un  ministre  Tan  une  fois  de  Virginie.  II  vint  de  Virginie  un 
ministre  qui  preschoit  en  Anglois  et  Francois  et  je  Pavois  engage"  pour 
ma  Colonie  estant  tres  Content  de  venir  moyennant  50£  St.  que  la 
Chambre  de  Londre  de  propagande  Fide,  ordone  en  Semblable  cas,  et 
une  discretion  raisonable  que  la  Colonie  en  general  feroit. 

Apres  qu'une  partie  de  ses  artisants  eurent  leurs  Charpante  preste 
et  qu'ils  s'etoient  au  moins  mis  a  Couvert  en  attendant  mieux  et  que 
jeus  aussi  accomode  un  peu  mieux  le  mienne.  II  S'agissoit  de  doner 
un  nom  a  la  Ville  ce  que  nous  fimes  en  grande  Solennite,  et  nous 
joignimes  au  nom  de  Neuws  celuy  de  Berne,  ainsi  la  Ville  fust  bab- 
tisee  Neuberne.  Pour  le  Comencement  il  ce  devoit  etablir  Seulement 
dun  mois  une  fois  un  marcher  et  une  fois  L'an  une  foire.  Enfin  il  y 
eut  plusieurs  autres  reglements;  Quand  Mr.  le  Gouverneur  le  Con- 
seil  et  beaucoup  de  Planteurs  de  Caroline  eurent  advis  de  notre 
etablissement  ils  prirent  non  Seulement  touts  envie  de  Sy  loger  mais 
effectivement  ce  firent  marquer  des  lots,  cela  veu  dire  des  places 
limit^es. 


342  JSTorth  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Et  ils  avoient  raison,  Car  dans  toutte  la  Province  il  n'y  avoit  pas 
un  Seul  endroit  de  Seurete,  ils  n'avoient  ny  provision  general  de 
bouche  ny  de  munitions  de  Guere,  ny  d'armes  chacun  estoit  pour 
ainsi  dire  abandone  a  la  geule  du  loup  Si  les  Sauvages  estoient  des 
gens  un  peu  mieux  faits  a  la  guere  ils  auroient  pu  detruire  les  habi- 
tants de  cette  Province  quand  ils  auroient  voulu.  Si  le  Bon  Dieu 
n'auroit  pas  mieux  veillez  ces  Carolins  legers,  il  n'en  Seroit  pas  reste 
un  ame. 

II  y  eust  beaucoup  de  psones  de  Pensilvanie  et  plusieurs  de  Vir- 
ginie  qui  prirent  de  lots,  tellement  qu'en  peu  d'anees  on  auroit  une 
jolie  Ville  j'en  y  auroit  transfere  le  Gouvernement  d'autant  que 
Little  River,  ou  La  Grande  assemblee  ce  tenoit,  il  n'y  avoit  que  quel- 
que  peu  de  maisons  dispersees  on  estoit  fort  Mall  et  point  en  Seurete. 

Pendant  que  je  m'occupois  a  etablir  de  mon  possible  les  affaires  de 
ma  Colonie,  ayant  meme  pour  la  Seurete  de  la  Colonie  d'en  haut  vers 
mellcreeck  fait  construire  une  redoute  pour  tenir  les  Indiens  en  bride 
de  ce  Cote:  Jai  fait  aussi  plusieurs  reglements  et  ordonances  tant 
pour  le  militaire  que  pour  le  Civil,  mes  provisions  de  Vivres  com- 
encerent  a  diminuer  et  les  marchandises  qui  Sont  en  ces  pays  come  de 
l'argent  Content  aussi;  tellement  que  ie  comencois  a  faire  de  reflexions 
bien  Serieuses  Sur  mon  entreprises,  bien  loin  de  recevoir  aucune  as- 
sistance et  Secours  soit  de  la  Province  ou  des  Lords  Prop:  Soit  de  mon 
Pays  et  de  ma  Societe  au  contraire  il  arivoit  des  billets  de  change 
protested,  dans  cette  mauvise  Situation  d'affaires,  ie  ni  Scavez  plus  ou 
me  tourner,  ayant  desia  ecrit  plusieurs  fois  au  pays  et  a  la  Societe 
pour  du  Secours  n'estant  Suivis  aucune  reponce,  et  de  crainte  quon  ne 
prenne  mes  informations  que  pour  des  Contes,  ie  m'advisay  de  Sonder 
Si  ie  ne  trouverois  pas  quelqu'un  de  la  Colonie  qui  degoute  de  Ses 
miseres  eust  envie  d'aller  au  pays,  j'en  trouvay  un,  qui  estoit  juste- 
ment  un  psonage  que  deux  membres  de  la  Societe  avoient  choisis  pour 
Soigner  leur  Plantation,  mais  qui  voyant  que  ces  Messieurs  ne  fournis- 
saient  pas  de  quoy  pour  Soutenir  prist  la  resolution  de  S'en  retourner 
chez  luy  me  promettant  meme  qu'il  ne  m'en  couteroit  que  les  frais 
iusques  en  Pensilvanie  je  luy  livray  pour  cela  5  Guines,  et  un  petit 
billet  de  change  pour  en  recevoir  autant  a  Philadelphia,  Mais  le  drille 
quand  il  fust  arive  a  Philadelphia  ne  ce  Contenta  pas  de  ci  peu,  et 
trouva  un  marchant  assez  facile  qui  Sans  mes  ordres,  Sur  mon  Credit 
luy  advanca  plus  qu'il  ne  faloit  a  Londre  il  en  fis  de  meme,  et  a  Am- 
sterdam aussi  ainsi  plus  outre  jusques  a  Berne,  et  nos  Messieurs  as- 
sossiez  bien  Surpris  de  voir  ce  visage  et  bien  plus  de  Son  effronterie  et 
grand  Conte.  Cependant  avant  le  depart  de  ce  mechant  Pellerin, 
j'avois  fait  et  remis  un  plan  du  Terrein  et  des  Rivieres  ou  j'avois  place 
ma  Colonie  et  un  memoire  de  ce  que  j'avois  fait  pour  cett  etablisse- 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      343 

ment  aussi  bien  que  les  frais  que  j'ay  eu  a  ce  Sujet  avec  un  Conte  de 
tout,  avec  une  lettre  preparee  pour  les  encourager  a  me  Soutenir  en 
cette  Enterprise  la  quelle  quoique  tres  difficile  au  Comencement  mais 
en  ayant  Surmonte  le  plus  dangereux  il  y  avoit  belle  apparence  de 
reussir  remettant  le  reste  a  La  relation  qu'il  feroit  de  bouche  princi- 
palement  concernant  la  beaute  et  bonte  du  pays:  Ce  qu'il  a  bien 
remis,  et  Suivant  que  j'en  Suis  informe  il  avoit  rien  obmis  de  ce  qui 
pouvoit  tendre  a  ladvantage  de  cett  Etablissement,  et  Sans  doute 
j'aurois  obtenu  le  Secours  necessaire  Sans  le  malheur  qui  m'est  arive 
peu  de  terns  apres,  come  il  est  a  voir  Si  apres  dans  ma  Relation. 

Dans  cett  esperance  d'un  prompt  Secours:  et  Suffisant  voyant  que 
les  vivres  pour  la  Colonie  me  coutoient  plus  de  voiture  que  d'achapt 
par  advis  de  bons  amis  et  psones  entendues  j'acheptay  une  Sloop,  un 
batiment  propre  pour  S'en  Servir  sur  mers  et  dans  les  rivieres,  avec 
une  barque  qui  ne  put  Servir  que  dans  les  Rivieres,  cecy  pour  lettres 
de  change;  Ces  batiments  me  firent  grand  Service  aussi  bien  qu'a  la 
Province,  comme  on  verra  cy  apres  et  ie  fus  meme  contraint  a  cett 
expedient  accause  qu'il  y  avoit  fort  peu  de  ces  batiments  dans  la 
Province  et  pendant  cette  guere  Civile  ils  furent  touts  engagez  ne 
pouvant  en  avoir  ny  pour  or  ny  pour  argent,  cependant  il  faloit  vivre. 
II  y  avoit  en  ce  terns  une  Si  grande  disette  de  Sell  accause  que  les 
estrangers  n'osient  se  hazarder  pendant  ces  troubles,  pour  en  amener, 
que  ie  fus  d'obligation  d'envoyer  ma  Sloop  aux  Isles  de  Barmuides 
pour  querir  du  Sell,  et  come  il  falut  quelques  chose  pour  echanger 
j'obtins  de  Mr.  le  Gouverneur  Hyde  pmission  d'amasser  des  graines 
(marginal  note,  cet  icy  du  ble  Lambard)  ca  et  la  dans  la  Province  Sur 
le  Comte  des  Lords  prop:  et  le  Sien,  mais  le  malheur  voulust  que  par 
un  grand  orage  ces  bleds  furent  moullez,  ce  qui  gasta  mon  rnarche  et 
le  profit  de  ce  voyage  fust  fort  petit,  cependant  le  Sell  que  j'eus  de 
Barmuides  me  fist  beaucoup  de  bien  et  a  mes  voisins,  et  fus  bien  con- 
tent que  pour  la  premiere  fois  mon  batiment  fust  Sauve  et  de  retour 
en  bon  etat  hormis  les  voiles  qui  estoient  bien  dechirez  et  quelques 
cordages  gatez,  il  avoit  este  absent  si  longtems  que  je  croyois  tout 
perdu,  cela  me  devoit  bien  mettre  en  peine  mayant  coute  300  £. 
Sterlins;  mais  le  plus  qui  me  mettoit  en  peine  c'est  l'equipage,  j'y 
avois  de  tres  bon  mattelots.  Dans  l'incertitude  de  ce  que  dessus 
pour  me  desennuyer,  je  suis  alle  quelque  fois  arpenter  des  Terres  et 
ie  ne  peu  de  moins  que  de  raconter  icy  une  advanture  assez  particu- 
liere  qui  preceda  celle  de  Catechna  ou  ie  fus  pris  captif  par  les  Sauvages. 

Un  jour  que  j'alois  arpenter  des  Terres,  Le  terns  estant  change 
froyant  une  grande  tempete,  n'aymant  pas  coucher  dans  les  bois,  ie 
laissay  mes  arpenteurs  et  pris  le  chemin  cle  la  maison  avec  mon  Valet, 
la  grande  haste  fist  que  ie  pris  un  Sentier  pour  l'autre,  qui  fust  si  long 


344  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

que  la  nuict  me  Surprist,  et  ie  tombay  justemt.  parmy  les  Indiens  qui 
delogerent  de  lendroit  ou  ie  mestois  placez  a  Chatoucka  psentemt. 
Neuberne.  Je  laisse  a  pencer  le  lecteur  dans  quelle  apprehension 
j'estois  et  si  les  Sauvages  n'avoient  pas  beau  jeu  de  ce  venger  contre 
moy  Si  ie  les  avois  maltraitte  et  que  je  n'eus  pas  bien  vecu  avec  Eux; 
n' ay  ant  rien  eu  a  me  reprocher  a  cett  egard,  ie  me  rassuray  un  peu 
et  par  bonheur  ils  me  receurent  tres  bien;  Ce  qui  devoit  augmenter 
mon  apprehension  estoit,  qu'un  des  Chefs  des  Sauvages  de  Core  qui 
n'estoit  pas  bien  porte  pour  les  Anglois  ce  trouva  justement  en  Visite 
aupres  du  Roy  Taylor,  Cependant  j'en  fus  quitte  pour  une  petite 
peur:  Come  j 'estoit  fort  altere  pour  avoir  parcouru  les  bois  toutte  la 
journee,  de  crainte  que  buvant  d'eau  elle  ne  me  fist  du  mall,  par 
surcroy  d'honestete  ils  envoyerent  aupres  d'une  femme  malade  qui 
avoit  du  Cidre  pour  m'en  faire  avoir,  ie  ne  l'apris  que  quelques  jours 
apres  sans  cela  ie  n'en  aurois  pas  tant  bu  et  ie  me  Serois  fait  de  la 
peine  de  priver  cette  pauvre  malade  d'une  boisson  dont  elle  en  Servoit 
plutost  pour  un  cordial,  que  pour  contenter  Son  palais.  Pour  mon 
Souper  le  Roy  me  fist  present  d'une  quartier  de  Venaison,  mais  ie  me 
passay  ce  Soir  de  Soupper,  fatigue  de  ma  Course  ie  fus  bien  aise  de  me 
reposer,  ie  fis  dont  tendre  par  mon  Valet  Ma  petite  tente  pour  y 
coucher  mais  ie  ne  dormis  guere:  Ils  firent  toutte  la  nuict  des  feus  de 
joye  dansant  et  chantant  a  l'entour  faisent  quelque  fois  des  Corus  et 
des  cris  qu'on  auroit  chasses  les  loups  du  bois,  musique  different  de 
celle  d'orphee  qui  apprivoisoit  les  bestes  les  plus  farouches.  Le  Lende- 
main  de  bon  mattin  le  Roy  me  dona  pour  convoy  deux  Sauvages  qui 
me  mirent  en  bon  chemin  et  m'accompagnerent  a  la  maison  apres 
leurs  avoir  done  bien  a  manger  et  a  boire  ie  leurs  remis  un  petit  pre- 
sent, pour  le  Roy  Taylor,  et  au  place  de  Son  Sydre  ie  luy  envoyay 
deux  bouteilles  de  Rum  ou  brantevin  de  Sucre  pour  en  faire  part 
aussi  a  la  pauvre  Malade  cordial  bien  meilleur,  ce  qui  fust  tres  bien 
receu  a  ce  que  j'ay  apris.  Ce  meme  Roy  ne  contribua  pas  peu  a  mon 
elargissement  apres  l'assistance  Divine,  lors  que  ie  fus  condamne  a 
mort  par  les  Sauvages  a  Catechna. 

31.  n'ayant  ny  lieu  de  retraitte,  ny  de  provisions  soit  de  vivres 
Soit  d'armes  Soit  de  munitions,  ne  les  encouraga  pas  peu  au  dessein 
projecte. 

32.  Celuy  dabord  apres  la  Soufferte  qui  ne  consistoit  qua  Sier  des 
tronces  d'arbres  pour  la  Scurte  publique  durant  un  Seul  jour  dont  la 
peine  n'aprochoit  pas  le  Crime,  passa  la  riviere  pour  rencontrer  les 
Indiens,  etc. 

33.  Les  Indiens  qui  avoient  de  la  peine  a  croire  une  Semblable 
pfidie  de  moy,  ce  doutterent  de  ce  que  le  drole  avoit  rapports,  ha- 
zarderent  un  de  leur  trouppe  qui  Sceut  bien  l'anglois  ce  fust  meme  mon 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern     345 

interprete  de  Catechna,  pour  l'envoyer  aupres  de  nous  quoy  qu'avec 
beaucoup  d'apprehension  d'etre  pris  et  en  danger  de  vie.  Sur  quoy  il 
ariva  une  assez  plaisante  advanture;  C'est  Indien  ayant  passe  dega  la 
riviere,  veilla  l'occasion  de  parler  a  quelqu'un  de  mes  gens,  pour  Sca- 
voir  la  realite*  de  ce  fait,  quand  l'lndien  voulust  aprocher  un  de  mes 
Colonistes  le  pauvre  home  fust  tellement  epouvante  qu'il  vient  tout 
essoufle  mettre  Pallarme  dans  mon  quartier  et  m'advertit  qu'il  avoit 
vu  un  Sauvage  qui  avoit  voullu  S'approcher,  que  Sans  doute  les 
autres  n'estoient  pas  loin,  ce  qui  en  effect  m'allarma  un  peu  et  ie  mis 
mon  monde  en  posture.  Cependant  ie  m'imaginay  pourtant  que  les 
Indiens  impatients  d' avoir  leur  Rantion  pouvoient  avoir  envoy e 
quelqu'un  pour  voir  a  quoy  on  en  estoit:  J'ordonay  dont  au  meme 
home  qui  avoit  pris  l'epouvante  de  ce  remettre  au  meme  endroit  Seul, 
que  de  loin  ie  posteray  des  gens  pour  le  deffendre  en  cas  de  danger,  ce 
qu'on  fist,  peu  de  terns  apres,  le  Sauvage  ne  manqua  pas  de  ce  mon- 
trer  et  S'approchant  luy  fist  Signe,  qu'il  ne  devoit  rien  craindre,  notre 
home  faisant  le  meme  Signe  a  L'autre  ils  S'approcherent  a  la  fin  et 
s'aboucherent:  Ils  vinrent  dont  sur  le  Chapitre  du  marschal  qui  avoit 
parle  contre  moy,  Sans  pourtant  que  jamais  le  Sauvage  voullut  le 
nomer,  mais  il  en  parla  bien  d'une  maniere  qu'on  pouvoit  diviner 
qui  s'etoit:  Notre  home  qui  avoit  Son  Instruction  representa  que  les 
Sauvages  estoient  mall  inform^,  et  que  S'estoit  un  malhonest  home  qui 
avoit  fait  ses  Scinistres  rapports,  que  ie  gardois  une  exacte  Neutrality  bien 
loin,  que  les  Anglois  n'estoient  pas  contents  de  moy,  en  ce  que  ie  n'avois 
voulu  me  joindre  a  Eux,  me  contentant  de  garder  mon  poste,  insinu- 
ant  plus  outre  que  les  Sauvages  devoient  ramener  les  Palatins  prison- 
iers  S'ils  voulloient  avoir  leur  Rantion,  et  plusieurs  autres  choses  que 
notre  home  eust  ordre  de  dire:  apres  Sans  faire  beaucoup  de  bruit  il 
laissa  aller  L'lndien  luy  insinuant  qua  l'advenir  aucun  des  Sauvages 
ne  devoit  plus  venir  par  icy,  que  S'ils  avoient  a  dire  quelque  chose, 
qu'ils  devoient  faire  un  feu  vis  a  vis  de  notre  quartier,  qu' apres  i'envoy- 
eray  quelqu'un  a  batteau  pour  leur  parler,  mais  qu'on  leur  parleroit  que 
Sur  l'eau,  et  Eux  les  Indiens  devoient  venir  en  contre  et  pas  plus  de 
deux  a  la  fois. 

34.  Le  Susnome"  Brice  qui  auroit  bien  eu  envie  d'avoir  ses  utensils 
principalement  ceux  qui  Servoient  pour  raccommoder  les  fusils,  s 'ad visa 
de  les  ravoir  par  finesse,  S'il  ne  les  pourroit  avoir  autrement,  resolu 
meme  de  les  prendre  par  force, 

35.  (pretextant  que  S'est  pour  la  defence  et  service  de  la  Patrie) 

36.  petit  fort 

37.  Ce  qui  auroit  este  fait  si  j'avois  eu  des  temoins  Suffisants  con- 
tre luy. 

38.  marquees  d'une  marque  — :  ce  qui  Signifie  News 


346  .   North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

39.  (qui  proprement  ne  furent  pas  en  action  contre  Eux  mais 
Soubconez  d'etre  du  partis  de  leurs  Ennemys) 

40.  Quand  l'Assemblee  Generale  fust  convoquee  ie  ne  manquay 
pas  de  my  transporter:  Premiermt.  ie  me  presentay  dans  la  maison 
haute  consistant  de  Monsr.  Le  Gouverneur  des  Representants  des 
Lords  Proprietaires  des  Conseillers,  et  Cassiques  ou  Gentilshomes  de  la 
Province.  Apres  que  j'eus  fait  mes  plaintes  et  m'etre  justifie  de  ma 
Conduite  ie  me  transportay  a  la  maison  Basse,  Consistant  en  Deputez 
des  Communes,  apres  un  petit  discours  au  Sujet  de  question,  ie  de- 
manday  apres  Ses  Calomniateurs  qui  avoit  pris  information  Secrette 
Sans  aucun  ordre  de  Magistrature,  Voulus  qu'on  me  les  nommast  et 
qu'on  me  produisit,  ou  l'original  ou  copie  des  20  ou  23  articuls  qu'on 
avoit  forme  contre  moy,  Je  voullois  absolument  que  L'accusateur  ce 
produisit,  affin  que  ie  le  puisse  convaincre  de  faussete,  m'innocenter  et 
justifier  en  due  forme,  mais  psone  n'osa  ny  ce  produire  ny  Seulement 
ouvrir  la  bouche  au  Sujet  de  ces  fausses  accusations. 

Sans  doute  Ses  faux  accusateurs  eurent  vent  et  aprirent  de  quelle 
maniere  ie  m'estois  justifie  aupres  de  Mrs.  les  Gouverns.  de  Virginie  et 
Caroline,  et  voyant  que  ma  conduite  fust  aprouvee  ils  n'oserent  pour- 
suivre  leurs  accusations  de  crainte  de  Succomber.  Cependant  parmy 
tout  cela  mon  honner  et  Reputation  Souffrit  beaucoup  et  meme  ie  fus 
en  danger  de  ma  vie,  d'autant  que  parmy  les  Palatins  de  mes  Res- 
sortissants  meme  il  s'estoit  trouve  de  faux  temoins  que  faire  dont 
dans  cette  malheureux  Situation  d'affaires?  Voyant  que  psone  ne 
voulust  parler,  je  commencay  moy  meme  a  nomer  les  accusateurs 
fulminant  contre  Eux,  et  demandant  Justice;  Mais  helas!  dans  un 
Gouvernment  Si  confus  ou  le  premier  feu  de  Sedition  ne  fust  pas 
encore  tout  a  fait  eteint,  une  bone  partie  des  membres  de  ce  Parlement 
gardant  encore  des  rancunes  Secrettes  et  qui  estoient  bons  amis  de  ce 
Brice  qui  en  fust  aussi,  et  qui  aurroient  ete  bien  aise  que  quelque  af- 
front m'ariva,  pour  avoir  tenu  le  partis  de  Mons.  le  Gouverneur: 
d'autre  cote  embarasses  de  cette  Guerre  Indiene,  ie  ne  pus  avoir 
auccune  autre  Satisfaction,  Si  non  que  de  voir  un  profond  Silence. 
Sur  ma  representation  et  defence.  II  est  vray  que  Mr.  le  Gouvern: 
et  la  maison  Haute  me  firent  des  excuses  et  un  compliment,  me  r 'en- 
voy ant  au  reste  a  demander  Justice  Selon  les  formalitez  usitees  en 
terns  de  Paix  contre  mes  Calomniateurs:  Songees  mon  cher  lecteur 
combien  de  terns  il  auroit  falu  attendre  pour  avoir  ma  due  Satisfac- 
tion, puis  qu'a  l'heure  qu'il  est  la  Guerre  Indiene  n'est  pas  finie. 
Marginal  note  A.  1716—. 

41.  Ces  pauvres  gens  qui  ne  Sentoient  que  trop  les  effets  de  l'extre- 
mite  dans  la  quelle  nous  times  alors,  (n'estant  reste  de  nos  provisions 
qu'une  mesure  de  bled,  ayant  soutenu  22  Semaines  sans  aucun  Secours 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been     347 

de  quoy  que  ce  Soit  du  Gouvernement  ou  cle  la  Province)  n'eurent  pas 
de  la  peine  de  consentir  a  ce  que  ie  leurs  proposoit. 

42.  Un  Planteur  Anglois  de  la  Secte  des  trembleurs, 

43.  Le  Gouvernement  de  Sud  Caroline  envoya  dont  800  Sauvages 
tributaires,  avec  50  Anglois  Carolins,  sous  Comendement  de  Colonel 
Barnwell 

44.  brancar. 

45.  L'endroit  de  notre  Rendevous  fust  chez  un  tres  galant  home  le 
Sieur  Rosier,  pres  de  la  chutte  de  Potomack  ou  quelques  messieurs  de 
Pensilvanie  qui  estoient  aussi  interessez  avec  nous,  m'estoient  venus  a 
rencontre,  dans  l'esperance  de  voir  une  fois  ce  qu'en  Seroit  de  cette 
belle  et  riche  mine  d'argent  dont  le  Sieur  M:  en  fist  tant  bruit,  et  a 
quelle  recherche  ils  avoient  desia  fournis  tant  d'argent.  Nous  estant 
tenu  assez  longtems  a  cett  endroit  Sans  aprendre  aucune  nouvelle  ny 
du  Sr.  M.  ny  de  la  Colonie  qu'attendions  de  jour  a  autre  avec  impa- 
tience; Les  demarches  si  etranges  de  ce  M.  nous  firent  presque  douter 
et  pas  Sans  raison  de  la  realite  de  ses  advances.  C'est  pour  quoy  nous 
primes  la  resolution  d'aller  nous  memes  visiter  l'endroit  des  mines, 
dont  il  nous  avoit  done  un  plan:  Nous  preparames  dont  en  meilleure 
forme  pour  ce  Voyage  quoy  que  bien  dangereux;  Et  come  j'avois  forme 
ce  dessein  desia  avant  que  j'eusse  ete  advertis  de  ce  rendevous,  ie  pris 
mes  precautions,  communiquant  mon  dessein  a  Mons:  le  Gouver.  de 
Virginie  qui  me  dona  des  Patentes,  mememant  publia  des  Manclats 
par  lesquels  il  ordona  qu'a  ma  premiere  recherche  ou  Sur  les  premiers 
advis  des  gardes  frontieres  devoient  me  Suivre  et  m'accompagner. 
Quand  nous  vinmes  a  un  petit  village  nome  Canavest  endroit  en- 
chant e  et  bien  plaisant,  environ  40  miles  au  dessus  la  Chute  de  Poto- 
mack nous  trouvames  la  un  trouppeau  de  Sauvages  etablis,  et  princi- 
palement  un  francois  cle  Canada,  nome  Martin  Charetier  qui  avoit 
epouse  une  Indienne  ou  Sauvage,  qui  etoit  en  grand  Credit  parmy  les 
Sauvages  riere  Pensilvanie  et  Maryland,  et  Sur  les  beaux  advancez  du 
Sr.  M.  sy  estoit  place,  quittant  pour  ce  Suject  son  endroit  ou  il  fust 
bien  etablis  en  Pensilvanie.  Ce  meme  Martin  Charetier  avoit  aussi 
fait  le  Voyage  de  Senantona  pour  la  recherche  des  Mines  avec  le  Sr. 
M.  et  y  contribua  une  bone  Some  d'argent;  Cett  home  nous  advertit 
que  les  Indiens  qui  estoient  dans  le  Voisinage  de  cette  Montagne  de 
S:  ou  devoient  etre  les  mines,  estoient  fort  allarmez  de  cette  Guerre 
qu'avions  avec  les  Tuscoruros,  que  nous  ne  devions  pas  nous  hazarder 
dans  un  Voyage  Si  dangereux  Sans  necessite,  a  quoy  nous  times 
attention  remettant  ce  partis  pour  une  occasion  et  terns  plus  assure. 
Cependant  nous  times  une  alliance  avec  ses  Indiens  de  Canavest  come 
tres  necessaire,  tant  par  raport  des  Mines  qu'esperions  trouver  par  la 
aussi  bien  qu'accause  de  l'Etablissement  qu'avions  resolu  de  faire  en 


348  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Ses  endroits  de  notre  petite  Colonie  Bernoise  qu'attendions.  Apres 
cela  nous  visitames  ses  beaux  endroits  du  Pays,  ses  Isles  enchanters 
Sur  la  Riviere  de  Potomack  au  dessus  la  Chutte:  Et  dela  a  notre  re- 
tour  nous  allames  sur  une  montagne  haute  seule  au  millieu  d'un  vaste 
pays  plat,  nome  accause  de  sa  forme  Sugarlove  qui  veut  dire  en  franc- 
ais  pain  de  Sucre,  prenant  avec  nous  un  arpenteur:  Le  susdit  Martin 
Charetier  et  quelques  Sauvages.  Des  cette  montagne  nous  vimes  une 
grande  etendue  de  Pays  partie  de  Virginie,  Maryland,  Pensylvanie,  et 
Caroline,  nous  Servant  du  compas,  nous  fimes  un  plan,  et  observames 
particulierement  la  montagne  de  Senantona  ou  devoient  etre  les  mines, 
trouvames  que  cette  montagne  etoit  situ£e  riere  Virginie  et  non  riere 
Pensilvanie  come  on  nous  en  avoit  done*  le  Plan,  et  par  hazard  deux 
de  ces  Sauvages  connaissant  la  Situation  de  cette  Montagne,  nous 
dirent  qu'ils  avaient  desia  rode"  par  la,  qu'ils  avaient  presque  visite" 
touts  les  coins  de  cette  Montagne  mais  qu'ils  navoient  trouve  aucun 
Mineral  et  que  notre  plan  n'estoit  pas  juste  de  quoy  nous  fumes  bien 
Surpris.  Nous  decouvrimes  de  cette  hauteur  trois  chenes  de  Mon- 
tagnes  toujours  une  plus  haute  que  l'autre,  un  peu  eloign  ees,  et  des 
tres  beau  Valons  entre  les  premieres;  Apres  que  fumes  redescendus  de 
cette  Montagne  ou  il  y  eust  au  bas  une  tres  belle  et  bone  fontaine  et 
bon  terrein,  nous  allames  coucher  chez  ce  Martin  Charetier  ou  nous 
fumes  logez  et  traittez  a  l'indiene:  Le  jour  apres  nous  partimes  pour 
nous  en  retourner,  nous  descendimes  la  Riviere  a  quell  sujet  Les  In- 
diens  nous  firent  un  petit  batteau  d'ecorce  d'arbre  a  moins  d'une 
demie  journee  d'une  adresse  merveilleuse,  nous  y  entrames  5  de  nous 
et  deux  Sauvages,  qui  conduisoient  le  navet,  nous  y  mimes  encore 
notre  bagage  c'estoit  un  charme  de  voir  en  descendant  le  beau  pays  a 
cotes  et  les  jolies  isles,  mais  quand  nous  vinmes  aupres  d'un  grand 
Roc  au  meilleu  de  la  Riviere  guere  loin  de  la  chutte  come  est  a  voir 
dans  le  plan  No.  6.  nous  trouvames  le  passage  dangereux  (car  a  len- 
tour  de  ce  roc  qui  est  presque  une  petite  montagne  ou  il  y  a  une 
jolie  plaine  dessus  ou  meme  il  y  demeuroit  un  Indien)  il  y  a  encore 
quantite  de  petit  rocs  et  grosses  pieres  ce  qu'il  fait  que  les  passages 
sont  rapides  etroits  et  mechants;  Je  ne  voulus  pas  y  descendre  et 
sortimes  touts,  hormis  Mr.  Rosier  qui  connoissant  l'adresse  des  In- 
diens  l'hazarda,  quand  nous  vimes  de  loin  quels  tours  quil  falut  faire, 
de  quelle  adresse  inexprimable  il  falut  conduire  ce  canon  ou  navet, 
nous  crumes  quasi  qu'il  y  avait  de  la  magie  dans  le  fait,  et  nous  fumes 
bien  aise  detre  dehors,  principalemt.  quand  nous  entendimes  chanter 
les  Indiens  lors  qu'ils  passerent  d'une  grande  rapidite,  hurtant  presque 
a  une  grosse  piere  ou  roche,  cela  fist  pourtant  prier  mon  bon  Sr. 
Rosier  tant  hardis  qu'il  put  etre:  A  une  4d.  de  lieu  de  dela  ce  mechant 
passages  ils  s'arreterent  et  nous   rentrames  au  batteau,   le  bon  home 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been     349 

Rosier  encore  tout  pasle  de  peur  nous  assura  bien  qu'il  ne  Seroit  plus 
si  temeraire,  Nous  descendimes  de  la  fort  bien  et  doucement  la 
Riviere,  jusques  a  la  Chutte,  a  un  4d  de  lieu  de  ca  nous  Sortimes  les 
valets  ayant  amene  la  nos  cheveaux.  cependant  avant  que  de  monter 
a  cheval  nous  regardames  come  les  Indiens  portoient  leur  navet  Sur 
les  epaules  dans  le  bois  pour  le  raccommoder,  s'estant  bien  garde  de 
nous  dire  que  le  bout  avoit  este  gate  en  hurtant  contre  line  roche,  il 
falut  raccourcir  le  navet  en  coupant  ce  bout,  apres  l'avoir  bien  r'ac- 
comode  les  Indiens  le  rapporterent  a  la  Riviere,  et  furent  assez  teme- 
raires  que  de  descendre  le  Saut  ou  la  grande  chutte  de  Potomack,  ils 
passerent  a  leur  dire  heureusement,  mais  pourtant  ils  nous  mirent 
bien  en  peine  en  ce  quils  tarderent  beaucoup  avant  que  de  nous 
joindre  chez  Mons.  Rosier  ou  nous  logames:  Je  restay  encore  quelque 
terns  chez  ce  mons.  y  attendant  toujours  mon  Peuple  de  Caroline,  le 
reste  de  la  Compagnie  reprirent  le  Chemin  de  Pensilvanie,  mal  Satis- 
fait  des  tergiversations  de  M.  M.  et  de  Son  etrange  conduite. 

II  est  a  remarquer  icy  que  le  Sr.  M.  que  ie  nomme  pas  icy  par  des 
bones  considerations,  bien  a  dupe"  du  monde  par  ses  belles  Relations  et 
psuasions  d'avoir  trouve  des  mines  si  riches,  et  Si  jay  done  aussi  dans 
le  panneau,  il  estoit  facile  de  m'atraper  estant  etranger  dan  ces 
Pays,  mon  fondement  fust  1.  que  ie  croyais  un  home  de  sa  qualite 
et  encore  compatriot,  incapable  de  Semblables  tours.  2.  le  mineral 
qu'il  avoit  montre,  ayant  este  prouve  fust  trouve*  bien  bon.  3.  Les 
serments  quil  fist.  4.  Les  Patents  qu'il  demandoit  a  la  Reine  d'Angle- 
terre  pour  ce  fait,  un  trait  bien  hardis.  5.  puis  que  tant  de  psones  de 
Pensilvanie  et  d'autre  Provinces  avait  fait  le  voyage  tout  ouverte- 
ment  avec  pmission  des  Gouverneurs  voisins  pour  la  decouverte  de 
ses  mines  il  paraissoit  quelque  chose  de  reel  dans  le  fait.  6.  Entre 
autres  il  sy  etoient  interesse,  un  marchand  de  Pensilvanie  bien  ruse 
et  pas  jeune,  encore  un  habile  orfeuvre  et  d'autres  psone  qui  de- 
voient  bien  connoitre  le  Terrein  par  la,  Voyant  que  ceux  cy  habiles 
gens  habitants  dans  ces  Pays  des  leurs  jeunesse  meme,  quelques 
uns  natifs  dans  ces  Lieux  y  hazardoient  des  Somes  considerables,  ie 
ne  pouvois  m'imaginer  qu'ils  n'eussent  pas  pris  touttes  leurs 
Scuretez  et  pcautions.  7.  Nous  fimes  un  traitte  formel  avec  des 
mineurs  d'Allemagne,  pour  acheminer  le  tout  le  Sr.  M.  fist  un  Voyage 
en  Hollande  pour  s'entreparler  avec  le  Chef  des  mineurs  qui  devoit 
preparer  touts  les  ustensils  et  choses  necessaires  pour  cette  Entre- 
prise,  qui  coustaient  pres  de  1000  Escubl.  8.  Monsieur  Penn  Pro- 
prietaire  de  Pensilvanie  fist  un  Traitte  avec  nous,  ayant  connoissance 
de  tout  ce  fait  a  fond,  qui  nous  favorisa  beaucoup  a  cett  egard,  meme 
etablist  le  Sr.  M.  Directeur  general  de  touts  les  mineraux  de  La  Pro- 
vince.    Qui  apres  tant  d'autres  Semblables  demarches,  douteroit  plus 


350  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

de  la  realite  du  fait.  De  cette  farce  il  y  auroit  une  histoire  entiere  a 
faire,  et  assez  Grotesque,  mais  ie  plains  les  pauvres  mineurs  qui  ont 
quitte  le  Certain  qu'ils  avoient  en  Allemagne  pour  aller  chercher  1 'in- 
certain  en  Amerique,  pour  une  bone  vocation  qu'ils  avoient,  ils  ont 
psentement  rien  que  ce  qu'ils  peuvent  profiter  de  quelque  terrein 
defriche  ou  ils  Sont  oblige  de  vivre  bien  petitemt.  Le  Maitre  Mineur 
meme  fust  arrete  avec  touts  Ses  hardes  et  utensils  par  l'Ambassadeur 
de  L'Empereur  et  en  danger  d'une  grande  peine,  Meme  de  Sa  vie,  si 
l'Ambassadeur  d'Angleterre  n'eust  trouve  le  moyen  de  le  liberer. 

46.  Je  reviens  a  la  petite  nouvelle  Colonie  que  Voullions  etablir, 
Je  crois  qu'il  y  a  guere  d'endroits  dans  le  monde,  plus  beau  et  mieux 
Situe  que  celuy  cy  de  Potomack  et  de  Canavest  lequell  nous  voul- 
ions  partager  en  deux  petites  Colonies.  La  premiere  Justement  dessus 
le  Saut  ou  Chutte,  ou  il  y  a  une  tres  jolie  Isle  de  tres  bon  terrain  et 
vis  a  vis  un  Coin  entre  la  grand  Riviere  de  Potomack  et  une  autre 
petite  Riviere  nome  Gold  Creeck,  en  francois  ruisseau  d'or,  comode 
pour  recevoir  tout  ce  qui  vient  d'enhaut  la  Riviere  les  plus  gros  navires 
marchands,  y  pouvant  faire  voile,  aussi  bien  que  ce  qui  vient  en  bas 
de  dessus  le  Saut  ou  d'alentour,  L'autre  Colonie  devoit  etre  etablie 
pres  de  Canavest  come  est  a  voir  par  le  Plan. 

Marginal  note  says :  Belle  Situation  des  Terres  dessus  et  dessous  le 
Saut  de  Potomack  ou  nous  voullions  etablir  aussi  une  Colonie  vide  le 
plan. 

47.  C'estoit  de  pousser  outre  contre  Mexique,  il  voulloit  que  ie 
transferasse  la  Colonie  le  long  de  la  Riviere  de  Mesesipy,  par  la  il  a 
fait  voir  ou  qu'il  avoit  perdu  le  bon  Sens  ou  qu'il  etoit  un  fourbe,  ie 
crois  l'un  et  l'autre  ensemble:  Sans  doute  il  avoit  bu  quand  il  ecrivit 
cette  lettre. 

48.  1.  Cette  Riviere  de  Mesesipy  est  bien  eloignee  de  l'endroit  ou 
nous  estions  en  Nord  Caroline,  ou  prendre  les  vivres  pour  tant  de 
monde,  et  la  voiture.  2.  Quelle  Scurete  contre  les  capres  et  les 
Nations  Ennemies  estant  alors  en  guere  avec  la  France,  3.  Coment 
passer  parmy  tant  de  Sortes  de  Sauvages  inconnus,  terrible  danger  et 
quelque  chose  de  bien  temeraire.  4.  II  y  a  3  Nations  qui  y  ptendent 
L'Espagne,  La  France,  et  L'Angleterre,  il  croyoit  que  Berne  come 
Neutre  obtiendroit  ce  Pays  facilement,  quelle  pensee!  cela  s'apelle 
batir  des  Chatteaux  en  Hispagne.  5.  Considered  l'incapacite  de  L'Etat 
de  Berne  qui  pour  n'avoir  pas  des  forces  maritimes  ne  Scauroit  Sou- 
tenir  un  Pays  si  eloign e*  6.  ce  Pays  est  desia  marque  par  les  deux 
Puissances  L'Espagne  et  la  France,  La  premiere  possedant  les  Pays 
del  a  de  la  Riviere  contre  le  Mexique,  La  Seconde  ce  qui  est  de  ca  la 
Riviere  le  prenant  pour  une  dependance    ou  plutost  une  bienseance 


Gbaffeneied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been     351 

a  la  Canada,  en  ayant  pris  desia  possession  et  y  batis  plusieurs 
forts  come  est  a  voir  a  la  petite  Mappe  de  Mexique  et  La  Nouvelle 
France; 

49.  voulant  faire  encore  un  essay. 

50.  item  s'il  n'avoit  rien  laisse  de  mes  linges  et  meubles 

51.  En  ce  traject  il  ne  se  passa  rien  d'extraordinaire,  hormis  que 
nous  fumes  une  fois  bien  en  danger,  par  la  negligence  de  notre  Cap- 
taine  qui  dans  un  tres  grand  orage  dormoit  bien  a  Son  aise,  quoy  que 
les  mattelots  Padvertissassent  plusieurs  fois  il  ne  s'en  pressa  pas  de 
regarder  ce  qui  pourroit  manquer  tellement  que  le  petit  voile  de  dessus 
le  beaupre  fust  engloutis  par  les  ondes,  les  cordes  rompirent,  alors 
notre  vaisseau  passa  au  dessous  les  ondes  tellement  que  nous  fumes 
dans  leau  et  touts  mouillez,  bientot  apres  le  Beaupre  rompist  qui  est 
la  pointe  du  Vaisseau,  et  nous  crumes  de  perir,  il  fallust  attacher  les 
mattelots  a  des  cordes  et  les  plonger  dans  la  mer  fort  agitee  pour  pecher 
les  cordes,  voile,  et  principalment  le  beaupre,  lequell  on  eust  bien  de  la 
peine  de  lever,  ces  pauvres  mattelots  furent  bien  mouillez  et  battus 
des  vagues  il  falut  avaler  quelque  fois  de  leau  Salee,  a  la  fin  nous  eumes 
les  Choses  les  plus  necessaires,  on  ce  tremoussa  beaucoup  et  on  travailla 
a  raccomoder  le  Beaupre  le  mieux  qu'on  put  le  vent  cessa  un  peu  et 
on  put  r'accomoder  ce  qu'il  faloit  plus  a  Paise,  mais  apres  accause 
que  le  beaupre  fust  r'accourcis,  notre  Navire,  n'alast  plus  avec  cette 
vitesse  come  auparavant. 

Quelques  jours  apres  nous  decouvrimes  une  chose  assez  curieuse. 
La  premiere  fois  nous  crumes  de  voir  de  loin  un  voile,  ce  qui  nous 
obliga  d'ordoner  au  petit  garcon  de  monter  au  haut  du  Mas,  la  il  ap- 
perceut  que  ce  qui  paroissoit  blanc  estoit  trop  gros  pour  des  voiles,  a 
la  fin  il  cria  que  c 'estoit  Sans  doute  du  terrein  et  nous  bien  en  peine 
nous  croyons  au  millieu  de  L'ocean,  nous  examinames  dabord  la  Carte 
ou  mappe  geographique,  times  le  conte  des  heures  ou  miles  qu'avions 
fait,  et  trouvames  qu'en  cette  latitude  il  n'y  avoit  point  d'Isles;  affin 
que  nous  ne  hurtions  a  cett  endroit  inconnu,  nous  trouvames  a  la 
droite,  a  la  fin  nous  decouvrimes  que  cestoit  un  monceau  de  glace 
qui  Sans  doute  par  un  vent  chaud  s'  estoit  defait  de  ces  glaciers  du 
Nord,  nous  en  aprochames  de  bien  pres  et  nous  fumes  surpris  de  voir 
une  petite  montagne  de  glace  flottant  au  millieu  de  L'ocean.  La 
forme  et  la  figure  en  etoit  Come  une  forteresse  de  hauteur,  on  y  voyoit 
une  espece  de  rempart,  des  maisons,  tournelets,  etc.  Petendue  en  etoit 
meme  assez  grande  tellement  qu'on  eust  cru  que  ce  fust  un  fort  si 
cela  avoit  paru  en  terre  ferme  en  hyver:  La  glaciere  flottante  Contre 
le  Sudwest  ,  et  nous  faisants  Voile  contre  Nordost,  nous  la  perdimes  de 
vue. 


352  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

52.  Ce  qui  me  fist  une  peine  inconcevable;  a  la  fin  ie  me  tremoussay 
beaucoup  aupres  de  quelque  gros  Seigneur  pour  procurer  a  ces  gens  du 
travail  et  du  pain,  on  les  employa  a  faire  ou  raccomoder  une  grande 
dique,  mais  une  pluye  forte  survient  et  tout  fust  ren verse,  il  falut  dont 
regarder  pour  des  nouveaux  expedients  pour  les  faire  subsister,  ie 
trouvay  place  a  une  partie  mais  pas  a  touts  Cependant  j'estois  press e* 
d'aller  chez  moi,  craignant  de  Voyager  en  hyver  Sentant  desia  une 
atteinte  de  goute  qui  ne  S'accomode  pas  du  froid:  Je  trouvay  a  la  fin 
deux  Puissants  marchands  negotients  pour  la  Virginie,  aux  quels  ie 
proposay  et  recomanday  le  mieux  cette  affaire,  avec  cela  ie  Consultay 
un  Seigneur  de  Consideration  a  qui  ie  fus  reccomande,  par  Mr.  le 
Gouv.  de  Virginie  justement  concernant  les  mines  affin  qu'il  me  put 
Servir  et  rendre  des  bons  offices  en  Cour.  Nous  conclumes,  que  Ses 
gens  devoient,  etc. 

53.  Le  Capite.  du  batiment.  a  qui  il  falut  confier  la  chose  (marginal 
note:  que  j'avois  dans  mon  coffret  quelque  chose  de  contrebande.), 
pourtant  Sous  un  autre  nom,  me  conseilla  d'aller  dans  un  petit  bat- 
teau  a  Gravesand,  pour  ly  attendre,  lorsque  ie  fus  a  moitie  chemin  il 
s'eleva  un  Si  gros  Vent  Contraire,  que  ie  fus  contraint  d'aborder  et  re- 
brousser  un  peu  et  de  marcher  a  pied  a  Gravesand,  ou  ie  couchay  et 
restay  un  jour  entier,  mais  y  faisant  cher  vivre  et  ne  Sachant  pas  si  ce 
vent  contraire  dura  encore  Longtems,  considerant  avec  cela  que  cecy 
estoit  aussi  un  port,  ie  repris  le  chemin  de  Londre  ou  mon  Capt.  du 
vaisseau  n'etoit  pas  encore  prest,  attendant  un  Vent  plus  favorable, 
cependant  ie  restay  a  Southrick  de  dela  la  Tamise,  jusques  a  nouvel 
ordre;  Lorsqu'il  eust  debarque  ie  fus  advertis  de  le  Suivre,  et  a  Green- 
wich ie  suis  entre  dans  le  Vaisseau,  et  un  peu  hors  de  la  Ville  de  Grave- 
sand me  laissa  Sortir  me  disant  que  ie  devois  attendre  jusquace  qu'il 
eust  accuse  tout  ce  qu'il  y  avoit  dans  le  batiment :  Nonobstant  qu'il 
eust  dit  aux  Visitateurs  que  mon  Coffret  apartenoit  a  un  Gentilhome 
de  St.  Valeris,  qu'il  pouvoit  temoigner  que  ce  n'estoit  que  des  habits 
et  hardes,  ils  ne  voulurent  pas  ce  contenter  de  cela;  il  m'envoya  dont 
promptement  un  garcon  pour  m'advertir  qu'il  me  falust  ouvrir  mon 
coffret,  ce  qui  me  mist  en  peine  pourtant  ie  tiens  bone  mine  et  parlay 
francais,  ie  pris  d'abord  ma  Clef  avec  un  demy  Eccu  d'angleterre  et  le 
donay  au  Comis  le  priant  de  ne  pas  chifoner  mes  habits  qui  etoient  si 
bien  ployez,  ce  qui  passa  par  bonheur,  car  S'ils  avoient  examine  tout 
j'aurois  et£decouvert  et  en  danger. 

Apres  cela  nous  passames  outre,  Lorsque  nous  fumes  presque  vers 
L'Embouchure  de  la  Tamise  aupres  d'un  Port  nome  Marguet  il  seleva 
un  Si  terrible  orage  accompagne  de  tonere  et  declairs  que  nous  fumes 
en  grand  danger,  qu'a  peine  nous  pumes  retenir  l'ancre  durant  la 
nuict.     Le  jour  Suivant  lors  que  le  vent  fust  un  peu  appaise,  nous 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      353 

fimes  voile  plus  outre,  et  lorsque  nous  fumes  sur  le  haut  de  la  mer, 
un  gros  vent  contraire  nous  poussa  en  un  endroit  plain  de  bancs  de 
Sable,  tenement  que  nous  fumes  oblige  de  rebrousser  et  d'aborder  a  un 
autre  Port  nome  Ramsey,  si  les  gens  de  cette  Vilette  et  grand  nombre 
de  Mattelots  n'etoient  venus  a  notre  Secours,  nous  serions  peris  in- 
failliblement.  C'est  la  ou  nous  fumes  oblige  de  rester  8  jours  accause 
du  vent  contraire  et  affin  de  pouvoir  rapatasser  nos  voiles  dechire'z  et 
accomoder  dautres  affaires,  ce  qui  me  fust  bien  incomode,  accause  que 
ie  n'avois  pas  beaucoup  d'argent  pour  mon  Voyage  de  Paris,  n'ayant 
pas  fait  mon  Conte  de  faire  de  la  depense  hors  du  Vaisseau.  Lorsque 
le  vent  fust  un  peu  apaise  nous  sortimes,  mais  fumes  repousse  pour  la 
Seconde  fois:  A  la  fin  le  Vent  ce  changea  a  Nordost  qui  nous  fust 
favorable,  ainsi  nous  passames  pres  de  Douvre,  apres  cela  le  Vent  ce 
changea  encore  une  fois.  Le  Voyage  ou  traject  me  fist  plus  de  peine 
que  celuy  ou  ie  passay  deux  fois  L'ocean,  au  lieu  de  3  jours  nous 
eumes  3  Semaines  pour  St.  Valeris  et  ou  il  y  a  un  entree  Si  danger- 
euse  qu'il  falust  que  des  guides  nous  vinrent  a  la  rencontre  pour  nous 
mener,  car  il  fist  un  grand  vent  on  ne  put  voir  les  marques.  Je  faillis 
encore  detre  arreste  a  St.  Valeris  pour  n'avoir  pas  engraisse  la  patte 
des  Comis  du  Port  qui  d'une  maniere  fort  brusque  me  demanderent  le 
passeport,  Sans  doute  pour  m'epouvanter  afnn  d'avoir  la  piece,  mais 
come  si  ie  Savois  que  les  Suisses  avoient  le  passage  libre  dans  touttes 
la  France  ie  ne  fis  pas  grand  facon  avec  Eux  et  come  il  me  citerent 
devant  le  Gouverneur,  j'y  allay  d'abord,  et  luy  montray  un  petit 
billet  de  change  pour  Paris  par  lequell  il  pouvoit  voir  que  j'estois 
Suisse  et  Bernois,  Luy  disant  que  ie  n'avois  pas  demande  un  passeport 
puisque  les  Suisses  etoient  en  alliance  avec  la  France,  et  que  meme 
une  bone  partie  etoient  au  Service  du  Roy,  que  moi  meme  avois  passe 
et  repass e  en  France  que  iamais  on  ne  m'en  avoit  demande,  Mr.  le 
Gouverneur  fust  Satisfait  de  ma  reponce  et  ie  Suivis  outre  a  mon 
Voyage  montant  en  haut  la  Riviere  pour  Abeville  ou,  j'entray  dans 
la  diligence  pour  Paris,  ou  ie  ne  fis  qu'une  couchee  et  partis  dans  la 
diligence  pour  Lion,  dela  j 'allay  a  cheval  avec  la  chasse  mare,  mais  au 
Fort  d'Eccluse  il  falust  encore  monter  au  Chatteau  pour  parler  a  Mr. 
le  Commandant  qui  prist  plus  de  facon  que  le  Gouv:  de  St.  Valeris  et 
ne  voulust  me  laisser  la  dessus  j'ouvris  ma  Valise  pour  y  prendre  ma 
Patente  que  Mon  Souverain  m'avoit  donee  pour  le  Gouverneur 
d'Yverdon,  la  quelle  ie  montray  a  Mr.  le  Commandant  luy  disant  que 
ie  n'avois  pas  dessein  de  passer  par  icy,  mais  par  Pontarlier  connaissant 
particulierement  Mr.  le  Gouverneur  come  ayant  vescu  en  bon  Voisin 
avec  luy  pendant  ma  Prefecture,  que  ie  n'avois  pas  besoin  de  passeport 
et  d'autres  raisons  que  ie  luy  dit,  il  me  laissa  dont  passer  et  ie  contin- 
uay  mon  chemin  a  Geneve  de  la  vers  notre  Vignoble  a  la  Vaut  pres  de 
23 


354  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Vevay,  ou  ie  crus  rencontre  ma  famille  selon  l'advis  don£,  meme  dans 
T  intention  dy  faire  quelque  Sejour,  mais  j'y  trouvay  visage  de  bois, 
puis  qu'elle  etoit  partie  8  jours  auparavant,  il  falust  dont  Suivre  quoy 
qu'avec  regret,  j'arrivay  le  jour  de  la  St.  Martin  1714  a  Berne  en  bone 
Sante  Dieu  soit  loue,  trouvant  aussi  tout  en  bon  Etat  a  la  maison. 

54.  Et  je  ne  pus  pas  venir  a  bout  aupres  des  autres,  les  moyens 
me  manquoient  de  faire  un  process  contre  ma  Society  quoy  que  bien 
fonde  en  vertu  d'un  Traitte  authentique  que  j'ay  en  main  j'avois 
present  e  en  Senat  une  Supplication  par  la  quelle  ie  demanday  Seul- 
ement  une  Commission  pour  m'entendre  a  ce  que  j'avois  a  proposer, 
mais  ie  fus  econduit,  ce  qui  me  m'encouragay  guere  de  playder: 

55.  Come  ie  viens  de  dire  cy  dessus,  ie  n'ay  pas  Seulment  faits 
touts  mes  efforts,  aupres  de  mes  Parents  amys,  de  la  Societe,  et  de  la 
Magistrature  de  Berne,  j'ay  encore  ecrit  en  Allemagne,  et  ay  fait 
encore  un  essay  aupres  d'une  Republique  voisine,  mais  ie  nay  pu 
reussir  quelles  raisons  psuasives  j'ay  done.  Apres  cela  iay  prie  Mr. 
Stanion  qui  a  ete  Envoy  e  Extraordinaire  de  Sa  Majeste  Britanique 
aupres  de  Corp  Helvetique,  luy  ayant  remis  une  Suplication  pour  Sa 
Majeste  avec  une  Relation  Succincte  et  un  memoire  mais  ce  Mon- 
sieur ayant  ete  choisis  pour  L'ambassade  de  Vienne  et  partis  pour  ce 
Sujet,  toutte  ma  besogne  est  restee  la  et  en  un  Coin:  J'avois  fait 
encore  une  autre  tentative,  ma  reponce  fust  que  les  troubles  d'Angle- 
terre  n'estant  pas  encore  calm£es,  il  n'y  avoit  rien  affaire  pour  moy 
psentemt. 

Au  Retour  du  Roy  George,  de  Hanover,  croyant  que  tout  etoit 
dissipe  et  que  la  nouvelle  alliance  avec  la  France  et  la  Hollande  af- 
fermiroit  tellement  la  tranquillite*  au  Royaume  qu'il  n'y  auroit  plus 
rien  a  craindre,  pour  le  Pretendant,  j'aurois  fait  encore  un  dernier 
effort  mais  me  voicy  encore  renvoye  par  la  nouvelle  conspiration 
decouverte:  Voyant  dont  qu'autant  de  fois  qu'il  me  Semble  paroitre 
une  bone  etoile  pour  favoriser  mon  dessein,  et  cependant  il  est  tou- 
jours  ou  traverse  ou  empeche,  il  paroit  qu'absolumt.  La  Fortune  ne 
m'en  veut  pas.  C'est  pourquoy  il  n'y  a  rien  de  meilleur  que  de  quitter 
mes  Projets,  et  de  chercher  les  tresors  d'enhaut,  etc. 

56.  dumplins. 

57.  Cette  Endroit,  quoy  que  dans  un  terrible  desert,  avoit  encore 
Son  agreement,  Cestoit  un  beau  Champ  de  bled  Lombard  ou  il  y 
avoit  une  grosse  Cabine  Indiene,  cette  place  estoit  entouree  d'une 
petite  Riviere  profonde  ce  qui  fist  une  petite  Isle  tellement  que  la 
nature  avoit  fait  la  un  petit  fort  presque  imprenable  par  le  marest  et 
les  buissons  epais  qu'il  y  avoit  tout  alentour.  Toutte  cette  Populace 
Susdite  consistoit  en  vieux  homes  infirmes,  femes,  Enfants  et  de  la 
jeunesse  Sous  Page  pour  porter  les  armes. 

(See  English  translation.) 


Graffenkied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been     355 

A.  Au  bas  de  cette  chutte  ou  Saut,  a  cote  nous  voulions  bastir 
une  maison  et  etablir  une  Plantation,  pour  de  la  charier  les  mar- 
chandises  jusques  a  une  demy  4d.  lieu  a  ce  Saut  les  plus  gros  Vaiss- 
eaux  marchands  peuvent  voiler  ce  qui  est  bien  comode  pour  le  negoce. 

B.  Justement  au  dessous  du  Saut  on  y  prend  une  prodigieuse 
quantite  de  meilleurs  poissons,  au  mois  de  may  ils  y  Sont  tant  en 
foule  qu'on  les  tue  avec  le  baton. 

C.  Cette  Isle  est  toutte  escarp  ee  du  Roc  au  dessus  de  tres  belle 
et  bonne  terre  assez  pour  entretenir  une  famille  entiere  il  y  demeure 
des  Indiens  on  en  feroit  un  fort  imprenable:  Cest  pres  de  cett  Isle  que 
nous  mimes  pied  a  Terre  -en  descendant  cette  Riviere  depuis  Canavest. 

D.  Plantation  du  Col:  Bell  de  800  pause  de  Terre  a  vendre  pour 
168  liv.  Sterlin  tres  propre  et  comode  pour  notre  dessein,  de  la  on 
prend  la  route  de  Canavest  ou  a  pied. 

E.  Au  pied  de  cette  Montague  il  y  a  une  tres  bone  Source  chaude, 
les  Indiens  Pestiment  beaucoup  et  se  guerissent  de  plusieurs  incomo- 
dit£z. 

F.  Au  milieu  de  cette  Montagne  il  y  a  une  tres  belle  Source  d'eau 

G.  On  peut  monter  cette  montagne  a  cheval  comodement  jusques 
a  un  coup  de  fusil  du  Sommet,  au  dessus  il  y  a  une  jolie  plaine,  ou  il 
y  a  une  etendue  passable  il  y  a  des  chesnes  chattagnests  et  noyers 
Sauvages.  Cest  des  la  ou  nous  avons  decouvert  bien  du  Pays  partie 
de  Virginie,  Maryland,  Caroline  et  Pensilvanie. 

H.  Isle  de  Canavest  Terre  haute  tres  bone,  ou  les  Indiens  ou  Sau- 
vages avoient  plant e  du  tres  beau  bled  Lombard,  Cest  sur  cette  Isle 
ou  nous  avions  fait  dessein  au  comencement  de  nous  etablir,  come 
tres  bien  Situee  pour  negocier  en  Virginie  Maryland  et  Pensilvanie  et 
a  ce  Sujet  nous  avions  fait  arpenter  presque  tout  ce  qu'il  y  avoit  de 
bonne  terre  cottoyant  la  Riviere. 

I.  Etang  fort  curieux  a  deux  pieds  de  profondeur  l'eau  est  toutte 
chaude,  pour  avoir  de  leau  fresche,  bone  a  boire  il  y  faut  plonger  une 
bouteille  de  verre  attachee  a  une  fiselle  bien  bas,  soit  a  4  ou  5  pied 
profond  et  on  aura  de  leau  tres  excellente  freche  come  glace. 

K.  Par  icy  nous  avions  fait  marquer  6000  pauses  de  arpends  de 
Terre  choisie  abondante  et  pleine  d'arbres  de  Sucre  ses  arbres  sont 
tres  beau  et  gros  come  des  chesnes,  ne  vienent  que  Sur  des  Terres 
tres  grasses,  quand  on  y  fait  un  coup  de  hasche  ou  tronc  de  larbre  il 
en  sort  un  Sue  a  3  ou  4  pots  de  ce  Sue  ou  liqueur  bouillie  dans  une 
mermite  il  rests  au  fond  une  matiere  douce  et  e'est  du  Sucre,  on  en 
fait  des  petits  pains,  ce  Sucre  est  un  peu  grisatre  et  a  un  petit  goust 
different  de  celuy  des  roseaux  mais  bon  ie  m'en  Suis  servis  dans  du 
The  et  cafe  ie  l'ay  trouve  bon. 


356  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

L.  De  canavest  nous  Sommes  venu  embas  la  Riviere  jusques 
cett  endroit  dans  un  batteau  ou  navet  que  les  Indiens  nous  avoient 
fait  expres  d'ecorce. 

M.  La  Plantation  de  Mr.  Rosier  Gentilhome  honeste  genereux  et 
civil  tres  bien  loge,  ou  iay  Sejournay  quelque  terns. 

N.  Endroit  ou  devoient  etre  les  mines  d'argent  que  M.  M.  nous 
avoit  proposed. 

O.     Partie  de  Pensilvanie. 

P.    Salines  Un  endroit  ou  on  a  decouvert  des  eaux  Salees. 

Q.  Charmant  Isle  de  tres  bone  terre  et  d'arbres,  d'un  cote  es- 
carpee  de  Rocher  de  l'autre  d'un  abord  comode  pour  les  bateaux  cett 
endroit  avec  la  Plant:  du  Col:  Bell  nous  auroit  accomode. 

Si  L'Arpenteur  General  Lawson  ne  nous  avoit  detourne  de  notre 
premier  dessein  qui  fust  de  nous  etablir  au  comencement  icy,  ou  nous 
aurions  ete  plus  en  Scurete,  mieux  assiste  et  mieux  soutenue  a  toutte 
aparence  nous  n'aurions  pas  echoue  en  notre  Entreprise  mais  le  Mr. 
n'auroit  pas  eu  le  benefice  de  Parpantage,  cependant  il  auroit  mieux 
valu  detre  prive  de  ce  benefice  que  de  la  vie  qu'il  a  perdu  miser a- 
blemt.  come  est  a  voir.  II  est  vray  qu'outre  les  belles  paroles  de 
Lawson  c'estoient  les  belles  promesses  des  Lords  Prop:  qui  nous 
avoient  tante"  de  nous  etablir  pmierement  en  Nord  Caroline. 


ENGLISH  TRANSLATION  OF  THE 
FRENCH  VERSION 


ENGLISH  TRANSLATION  OF  FRENCH  VERSION 

1.  Account  of  the  voyage  to  America  which  the  Baron  Graff enried 
made  when  he  brought  a  colony  of  Palatines  and  Swiss;  and  his  return 
to  Europe. 

PREFACE 

Although  several  persons  have  asked  me  for  the  account  of  my  sad 
adventures  in  America  I  should  not  have  been  disposed  to  give  it  if  I 
had  not  said  to  myself  that  I  could  justify  myself  before  my  society  as 
well  as  before  other  persons  who  might  possibly  have  unfavorable 
thoughts  concerning  my  conduct,  as  though  I  had  undertaken  this 
colony  thoughtlessly  and  imprudently  and  had  passed  my  time  in 
Carolina  in  luxury  and  idleness,  in  which  they  would  have  been  very 
much  deceived,  my  account  showing  the  contrary.  One  will  find  in 
it  also  some  particulars  which  could  very  well  be  omitted,  but  because 
of  the  vagaries  of  certain  persons  who  have  acted  in  bad  faith,  as  well 
in  regard  to  the  poor  colonists  as  towards  me  personally,  having  come 
even  to  black  and  inexcusable  actions,  I  can  do  no  less  than  make 
mention  of  them  (although  very  charitably  since  I  name  no  one)  in 
order  that  people  may  impute  nothing  to  me  and  that  my  innocence 
may  come  to  light. 

Doubtless  certain  curious  people  would  like  to  know  the  reasons  for 
an  enterprise  so  large  and  so  distant  from  my  country  and  father- 
land. Some  know  them,  and  the  others  will  be  content  to  learn 
that  from  the  time  that  I  had  the  honor  of  making  some  stay  with 
the  late  Duke  of  Albemarle  in  London  who  was  then  made  viceroy  of 
Jamaica,  from  the  accounts  which  were  made  of  the  beauty,  wealth, 
and  richness  of  English  America  I  conceived  such  a  favorable  idea  of 
it,  that  at  the  urgent  invitations  of  this  lord  I  should  have  followed 
him  on  his  voyage  with  eagerness,  if  I  nad  not  been  turned  aside  by 
the  strong  remonstrances  of  my  relatives  who  wished  that  I  should 
establish  myself  in  my  fatherland .  And  not  withstanding  all  the  pleas- 
antness that  I  might  have  there,  there  nevertheless  always  remained 
some  enticement  and  some  attraction  in  the  aforementioned  country. 
Fortune,  also,  did  not  look  upon  me  with  so  favorable  an  eye  as  I 
could  have  wished,  but  I  had  finished  my  mayorship  of  Yverdon,  a 
great  and  important  office,  to  the  contentment  of  my  sovereign,  the 
neighboring  states  and  the  subjects,  the  Lord  be  praised,  with  a  good 
and  clean  conscience;  I  did  not  make  any  profit,  however,  because  of 

Note: — Only  so  much  of  the  French  Version  is  published  as  is  necessary  to  show  wherein  it  varies 
from  the  German  Version. 


360  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

adversities,  and  on  the  other  hand  I  was  not  a  man  to  enrich  myself 
at  the  expense  of  the  poor  subjects.  Besides  this,  the  troubles  in 
Neufchatel  brought  me  heavy  loss.  Seeing  again  that  the  new  reform 
deprived  me  of  the  ability  of  obtaining  any  profitable  office  for  a  long 
time,  hoping  to  make  a  more  considerable  fortune  in  these  dis- 
tant countries  of  English  America  in  order  better  to  support  a  num- 
erous family  according  to  my  rank  and  station,  I  took  a  firm  resolu- 
tion for  this  important  voyage,  no  less  dangerous  than  long  and  diffi- 
cult, with  so  much  the  more  courage  that  I  was  strongly  invited  by 
different  letters  from  the  country  above  mentioned  as  well  as  from 
London.  I  hesitated  a  long  time  considering  whether  I  should  com- 
municate my  design  to  some  friend  or  relative,  but  seeing  in  ad- 
vance that  they  would  dissuade  me  from  it,  I  said  nothing  of  it  even 
to  those  who  were  nearest  to  me,  and  left  secretly.  Nevertheless  be- 
fore leaving  the  country,  I  stopped  at  the  frontier  at  the  home  of  a 
friend,  and  made  a  disposition  of  my  affairs  which  I  had  not  been  able 
entirely  to  arrange  before  my  departure,  and  sent  it  to  one  of  my 
relatives,  communicating  to  him  my  design;  but  ill  luck  would  have 
it  that  this  packet  of  papers  was  intercepted  or  lost,  causing  me  much 
embarassment  and  confusion.  And  so  receiving  no  answer  during  eight 
or  ten  days,  I  departed  in  the  firm  resolution  of  returning  no  more. 
But  man  proposes  and  God  disposes. 

2.  Potomac  [by  a  different  hand]. 

3.  The  Governor  of  Virginia: 

4.  The  one  was  the  Receiver-General,  the  other  the  Surveyor- 
General,  the  third  a  justice  of  the  peace.  These  three  appeared  for 
this  purpose  before  the  Royal  Committee,  where  they  received  their 
instructions  and  were  officially  given  the  direction  of  this  people  in 
my  absence,  as  well  upon  the  sea  as  upon  land,  because  I  was  not 
able  to  leave  at  that  time  on  account  of  a  little  colony  from  Bern 
which  was  to  follow  shortly,  as  well  as  other  matters  which  I  had 
to  look  after. 

5.  Mr.  Caesar,  minister  of  the  German  Reformed  Church  of 
London  at  Gravesend. 

6.  More  than  half  of  them  died  on  the  sea. 

7.  And  partly  dismasted. 

8.  Not  daring  to  commit  itself  to  the  sea  because  of  the  privateers, 
and  besides,  the  water  at  the  mouths  of  the  rivers  of  Carolina  being 
low,  large  vessels  were  not  able  to  go  out  nor  enter. 

9.  Consisting  of  about  1,000  acres  of  land. 

10.  It  is  necessary  for  me  here  to  stop  the  course  of  my  account, 
in  order  that  I  may  also  say  something  of  what  I  transacted  more 
particularly  at  London,  item  of  my  departure,  what  passed  and  what 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been     361 

I  noticed  on  my  journey,  and  of  my  arrival  in  North  Carolina  this 
same  month  of  September  1710.     After  that  I  wall  continue  in  order. 

Having  touched  only  incidentally  upon  what  I  transacted  at  London  I 
shall  say  something  more  in  detail  here,  nevertheless  as  succintly  as 
possible.  It  will  be  well  to  distinguish  somewhat  the  two  plans  of 
the  proposed  colonies,  that  of  Virginia  and  that  of  North  Carolina. 

For  that  of  Virginia  we  had  the  orders  of  L.  L.  E.  E.  of  Berne,  our 
sovereign  magistrate  [marginal  note:  Proposition  of  the  state  of  Bern 
for  a  district  of  country  in  Virginia]  to  sound  Her  Majesty,  the  Queen 
of  Great  Britain,  to  see  if  she  would  be  disposed  to  accord  the  state 
of  Berne  a  district  of  country  for  the  proposed  colony,  with  jurisdic- 
tion under  certain  clauses,  without  depending  upon  any  governor, 
but  directly  of  the  Queen  or  her  Council;  but  the  Crown  not  wishing 
to  diminish  its  authority  and  grandeur,  would  not  listen  to  this  propo- 
sition, asserting  that  everything  ought  to  conform  to  the  laws  and 
regulations  of  the  realm.  Since  it  caused  some  embarrasment  also  to 
a  sovereign  state  to  abase  itself  so  much,  nothing  was  done. 

Nevertheless  we,  in  particular  my  society  and  I,  on  the  recommenda- 
tion of  Monsieur  Stanion,  Envoy  Extraordianry  from  her  Britannic 
Majesty,  or  by  his  assistance  obtained  from  the  Queen  the  permission 
to  take  land  in  Virginia  above  the  falls  of  the  Potomac  River,  under 
the  same  conditions  as  other  subjects  of  Her  Majesty,  with  the  inten- 
tion of  dividing  our  colony,  for  good  reasons.  But  as  they  gave  me 
hope  of  more  advantages  in  North  Carolina,  since  the  lands  were 
much  cheaper,  and  since  we  had  certain  jurisdictions  and  special 
privileges  besides,  we  began  there,  and  the  fatal  issue  makes  it  plain 
that  we  should  have  done  better  to  commence  with  Virginia;  so  much 
the  more  that  we  should  have  been  more  in  security  and  better  sup- 
ported in  case  of  danger,  by  the  Crown  than  by  individuals  in  Caro- 
lina. Moreover  the  situation  according  to  the  map  that  I  have  made  of 
it,  was  not  at  all  inferior  to  that  of  Carolina  either  in  beauty  or  rich- 
ness, nevertheless  all  these  overtures  before  mentioned  cost  me  many 
useless  steps,  pains,  and  expenses,  in  order  to  obtain  only  a  shadow  of 
favor;  for  when  we  wished  to  have  the  lands  above  mentioned  se- 
cured and  surveyed,  it  was  found  that  they  were  already  taken  by 
Mylord  Culpeper,  so  that  it  was  necessary  for  us  to  look  for  the 
greater  part  in  Maryland,  a  country  belonging  as  an  estate  to  Mylord 
Baltimore.  It  is  true  that  we  still  had  other  places  in  Virginia  marked 
out  and  secured,  rather  good  but  distant  from  Christian  plantations. 
With  regard  to  the  colony  for  Carolina  I  had  no  less  embarassment, 
pains,  and  expense,  nevertheless,  although,  the  Lords  Proprietors  were 
disposed  to  favor  me.  I  think  that  before  broaching  this  negotiation, 
it  would  not  be  out  of  the  way  to  say  something  of  their  power  and 


362  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

privileges.  That  is  something  we  can  see  fully  in  the  account  or 
journal  printed  by  the  Surveyor-General  Lawson,  wherein  is  copied  the 
charter  or  act  accorded  by  the  King,  Charles  II.  This  great  favor 
and  high  jurisdiction  which  no  private  person  or  lord  of  the  Three 
Kingdoms  has,  was  accorded  to  these  lords  who  recalled  the  King 
from  his  exile  and  have  favored  his  return  into  the  kingdom.  This 
King,  not  wishing  to  be  an  ingrate  towards  his  benefactors,  did  not 
know  how  to  recompense  them  better  than  by  such  a  signal  favor, 
giving  and  handing  the  provice  of  North  Carolina  to  these  lords  in 
full  possession,  authority,  and  absolute  power,  just  as  the  King  had 
possessed.  So  then  they  have  the  title  as  follows:  To  His  Excel- 
lency, N.  N.  Palatine  and  to  the  other  real  and  absolute  Lords  Pro- 
prietors of  the  Province  of  Carolina.  One  of  the  chiefs  of  these 
Lords  Proprietors  was  at  the  beginning  General  Monk,  Duke  of 
Albemarle.  It  was  he  who  presented  the  crown  which  he  had  made, 
to  the  king  at  his  entry  into  the  kingdom;  which  crown  they  keep  in 
the  Tower  of  London  beside  the  veritable  crown  of  the  realm,  which  I 
have  seen.     They  always  show  them  both  to  curious  strangers. 

Among  the  other  privileges  which  these  Lords  Proprietors  have  is 
the  power  of  creating  Casiques,  Counts,  Barons,  Knights  and  Gen- 
tlemen in  these  provinces.  And  those  whom  they  wish  to  favor  they 
cause  to  be  corroborated  and  registered  in  the  royal  heraldry;  just  as 
they  did  with  me,  when,  in  order  to  procure  me  more  authority  with 
my  people  they  honored  me  with  the  title  of  Landgrave  of  Carolina, 
Baron  of  Bernburg  and  Knight  of  the  purple  ribbon,  with  a  medal, 
as  my  patents  give  proof.  But  the  bad  part  of  it  is  that  with  these 
titles  there  is  not  a  proportionate  revenue.  All  the  good  that  has 
accrued  to  me  of  it  is  that  they  gave  me  the  first  rank  after  the  gov- 
ernor in  the  upper  house  of  parliament  of  the  province,  and  preserved 
me  the  respect  of  the  subjects.  In  the  beginning,  appearing  in  the 
parliament  without  the  ribbon,  I  was  well  received,  to  be  sure,  but 
on  certain  occasions  I  was  not  obeyed  as  I  should  have  been.  That 
is  why  I  was  advised  to  wear  the  ribbon  and  the  medal  when  I  ap- 
peared in  the  assembly.  This  I  did,  and  I  perceived  the  effect  im- 
mediately, for  certain  people  who  had  not  sufficiently  respected  my 
orders  came  afterwards  to  beg  my  pardon  for  it  on  their  knees. 
This  is  sufficient  concerning  the  authority  and  power  of  these  Lords 
Proprietors. 

I  shall  tell  in  a  few  words  something  of  what  they  granted  me,  our 
treaty  being  too  long  to  insert  here.  Firstly:  They  sold  me  15,000  acres 
of  choice  land  which  I  had  surveyed  upon  the  rivers  Neuse  and  Trent 
and  25,000  acres  upon  the  Weetock  River  at  10.£.  sterling  per  thou- 
sand, or  1£  per  hundred  acres,  and  6  pence  per  hundred  acres  quit- 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern     363 

rent,  which  makes  the  sum  of  175£  sterling,  which  I  paid  at  the  be- 
ginning in  cash.  Secondly:  There  was  a  reserve  of  100,000  acres  to 
choose  between  the  rivers  here  named  and  Clarendon  River,  at  the 
same  price,  and  for  that  I  had  seven  years  time  in  which  to  make  the 
first  payment  and  between  the  seventh  and  the  twelfth  the  whole  was 
to  be  paid.  Thirdly:  The  differences  which  my  people  might  have  with 
the  English  should  be  settled  before  the  English  judges,  but  the  diffi- 
culties which  my  colonists  might  have  among  themselves  should  be 
settled  among  themselves  or  before  me,  the  final  jurisdiction  in  capital 
offenses  reserved  to  the  Lords  Proprietors.  Fourthly:  Liberty  of 
religion  and  the  right  to  have  a  minister  from  our  country  who 
might  preach  in  our  language.  Fifthly:  Right  of  city  and  market  or 
fair  at  New  Bern.  Sixthly:  Freedom  from  all  tax,  imposts,  tithes 
and  hundredths,  aside  from  the  six  pence  per  hundred  acres  annually 
as  mentioned  above.  Seventhly:  The  Lords  Proprietors  or  the  pro- 
vince by  their  orders  were  to  furnish  me  with  two  or  three  years  pro- 
vision of  food  and  stock  for  myself  and  all  the  colony,  to  be  paid  back 
after  the  prescribed  term. 

I  also  had  a  special  and  very  exact  treaty  with  the  Palatines  which 
was  planned,  examined,  and  agreed  upon  before  and  by  the  Royal 
Commission,  too  large  to  insert  here.  Merely  the  substance  as 
follows.  Firstly:  My  colonists  owed  me  fidelity,  obedience,  and  re- 
spect; and  I  owed  them  protection.  Secondly;  I  was  to  furnish  each 
family  provisions  for  the  first  year,  a  cow,  two  swine  and  some  tools, 
to  be  repaid  in  three  years.  Thirdly:  I  was  to  give  each  family  300 
acres  of  land  and  they  were  to  give  me  as  quit-rent  two  pence  per 
acre.  On  the  other  hand  I  was  to  pay  the  six  pence  per  hundred  acres, 
the  fee  to  the  Lords  Proprietors  as  already  mentioned.  As  for  the  ex- 
penses of  transportation  and  food  for  my  colony  to  Carolina,  the  Queen 
granted  that  and  in  addition  thirty  shillings  for  clothes  to  each  per- 
son large  and  small. 

After  that  it  was  a  question  of  providing  good  vessels,  and  there 
presented  himself  a  person  of  my  acquaintance,  Chevalier  Fyper,  who 
undertook  to  furnish  two  vessels  well  equipped  with  the  necessary 
provisions  of  food.  But  all  this  was  not  to  be  executed  with  such 
regularity  as  one  could  have  wished.  Since  these  lords,  the  directors 
or  sub-directors  of  this  swarm  of  people  which  was  then  at  London, 
had  considerable  difficulty  providing  for  so  many  thousands  of  souls, 
money  began  to  become  scarce,  so  much  so  that  our  good  Chevalier, 
who  procured  these  provisions  on  credit  in  the  firm  persuasion  that 
the  money  would  be  delivered  over  at  any  time  that  he  should  demand 
it,  was  much  surprised  to  see  himself  turned  away  so  many  times. 
This  went  on  for  several  months  even,  so  that  the  creditors  had  an 


364  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

attachment  executed  upon  his  person  for  24  hours.  The  Chevalier 
much  alarmed  at  this  procedure  came  one  morning  to  inform  me  of  it, 
charging  me  with  all  these  evil  consequences,  which  accusation  trou- 
bled me  greatly.  As  I  was  then  in  the  country  to  get  some  air  and  to 
rest  a  little  from  my  fatigue,  I  hastened  to  go  to  London  to  repre- 
sent my  griefs  to  the  Royal  Commission  regarding  the  delay  in  the 
payment  of  this  money.  They  gave  me  good  words  but  several  weeks 
more  passed  before  the  money  promised  was  given  over  to  Chevalier 
Fyper  who  did  not  fail  from  day  to  day  to  press  the  treasurers.  In 
the  end  everything  was  done  as  desired. 

After  my  colony  had  left  in  the  vessels  mentioned  I  proposed  to 
follow  them  as  soon  as  I  had  disposed  of  my  private  affairs  and 
taken  leave  of  a  part  of  the  lords  of  the  royal  commission  and  the 
Lords  Proprietors  of  Carolina. 

I  pass  over  in  silence  a  treaty  made  with  William  Penn,  proprietor 
of  Pennsylvania,  for  lands  and  mines,  and  a  private  treaty  which  I 
had  with  a  society  in  Bern,  upon  which  I  was  relying  in  order  to  have 
necessary  assistance  in  an  enterprise  which  I  would  find  myself  too  weak 
to  support;  but  it  would  have  been  better  for  me  to  associate  myself, 
for  an  affair  of  this  importance,  with  some  wealthy  and  well  known 
person  in  England  who  would  possibly  not  have  let  himself  be  so 
quickly  frightened  by  my  reverses  as  these  gentlemen. 

My  Palatine  colonists  having  departed  in  the  month  of  January 
1710,  I  followed  them  and  left  London  the  last  of  May.  I  made  use 
of  a  very  comfortable  carriage,  almost  the  same  as  that  from  Paris 
to  Lyons.  I  can  do  no  less  than  speak  here  of  something  which  I  ob- 
served on  this  small  journey.  One  Sunday  I  had  to  stop  at  a  small 
village  called  Hartford,  near  which  is  the  country  house  of  the 
Count  of  Essex,  a  very  ancient  building  which  I  was  curious  to  see. 
And  so  I  went  there  with  due  courtesy.  In  this  magnificent  palace 
I  observed  in  a  great  dome  some  large  and  extraordinary  paint- 
ings, in  the  Count's  cabinet  a  quantity  of  rare  pieces  and  very 
curious  antiquities,  and  in  a  large  hall  I  thought  I  saw  upon  a  table 
a  lute,  some  flutes  and  other  instruments,  with  open  music  books, 
item  a  deck  of  cards  scattered  about,  a  purse  of  counters,  several 
pieces  of  money,  and  several  other  pretty  things  very  well  made;  but 
coming  closer  to  the  table  I  was  much  surprised  to  see  the  work 
of  a  second  Apelles,  for  these  pieces  which  I  believed  actual  were 
only  counterfeits  in  painting.  That  which  seemed  the  most  curious 
to  see  was  that  the  surface  of  this  marble  table  was  so  well  polished 
that  one  would  have  thought  they  were  paintings  under  glass  or  ice. 
One  could  even  pour  water  on  it  without  injuring  the  table  or  the 
painting.     Certainly  that  must  have  been  painted  with  a  marvelous 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      365 

varnish.  After  having  seen  the  rest  of  the  palace  and  been  refreshed 
with  a  fine  collation  and  good  liquors,  I  paid  my  respects  and  took 
my  leave  in  order  to  go  on  my  way. 

After  some  days  we  came  to  York,  an  ancient  city  rather  large  and 
well  populated,  where  I  had  time  to  see  merely  the  Cathedral,  a  very 
beautiful  structure.  There  I  heard  a  very  beautiful  symphony  or 
vespers  and  the  canons  used  me  courteously.  From  there  we  came  to 
Durham,  a  rather  pretty  city.  The  Cathedral  is  rather  fine.  The 
Bishop  of  this  place  alone  aside  from  the  Prince  of  Wales,  has  the  title 
of  a  prince  in  England.  He  also  has  the  precedence  over  all  the 
bishops  except  the  bishop  of  London.  After  that  there  was  nothing 
remarkable  clear  to  New  Castle. 

New  Castle  is  a  large  city,  well  populated,  rich,  commercial,  well 
situated  beside  the  River  Tyne  which  empties  into  the  sea.  Every- 
thing abounds  in  that  city.  One  lives  well  there  and  at  a  low  price. 
There  is  salmon  in  abundance.  The  city  is  remarkable  for  the  coal 
which  is  found  there.  Whole  fleets  leave  in  order  to  furnish  the 
great  city  of  London  and  the  neighborhood  with  coal,  and  the  miners 
are  in  such  a  great  number  that  it  is  necessary  to  have  a  garrison  to 
keep  them  in  check.  There  are  excavations  so  terrible  thereabouts 
that  they  say  they  are  the  antichamber  of  Hell,  and  a  stranger 
must  have  good  courage  to  go  far  into  them.  There  is  made  also  a 
quantity  of  sea  salt  and  there  are  several  glassworks  and  other 
factories.  Besides  the  merchants  there  are  also  very  civil  and  honor- 
able persons  of  another  rank,  with  whom  one  passes  his  time  very 
agreeably.  From  the  fifteen  days  that  I  have  been  there,  I  could  not 
sufficiently  praise  the  kindness  that  they  showed  me.  One  of  the 
chief  men  of  the  city,  Alderman  Fenwick,  treated  me  magnificently  to 
a  fine  symphony  of  musicians,  persons  of  rank.  There  is  also  a  very 
fine  bowling  green,  a  very  beautiful  prominade  where  there  is  a  bowling 
green  surrounded  by  several  rows  of  Lindens,  and  this  upon  the 
eminence  of  the  city  where  there  is  a  fine  view.  Nevertheless,  while 
I  was  there  I  had  trouble  which  the  captain  of  the  vessel  that  was 
carrying  my  Swiss  colonists  caused.  He  was  the  master  of  it,  a  citizen 
of  Boston,  the  capital  of  New  England.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  media- 
tion of  this  gallant  man  Mr.  Fenwick  I  should  have  ruined  myself  in 
a  suit  against  the  captain.  We  had  agreed  and  concluded  with  him 
that  he  should  furnish  all  the  provisions  necessary  from  Rotterdam  to 
America.  Nevertheless  when  he  approached  New  Castle  for  his  own 
private  affairs  to  unload  merchandise  as  well  as  to  take  on  some  for 
Boston,  a  part  being  provisions  which  he  preferred  to  get  there  rather 
than  in  Holland,  since  they  were  cheaper,  and  actually  better ;  hav- 


366  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

ing  been  obliged  to  stop  there  almost  four  weeks,  he  asserted  that  we 
were  at  our  own  expense  with  all  our  Swiss  colony,  which  caused  me 
much  embarassment. 

At  last  having  agreed  after  a  fashion,  we  left  at  the  beginning  of 
July  for  America.  At  the  mouth  of  the  River  Tyne  we  stayed  several 
hours  to  get  a  provision  of  salmon,  fresh  as  well  as  dry,  in  a  town 
situated  on  the  bank  of  this  river  where  there  was  such  a  great  quan- 
tity of  salmon  that  all  the  town  was  carpeted  with  them,  drying  in  the 
sun  before  the  houses  as  well  as  exposed  for  sale. 

We  left  the  mouth  about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  with  a  favor- 
able wind  and  a  fine  day.  When  we  were  upon  the  high  sea  we  saw 
several  vessels.  The  nearer  we  approached  them  the  more  of  them  we 
discovered.  At  length  passing  out  farther  we  found  ourselves  among 
three  fleets ;  that  of  Holland  which  was  rather  numerous  in  ships  of  the 
line,  was  coming  to  the  coasts  of  England  to  catch  herring,  mingled  with 
the  barques  of  the  fishers  and  in  the  distance  war  vessels;  on  another 
side  was  that  of  the  coalships  which  returned  empty  from  London; 
and  on  another  side  that  of  Muscovy;  the  sun  which  was  going  down 
making  them  plain  to  be  seen.  These  great  vessels  of  war  appeared 
among  the  other  vessels  like  so  many  superb  castles  among  mediocre 
houses  and  the  whole  appeared  like  three  pretty  cities  built  upon  the 
sea.  The  next  day  which  was  a  beautifully  calm  Sunday,  the  com- 
mander of  the  Muscovy  fleet  gave  the  signal  and  all  the  vessels  un- 
furled their  flags.  As  is  the  custom  on  this  day,  after  the  devotions, 
the  trumpets,  hautbois,  and  drums  made  themselves  heard.  Visits 
were  made  from  one  to  another  as  though  we  were  in  a  city.  We 
passed  the  time  so  agreeably  that  I  could  then  have  wished  to  be 
always  on  the  sea.  But  along  toward  evening  there  arose  suddenly 
an  impetuous  wind  so  that  those  who  were  on  visits  had  a  great  deal 
of  difficulty  getting  into  their  boats  to  return  to  their  vessels;  and 
indeed,  one  good  toper  who  had  difficulty  leaving  such  good  liquor, 
from  having  delayed  too  long,  was  obliged  to  remain  on  the  ves- 
sel where  he  was  visiting  and  was  constrained  to  take  a  different 
route  in  spite  of  himself.  As  for  us  who  were  planning  to  make  sail 
northabout,  that  is  to  say  towards  the  north  above  the  Shetland  Isles, 
for  our  security,  we  took  the  plan  of  putting  ourselves  among  the  fleet 
of  Muscovy,  which  in  order  to  avoid  the  French  with  whom  we  were 
having  war,  in  place  of  going  by  the  Baltic  Sea  took  its  turn  also  to 
the  north.  We  were  seven  vessels  bound  for  America  which  made 
sail  in  company  with  those  which  were  bound  for  Denmark,  Sweden 
and  Muscovy.  At  the  latitude  of  the  north  of  Scotland  we  separated 
after  having  saluted  the  commander  of  the  merchant  fleet,  which  is 
the  usual  order.     They  went  toward  the  northeast  and  we  toward  the 


Geaffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      367 

north  and  northwest.  Nevertheless  when  the  wind  changed  to  the 
east  it  was  so  favorable  to  us  that  in  place  of  taking  our  route  above 
the  Shetland  Islands  we  cut  and  passed  between  these  islands  and 
those  of  Orkney,  but  safely,  the  Lord  be  praised,  although  it  was  night. 

When  we  were  at  a  certain  latitude  above  Ireland,  we  saw  several 
vessels  appear  at  a  distance  making  five  sails  coming  toward  us.  This 
threw  us  into  an  alarm,  not  knowing  whether  they  were  enemies  or 
friends.  We  took  first  of  all  our  beds  and  mattresses  in  order  to  put 
them  along  the  sides  of  our  vessel  to  serve  as  a  rampart,  putting 
ourselves  into  as  good  position  as  possible  to  defend  ourselves. 
We  had  a  little  fear,  because  of  the  three  vessels  that  we  saw,  there 
was  one  with  the  white  banner,  the  color  of  France.  When  we  were  a 
cannon  shot  distant  the  commander  of  this  flotilla  fired  a  blank  shot 
as  a  signal  that  we  should  recognize  him,  but  no  response  following,  he 
fired  the  second  in  earnest  and  almost  broke  our  main  mast  for  us. 
So  then  it  was  necessary  to  submit  and  we  answered  with  our  little 
cannon,  hoisted  our  English  flag,  and  spreading  the  middle  stay  sail, 
in  a  moment  the  commander  joined  us  so  closely  that  we  could  speak 
together,  and  in  order  to  act  courteously  to  the  commander,  since 
there  was  not  much  wind,  we  invited  him  to  board  our  vessel,  which 
he  did  not  refuse,  being  very  glad  to  regale  himself  with  some  of  our 
fresh  English  beer  and  a  piece  of  pickled  salmon.  During  this  brief 
interval  I  took  my  opportunity  to  write  to  Europe  and  gave  my 
letter  to  this  little  commander  (who  was  accompanying  four  or  five 
other  Scotch  and  English  vessels  coming  from  Jamaica,  Barbados  and 
other  places)  and  my  letter  was  given  to  the  post  and  arrived  at 
Bern.     Towards  evening  we  separated  and  each  took  his  way. 

I  have  made  many  remarks  about  what  I  saw  upon  the  sea  and  of 
what  took  place,  having  made  a  rather  curious  journal,  but  ill  luck 
willed  that  a  small  trunk  or  coffer  in  which  there  were  some  more 
rarities  of  America  with  other  papers  and  some  clothes  was  lost,  al- 
though it  was  well  recommended  to  a  captain  of  a  vessel  which  left 
Virginia,  I  not  being  able  to  take  it  with  me  because  I  had  a  long  journey 
to  make  by  land  from  Williamsburg,  the  capital  of  Virginia  to  New 
York,  being  already  overloaded  with  clothes,  for  I  had  as  much  as 
my  two  horses  could  carry.  So  then  I  shall  make  mention  of  only 
some  few  things  which  I  remember  well  and  which  I  believe  sufficiently 
worthy  of  the  curiosity  of  the  reader.  Moreover  there  are  so  many 
authors  who  have  written  about  the  marvels  of  the  sea  that  I  refer 
the  reader  to  them.  I  shall  merely  say  to  those  who  have  not  read 
these  authors  that  when  we  came  under  the  tropical  line  of  Cancer, 
or  at  a  certain  latitude  of  the  sea  between  this  line  and  the  Artie  pole, 
we  saw  there  white  birds  of  the  size  of  a  crow  which  even  came  to  sit 


368  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

upon  our  masts.  The  sailors  take  them  for  birds  of  good  omen  and 
do  not  allow  anyone  to  shoot  them.  The  thing  that  is  most  remark- 
able is  that  we  see  these  birds  only  at  this  latitude  of  the  sea  and  not 
elsewhere. 

But  for  birds  of  bad  omen  there  are  others,  smaller,  black  with  a 
little  white,  which  fly  about  here  and  there  upon  the  sea,  and  as  often 
as  one  sees  them  fly  about  the  vessel  and  principally  about  the  bow 
it  is  observed  that  they  presage  nothing  good,  but  bad  weather,  either 
tempest  or  terrible  storms.  I  took  that  at  first  for  a  fable,  but  having 
myself  noticed  it  at  different  times,  I  am  almost  obliged  to  believe  in 
it.  I  really  believe  if  one  wished  to  philosophize  upon  it  one  would 
find  natural  reasons  for  such  occurrences. 

I  have  observed  also  a  remarkable  thing  in  a  fish  called  the  dolphin. 
This  fish  is  very  pretty  in  the  water,  having  the  color  of  the  rainbow. 
When  it  follows  a  vessel  it  stays  only  two  feet  below  the  surface  of  the 
water.  It  is  charming  to  see  it  swim.  It  is  always  accompanied 
with  several  small  fish  which  keep  always  near  the  tail  and  never 
leave  this  post  unless  the  dolphin  goes  away  or  is  killed.  We  took 
one  of  them  with  a  trident  and  this  is  the  way  they  are  caught. 
The  shaft  or  pole  to  which  the  trident  is  fixed  is  attached  to  a  long 
cord  and  when  the  dolphin  is  swimming  sufficiently  close  to  the  vessel, 
a  sailor  or  whoever  wishes  to,  provided  he  has  skill,  throws  the  trident 
at  the  dolphin.  Sometimes  they  catch  it  at  the  first  throw,  rather 
often  they  fail.  When  they  have  speared  it,  they  draw  in  the  cord  and 
raise  the  fish  out.  As  pretty  as  the  fish  is  in  the  water  just  so  ugly  it  is 
out  of  the  water;  but  when  well  dressed  we  made  good  cheer  of  it. 
The  younger  they  are  the  better  and  more  delicate.  One  sees  also 
flying  fish  and  there  are  so  many  other  sorts  of  marvelous  things 
to  be  seen  on  the  sea  that  one  would  make  a  volume  of  them.  When 
there  is  a  calm  or  merely  some  small  breeze,  I  enjoyed  looking  at  and 
examining  so  many  kinds  of  insects  and  other  things  coming  from  the 
sea  foam.  In  certain  localities  one  sees  plants  and  extraordinary 
flowers.  It  is  surprising  where  these  plants  take  root  in  the  midst  of 
the  ocean  where  there  are  such  terrible  depths.  One  sees  in  many 
places  currents  so  strong  that  skillful  masters  of  vessels  are  some- 
times turned  out  of  their  course  if  they  do  not  take  good  care.  But 
the  most  curious  thing  would  be  to  know  where  these  currents  come 
from.  There  is  one  which  comes  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico;  but  for 
the  rest,  one  has  yet  to  penetrate  to  where  they  do  originate. 

Referring  the  curious  to  authors  who  have  written  amply  about  the 
rarities  of  the  sea,  I  continue  my  way.  When  we  came  to  the  lati- 
tude of  Newfoundland,  some  one  pointed  out  to  me  approximately 
the  grand  banks  of  this  island,  where  such  a  great  quantity  of  cod  is 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      369 

taken,  with  which  France  and  England  supply  themselves.  At  this 
place  a  French  privateer  followed  us  a  whole  day,  but  not  having  a 
favorable  wind  it  could  not  overtake  us.  Nevertheless  we  feared 
greatly.  That  is  why  we  consulted  together  and  the  conclusion  was 
that  as  soon  as  the  sun  should  have  set  we  would  lower  our  sails 
gradually  and  unnoticeably  in  order  that  the  privateer  should  lose 
sight  of  us  against  the  night,  and  since  it  would  doubtless  keep  follow- 
ing us  towards  the  continent,  it  would  be  necessary  to  change  the 
route.  As  soon  as  it  was  dark  we  stretched  our  sails  and  went  back 
the  way  we  had  come  for  three  or  four  leagues,  and  taking  to  the  high 
seas  we  made  our  efforts  to  gain  the  left  of  the  privateer,  and  going 
straight  towards  Virginia  we  escaped  his  hands,  for  we  should  have 
had  the  worst  of  it,  having  only  four  cannons  in  our  vessels. 

A  few  days  after,  we  discovered  the  Gulf  Stream,  sea  plants,  sea  gulls, 
and  presently  ducks  and  other  sorts  of  sea  fowl;  a  sure  sign  that  one 
is  not  far  from  terra  firma.  And  so  we  had  a  lad  climb  to  the  top 
of  the  mast.  As  yet,  however,  he  could  not  see  anything.  But  going 
up  for  the  second  time,  awhile  after  this,  he  saw  land  which  looked 
like  a  low  cloud  bank.  But  recognizing  directly  that  it  was  land,  he 
cried  out  "hooray"  which  is  the  English  exclamation  of  joy  or  ap- 
plause, and  asked  for  some  drink  money.  We  approached  the  conti- 
nent and  skirted  the  provinces  of  Pennsylvania,  Jersey  and  Maryland 
until  we  discovered  Cape  Henry  in  Virginia,  at  the  mouth  of  the  James 
River.  A  north-west  wind  favoring  us,  we  entered  easily  into  this  river 
and  arrived  safely  at  Guiguetan,  now  called  Hampton,  a  rather  pretty 
town,  the  first  (one  comes  to)  at  the  entrance  to  Virginia,  after  a  voyage 
or  passage  of  two  months.  We  were  very  happy  in  having  had  but 
one  storm  and  that  lasting  but  a  couple  of  hours,  and  in  having  had 
no  sickness.  We  remained  a  night  and  one  day  in  order  to  refresh  our- 
selves. 

Having  made  our  arrival  known  to  the  Lieutenant  Governor  and 
given  him  the  Queen's  letter,  the  Governor  being  absent,  we  went 
down  the  river  and  entered  into  the  Nunscimund  River.  There  it  was 
that  we  unloaded  the  vessel  of  our  provisions  and  clothing  and  the 
captain  of  the  vessel  bade  us  goodbye,  taking  the  route  to  New  Eng- 
land in  order  to  go  to  Boston,  the  capital  of  this  province,  which  was 
his  birth  place.  We  hired  some  boats  to  load  with  our  clothing  and 
provisions  in  order  to  have  them  taken  along  with  our  people  to  a 
house  which  was  described  to  us  as  being  the  nearest  (for  us),  the  home 
of  one  Hamstead,  a  fine  man  who  welcomed  us  and  accommodated  us 
effectually  both  with  food  and  wagons  for  our  journey  by  land  from 
there  into  Carolina. 
24 


370  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

1.  For  an  honest  man  there  could  be  no  hesitation  and  since,  by  good 
fortune,  my  reputation  was  pretty  well  established  in  America  and  my 
design  made  a  great  stir,  I  sent  at  first  into  Pennsylvania  for  provis- 
ions of  flour,  where,  fortunately,  I  had  already  given  order  from 
London  as  a  precaution,  fearing  that  possibly  things  might  not  be  so 
well  established  in  North  Carolina  as  they  made  me  believe.  I  also 
did  not  fail  to  send  into  Virginia  and  into  the  Province  even,  in  order 
to  procure  for  myself  the  necessary  provisions.  But  all  this  dragged 
out  so  long  that  in  the  meantime  these  new  colonists  were  obliged  to 
sell  even  a  part  of  their  clothes  and  merchandise  (which  they  had 
bought  at  London  to  make  some  gain  from  the  little  money  which 
they  had)  to  procure  the  necessaries  from  the  neighboring  inhabitants 
in  order  not  to  die  of  hunger. 

12.  As  soon  as  we  had  arrived  at  Summertown,  a  village  on  the 
frontier  of  Virginia  and  Carolina,  a  small  band  of  inhabitants  of  North 
Carolina  came  to  greet  me  and  offered  me  the  government   .    .    . 

13.  I  replied  that  although  I  was  indeed  invested  with  this  dignity 
of  Landgrave,  I  did  not  at  present  wish  to  take  advantage  of  this 
title,  thanking  them  civilly   .    .    . 

14.  That  it  would  be  in  bad  taste  for  me  to  meddle  in  a  dispute 
concerning  such  a  matter; 

15.  But  as  these  people,  who  were,  the  majority  of  them,  Noncon- 
formists, did  not  want  to  have  such  a  great  tory  for  governor,  my 
answer  did  not  please  them   .    .    . 

16.  I  could  not  sufficiently  express  the  sad  and  deplorable  state  in 
which  I  found  these  poor  people  at  my  arrival;  almost  all  sick  and  in 
great  extremities  and  the  few  who  remained  well,  in  despair.  God 
knows  in  what  a  labyrinth,  yes,  even  danger  of  my  life  I  found  myself 
then.  I  leave  to  the  reader  to  think  how  my  little  Bernese  colony 
looked  upon  this  play,  who  until  then  lacked  for  nothing,  their  voyage 
and  passage  having  been  fortunate  from  the  commencement  until  their 
arrival  in  Carolina,  the  season  good  and  fine,  well  furnished  with  all 
provisions,  well  equipped  with  sailors,  well  quartered  with  plenty  of 
room  on  the  vessel,  now  to  see  such  a  sad  spectacle  before  them  where 
disease,  poverty,  and  despair  were  at  their  height.  That  which  in- 
creased the  evil  more  yet  is  that  these  poor  Palatines  having  used  the 
greater  part  of  their  clothes  in  order  to  purchase  food  for  themselves 
in  the  greatest  necessity,  were  very  much  disconcerted  when  they  saw 
that  the  directors  above  mentioned,  having  the  greater  part  of  their 
effects  still  in  their  hands,  retained  them;  but  principally  one,  N.  R., 
under  pretext  of  reserving  a  good  part  for  his  pains  and  expenses. 
And  when  I  asked  him  to  make  an  account,  he  put  me  off  so  often 
that  to  the  present  time  the  account  is  not  yet  settled;  and  that  was 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      371 

very  easy  for  him  because  of  the  trouble  which  followed.  He  must 
have  found  these  furnishings  of  the  Palatines  very  convenient  for 
himself  because  before  he  had  their  effects  in  his  hands  he  lived  humbly 
and  afterwards  he  played  the  great  gentleman.  He  kept  their  things 
until  my  arrival  and  when  I  wished  to  have  them  brought  to  our 
place  of  residence  I  could  not  get  even  a  part  except  with  arms  and 
by  force,  indeed  could  not  have  all  notwithstanding  the  complaints  I 
made  of  it  to  the  government  because  he  belonged  to  the  magistracy. 

That  which  was  the  cause  of  all  these  misfortunes  was  the  bad 
conduct  and  unscrupulousness  of  a  part  of  the  superior  and  inferior 
inspectors. 

A  marginal  note  to  the  italicized  words  is  as  follows:  Of  whom 
N.  R.  was  one  also,  whom  I  do  not  name  because  of  his  eminent  con- 
nections. 

17.  While  on  my  part  I  made  all  my  efforts  to  establish  my  colony, 
as  I  have  just  said,  on  the  other  hand  we  wrote  to  Mr.  Hyde  in  Vir- 
ginia where  he  had  made  some  stay  waiting  a  better  outcome  of  his 
candidacy,  who  did  not  fail  to  come  as  soon  as  possible,  with  his 
family  into  Carolina  upon  the  Chowan  near  Colonel  Pollock. 

18.  After  the  repast,  over  a  bottle  of  Maderia  wine  we  came  to  very 
serious  discourse,  and  since  it  was  he  who  refused  me  everything 
(by  virtue  of  my  patents  and  the  orders  of  the  Lords  Proprietors 
he  was  to  furnish  me  with  all  the  necessaries  from  the  revenues  of 
the  province),  I  was  very  glad  to  reproach  him  and  to  represent  to 
him  also  the  enormity  of  his  criminal  proceedings.  Seeing  himself 
convinced  by  so  many  good  reasons  and  moreover  in  order  to  lull  me 
to  sleep  so  that  I  would  not  work  against  him  too  much,  he 
promised  me  ...  etc. 

19.  To  which  I  resolved,  not  without  taking  good  precautions,  the 
more  so  that  I  had  been  threatened  by  some  of  my  colonists  even, 
and  the  road  was  none  too  well  secured,  being  two  days  journey  dis- 
tant, where  I  had  to  descend  and  cross  great  rivers  and  rather  dan- 
gerous forests. 

20.  Bad  luck  would  have  it  that  just  then  a  certain  mutinous  and 
turbulent  personage  named  Richard  Roach  arrived  from  London. 
This  caused  much  disorder.  He  was  an  agent  for  one  of  the  Lords 
Proprietors  but  of  the  sect  of  Quakers,  who  was  said  to  come  into 
this  country  to  trade. 

21.  Which  fomented  the  rebellion  and  augmented  the  troubles  and 
made  us  a  great  deal  of  inconvenience. 

22.  200. 

23.  Equipped  and  armed  with  about  60  or  80  men. 


372  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

24.  When  we  observed  this  manoeuvre  we  also  put  ourselves  into 
position  and  went  down  behind  a  hedge  towards  the  bank  of  the  river. 

25.  During  all  this  I  was  obliged  against  my  will  to  take  the  presi- 
dency, for  the  matter  was  delicate  and  dangerous. 

26.  And  in  advance  a  letter  was  written  to  communicate  our  de- 
sign to  him,  and  he  courteously  marked  out  a  day  and  a  place  for  us 
on  the  frontier  of  Virginia  and  Carolina,  having  aside  from  that  the 
desire  to  exercise  his  troops  in  that  vicinity. 

27.  The  Governor  of  Virginia  left  orders  that  they  should  let  him 
know  at  Williamsburg,  the  place  of  his  residence,  as  soon  as  I  should 
have  arrived. 

28.  It  was  necessary  then  to  look  for  other  expedients.  Now,  be- 
cause I  had  been  recommended  by  the  Queen  and  because  the  first 
time  Governor  Spotswood  saw  me  he  wished  to  do  me  a  pleasure 
and  not  send  me  away  without  granting  me  some  favor,  he  asked 
me  if  I  had  something  else  to  propose  or  some  expedient  which  was 
easier  to  grant  me.  Seeing  then  that  these  Virginians  were  not  dis- 
posed to  help  us,  perhaps  themselves  having  a  little  of  that  free  and 
democratic  spirit,  I  considered  whether  some  soldiers  of  regular  troops 
might  be  found.  Accordingly  I  asked  the  Governor,  since  he  was  the 
vice-admiral  of  the  Virginia  coasts,  to  have  the  kindness  to  send  us  a 
warship  well  manned.     This  he  granted  us. 

29.  In  the  course  of  time  he  was  banished  to  a  distant  island  for 
life  and  died  there. 

30.  At  my  return  to  Neuse  I  was  much  surprised  to  find  so  many  ill 
and  even  several  dead,  among  the  number  of  whom  were  two  servants 
who  had  been  brought  to  me  from  Bern.  Without  doubt  it  was  the 
great  heat  which  came  the  three  months  of  June,  July  and  August, 
that  was  the  cause  of  it;  our  people  coming  from  a  cold  and  moun- 
tainous country  were  not  yet  accustomed  to  this  flat  country  and  this 
hot  air.  Yet  there  was  no  lack  of  physicians  and  surgeons  who  took  care 
of  them.  These  afterwards  also  became  sick.  But  the  principal  cause 
of  it  was  that  in  my  absence  they  had  neglected  my  orders  for  diet 
which  I  had  given  at  first  on  my  arrival  in  America  when  I  found  the 
Palatines  already  so  ill.  It  was  by  the  good  advice  of  persons  who  had 
made  a  long  stay  in  Carolina  that  I  had  instructed  them  not  to  drink  too 
much  fresh  and  cold  water,  but  to  boil  it  with  some  sassafras,  of  which 
the  woods  are  full,  and  afterwards  to  let  it  cool  off  and  to  drink  as  much 
of  it  as  they  wished.  I  used  it  in  the  morning  with  a  little  sugar  in 
place  of  tea  and  it  did  me  much  good.  I  have  noticed  also  that  those 
who  went  right  to  bed  when  they  felt  bad  became  very  sick  and 
many  died.  There  prevails  in  this  country  a  certain  fever.  It  is  a 
general  tribute  which  strangers  have  to  pay  at  the  beginning,  and  the 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern     373 

cure  for  it  is  very  peculiar.  When  this  fever  attacks  you  the  best 
remedy  is,  in  place  of  going  first  of  all  to  bed,  to  run  until  you  sweat 
in  great  drops  and  even  fall  over  from  weariness.  You  must  not 
stop  there  but  arise  and  continue  until  you  can  go  no  farther.  I  am 
speaking  from  experience.  And  so  I  had  it  only  three  weeks  whereas 
others  have  dragged  out  whole  years,  at  last  become  swollen  and 
died  of  it.  I  here  warn  the  lazy  that  it  is  not  a  disease  which  suits 
them.  Idle  and  lazy  people  are  almost  always  sick  there.  Exercise 
is  needed.  A  proof  that  it  is  necessary  and  good  is  that  I  was  very 
much  afflicted  with  gout  in  Europe,  and  in  this  country  I  escaped 
with  a  few  small  attacks. 

In  this  country  the  red  oaks  are  so  juicy  that  by  making  a  small 
opening  with  an  ax,  there  comes  out  a  quantity  of  sap  which  is  vine- 
gar. But  it  is  bad  for  the  health.  Our  people  used  it  during  the 
great  heat  in  order  to  eat  some  salad  and  did  not  feel  well  from  it. 
There  are  two  more  inconveniences  against  which  we  had  to  guard 
ourselves.  These  are  serpents  and  ticks,  in  French  surons.  There 
grows  a  marvellous  antidote  and  in  great  abundance  with  which 
one  must  not  fail  to  provide  himself.  There  are  three  sorts  of  it. 
There  is  one  kind  which  has  a  peculiar  virtue.  If  one  carries 
the  root  with  him  he  can  sleep  freely  under  a  tree;  no  serpent  will 
approach.  The  Indians  ordinarily  use  it.  If  one  bruises  this  root 
and  gives  some  of  it  in  a  cup  or  pot  of  fresh  water  to  the  animal 
which  is  bitten  by  a  serpent,  it  recovers  and  gets  well  in  a  short 
time.  I  have  made  proof  of  it  upon  my  horses  and  my  dog  and  they 
got  well.  The  ticks  trouble  people  to  the  point  of  causing  fever.  It 
is  believed  to  be  corrupt  dew  which  fastens  to  the  grass,  never- 
theless one  sees  it  only  where  there  are  animals.  As  for  the 
women  they  have  more  difficulty  protecting  themselves,  the  men 
wearing  stockings  of  leather  are  free.  The  peasants  who  have 
tougher  skin  do  not  feel  it  so  much.  It  lasts  only  certain  months  of 
the  year. 

Each  of  my  colonists  adapting  himself  as  best  he  could  and  ac- 
cording to  his  capacity  and  skill,  it  was  a  question  of  doing  no  less 
in  the  city.  Following  the  permission  and  the  privileges  I  had,  I 
accordingly  chose  a  point  of  land  between  the  Trent  and  Neuse 
Rivers,  a  place  where  there  was  an  Indian  kinglet  with  his  people, 
about  a  score  of  families.  The  place  was  called  Chatouka.  Mention 
has  been  made  of  it  on  page  six  (of  the  original  manuscript).  We 
purchased  it  so  dearly  because  of  the  advantageous  situation.  It  was 
a  matter  of  importance  then  to  have  my  place  free.  Surveyor  General 
Lawson,  who  had  sold  it  wanted  me  to  drive  off  the  savages.  But  I 
did  not  want  to  do  anything  like  that;  far  from  it.    I  set  about  pur- 


374  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

chasing  from  one  of  these  Indians  a  small  extent  of  land  where  I  built 
my  cabin,  while  waiting  for  something  better,  and  I  even  made  a  sort 
of  alliance  with  this  kinglet,  named  Taylor,  and  his  people.  This  was 
done  formally.  Some  little  time  afterwards,  seeing  that  these  savages 
could  not  agree  with  my  people  nor  mine  with  the  savages,  the  idea 
occurred  to  me  to  propose  to  them  to  buy  this  land  also  of  them, 
and  to  assign  them  another  place  where  they  could  live  just  as  comfort- 
ably and  upon  the  same  river  not  far  from  this  place.  They  began  to 
appreciate  my  reasons,  and  we  held  a  solemn  council  regarding  it.  Since 
I  am  on  the  matter  of  these  savages,  before  speaking  of  the  plan  and 
foundation  of  the  little  city  of  New  Bern,  I  shall  continue  where  I 
left  off  with  the  Indians  and  also  say  something  about  their  religion 
and  what  took  place. 

And  so  we  decided  upon  a  day  to  make  our  agreement.  The  kinglet 
dressed  himself  in  his  best,  but  in  such  a  grotesque  fashion  that  he 
seemed  more  like  an  ape  than  a  man.  He  came  with  seventeen  fathers 
of  families.  They  went  out  into  an  open  field  and  placed  themselves 
in  a  circle  on  the  ground.  I  also  put  on  whatever  would  glitter  most, 
had  a  chair  brought  for  me,  and  taking  to  my  side  an  interpreter,  a 
savage  who  spoke  English  well,  I  broached  the  matter  and  the  object 
of  this  assembly.  After  having  represented  my  reasons  to  them  they 
also  told  their  own,  and  to  speak  without  partiality  they  had  better 
reasons  in  their  opposition  than  I.  Nevertheless  we  came  to  an 
agreement.  I  made  them  several  small  presents  of  little  value,  and 
as  purchase  price  for  this  land  in  question  I  gave  to  the  king  two 
flasks  of  powder  holding  four  pounds,  a  flask  holding  two  pounds, 
and  with  that  1,000  coarse  grains  of  buckshot;  to  each  of  the  chiefs 
a  flask  of  powder  and  500  lead  shots  (a  marginal  note  says  some 
rather  coarse  shot).  After  that  I  had  them  drink  well  on  rum, 
brandy  distilled  of  the  settlings  of  sugar,  the  ordinary  liquor  in  this 
country,  and  the  agreement  was  made. 

This  occasion  was  nevertheless  troubled  by  the  rudeness  of  Mr.  M. 
who,  having  drunk  too  copiously  with  some  Englishmen  who  came  to 
dine  with  me,  lost  his  sense  of  duty  and  coming  to  insult  these  poor 
Indians,  took  the  head  dress  from  the  king  and  threw  it  as  far  as  he 
could.  He  entered  into  the  circle  and  taking  by  the  arm,  one  of  their 
orators  who  spoke  a  little  too  much  against  our  proceedings,  he  pulled 
him  out  of  the  circle  giving  him  several  blows.  I  first  had  this  gentle- 
man who  was  so  intoxicated,  seized  by  some  of  my  servants  in  order  to 
take  him  to  the  house,  where  these  invited  English  kept  him  com- 
pany, diverting  him  as  best  they  could.  The  reader  can  easily  im- 
agine what  effect  a  procedure  like  that  produced.  And  so  the  king 
making  his  complaint  said  that  if  the  Christians  made  peace  and  their 


Geaffenbied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      375 

alliances  after  that  fashion  he  did  not  want  to  have  anything  to  do 
with  them.  I  did  not  fail  to  answer  him  that  he  ought  not  to  pay- 
attention  to  what  a  brute,  controlled  by  the  power  of  liquor,  had 
done,  that  I  would  reprimand  him  vigorously  for  it  and  I  would  even 
send  him  far  away,  that  he  should  not  insult  them  more,  that  they 
should  rely  on  me  assuring  themselves  that  I  would  never  do  them 
injury  so  long  as  they  were  good  neighbors  with  me.  Satisfied 
with  my  answer  and  with  my  better  treatment  they  returned  home. 
This  gentleman,  after  a  little  sleep  which  ought  to  have  made  the 
vapors  pass  from  him,  became  quiet.  I  do  not  know  what  fly  bit 
him,  but  after  ten  o'clock  in  the  evening  when  I  had  gone  to  bed 
believing  all  were  at  rest,  he  arose  and  went  toward  the  Indian  lodges. 
Finding  the  Indian  orator  still  up,  he  treated  him  very  badly.  But 
immediately  the  king  with  some  Indians  gave  the  halloo  and  I  admire 
the  patience  and  discretion  of  these  savages,  in  not  having  beaten  the 
barbarous  Christian  in  their  turn.  The  next  day  the  king  with  his 
concillors  did  not  fail  to  complain  of  the  reiterated  bad  treatment  of 
this  brute  worse  than  a  savage,  with  threats  that  if  they  were  in- 
sulted any  more  they  would  pay  him  in  the  same  coin.  I  had  con- 
siderable difficulty  appeasing  them.  I  had  them  drink  freely  again 
and  sent  them  away  with  assurance  that  I  would  have  this  turbulent 
man  leave  and  that  they  would  not  be  insulted  any  more. 

After  the  departure  of  these  Indians,  finding  my  man  in  his  better 
senses,  I  talked  to  him  seriously  about  some  things.  This  person  will  be 
spoken  of  very  often  in  this  account;  but  because  of  his  relatives  who 
are  people  of  distinction,  rank  and  merit,  I  have  consideration  for 
him  and  do  not  name  him,  denoting  him  only  by  Mr.  M.  He  was 
one  of  the  eight  associates,  to  our  loss  and  my  ruin  and  that  of 
several  others.  May  the  Good  God  convert  him  and  give  him  to 
know  how  much  evil  he  has  caused.  The  Surveyor-General  has  been 
punished  with  a  terrible  execution  by  the  savages  for  his  crimes 
and  bad  faith.  If  this  man  does  not  change,  the  same  thing  may 
very  well  come  to  him.  Living  no  better  than  a  barbarian  he  might 
well  be  chastized  by  the  barbarians.  (The  marginal  note  says,  He 
died  among  the  Indians'.     This  appears  to  have  been  put  in  later). 

Being  badly  satisfied  with  him  I  sought  an  expedient  for  sending 
him  elsewhere.  And  so  he  set  out  to  survey  the  lands  along  the 
Weetock  River,  and  for  that  purpose  I  furnished  him  all  the  neces- 
saries. On  his  return  there  arrived  one  of  his  old  comrades  from 
Pennsylvania  in  a  shallop  and  another  worthless  fellow  with  him. 
Among  the  three  the  plan  was  made  to  take  a  trip  towards  Cape  Fear 
and  to  survey  the  lands  along  this  river,  otherwise  called  Clarendon 
River;  and  for  this  they  made  such  provisions  of  food  and  merchan- 


876  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

dise  that  there  remained  to  me  almost  nothing  more.  Nevertheless 
they  idled  away  their  time  in  outrageous  debaucheries.  This  trick  did 
not  please  me  and  making  my  reflections  upon  it  one  morning  be- 
fore they  had  eaten  breakfast  I  told  them  that  from  the  way  they 
were  going  about  it  I  saw  that  they  preferred  to  disport  themselves 
than  to  do  a  necessary  and  profitable  piece  of  work,  that  I  had  need 
of  this  merchandise  in  order  to  relieve  my  necessity  and  that  of  the 
colony,  that  we  had  land  enough  for  the  present,  that  we  needed 
first  to  see  how  our  colonists  would  succeed,  that  since  great  sums 
were  needed  to  sustain  an  enterprise  of  this  importance  there  was  more 
need  to  think  how  to  procure  for  ourselves  the  wherewithal  to  subsist, 
than  to  go  to  useless  and  as  yet  unnecessary  expenses,  etc.  My  propo- 
sition disconcerted  these  fine  debauchees  and  they  did  all  they  could 
to  argue  with  me  but  my  resolution  was  firm  and  I  told  Mr.  M.  that 
having  made  so  much  noise  about  his  silver  mines  that  we  had  come 
to  genuine  treaties,  as  well  with  Mr.  Perm,  Proprietor  of  Pennsylvania, 
as  with  J.  Justus  Albrecht,  chief  of  the  miners  from  Germany,  who  was 
waiting  only  our  orders  in  order  to  have  them  come,  it  was  there 
that  he  ought  to  labor.  Accordingly  they  ought  to  go  to  Philadel- 
phia, Capital  of  Pennsylvania,  to  notify  the  governor  of  my  arri- 
val in  this  country,  give  our  patent  to  Proprietor  Perm  and  an- 
nounce to  him  that  we  had  the  design  to  go  visit  the  mines  in 
question,  since  they  appeared  to  be  situated  in  the  rear  of  his  jurisdic- 
tion, and  that  he  should  give  us  the  necessary  assistance.  And  then 
after  everything  should  be  ready  and  in  good  order  and  assured  against 
the  Indians  I  would  transport  myself  there,  etc.  These  two  rascals, 
the  above  mentioned  companions  of  Mr.  M.  when  he  was  going  with 
several  others  to  the  discovery  of  the  mine  in  question,  approved  of 
my  proposition  and  encouraged  Mr.  M.  to  this  expedition.  At  last  he 
gave  his  hand  upon  it,  and  they  left,  provided  with  the  same  pro- 
visions that  they  had  taken  for  the  little  journey  to  Clarendon  River. 
Several  days  after  their  departure,  the  king  with  some  of  his  Indians 
came  to  find  me.  Not  knowing  that  for  other  reasons  I  had  had  this 
Mr.  M.  leave,  he  evidenced  much  joy  that  I  had  delivered  them  from 
the  dangerous  man,  and  this  affair  did  me  a  great  deal  of  good  in  my 
captivity  at  Catechna  where  the  kinglet  spoke  in  my  favor. 

Thereupon  we  promised  each  other  reciprocally  to  be  good  neigh- 
bors and  the  Indians  left  the  place  shortly  after  to  settle  themselves 
in  the  place  assigned  to  them,  not  far  from  there.  Some  time  after- 
wards I  made  a  trip  to  Core  Town  ten  miles  from  Chatouka,  where  I 
had  the  savages  assembled  to  propose  to  them  that  finding  myself  in 
their  vicinity  I  intended  to  live  on  good  terms  with  them,  making  offer 
of  my  services.    This  was  well  received,  but  as  there  were  two  chiefs 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern     377 

in  the  village,  one  named  Core  Tom  and  the  other  Sam,  the  first  an 
enemy  of  the  English  and  the  other  who  was  absent,  a  friend,  I  could 
not  entirely  arrange  some  things  which  I  should  have  wished  very 
much  to  arrange.  Nevertheless,  rather  satisfied  with  the  reception,  I 
returned  home  the  same  day.  This  village  of  Core  is  very  well  situ- 
ated. There  is  a  cooler  atmosphere,  and  is  bordered  by  the  Neuse 
River.  If  these  Indians  had  wished  to  change  places  I  should  have 
liked  very  much  to  do  so. 

Having  had  until  now  more  pressing  occupations,  I  had  not  as  yet 
done  very  much  for  the  establishment  of  the  city.  Finding  myself  a 
little  disengaged  I  took  the  Surveyor-General  and  his  clerk  with  me  to 
make  a  plan  of  this  new  city.  Since  in  America  they  do  not  like  to 
live  crowded,  in  order  to  enjoy  a  purer  air,  I  accordingly  ordered  the 
streets  to  be  very  broad  and  the  houses  well  separated  one  from  the 
other.  I  marked  three  acres  of  land  for  each  family,  for  house,  barn, 
garden,  orchard,  hemp  field,  poultry  yard  and  other  purposes.  I  di- 
vided the  village  like  a  cross  and  in  the  middle  I  intended  the  church. 
One  of  the  principle  streets  extended  from  the  bank  of  the  rivier  Neuse 
straight  on  into  the  forest  and  the  other  principle  street  crossed  it,  run- 
ning from  the  Trent  River  clear  to  the  Neuse  River.  After  that  we 
planted  stakes  to  mark  the  houses  and  to  make  the  first  two  principal 
streets  along  and  on  the  banks  of  the  two  rivers,  mine  being  situated  at 
the  point.  And  since  artisans  are  better  off  in  a  city  than  on  planta- 
tions, I  gave  them  some  privileges.  In  place  of  the  inhabitants  or  new 
citizens  being  obliged  to  pay  me  annually  as  my  fee  and  for  the  three  acres 
of  ground  a  silver  crown,  the  people  with  trades  were  free  for  ten  years, 
the  other  for  three  only.  At  the  first  I  had  a  good  number  who  began 
to  fell  timber  in  order  to  build  their  houses.  There  were  two  carpen- 
ters, a  mason,  two  carpenters  and  joiners,  a  locksmith,  a  blacksmith, 
one  or  two  shoemakers,  a  tailor,  a  miller,  an  armourer,  a  butcher,  a 
weaver,  a  turner,  a  saddler,  a  glazier,  a  potter  and  tilemaker,  one  or 
two  millwrights,  a  physician,  a  surgeon,  a  schoolmaster.  There  were 
here  and  there  on  the  plantations  still  other  artisans.  There  was  lack- 
ing as  yet  only  a  minister,  and  while  waiting  the  one  I  was  having 
come  from  Germany  I  performed  the  function.  (Marginal  note.  Reading 
sermons  after  the  English  fashion)  having  permission  of  the  Bishop  of 
London  to  marry  and  baptize.  For  the  Communion  I  had  a  minister 
come  once  a  year  from  Virginia.  There  came  a  minister  from  Vir- 
ginia who  preached  in  English  and  French  and  I  had  engaged  him  for 
my  colony,  he  being  very  well  satisfied  to  come  for  the  50£  sterling 
which  the  Chamber  of  London  for  the  propogation  of  the  faith  orders 
in  such  cases,  and  a  reasonable  offering  which  the  colony  in  general 
made. 


378  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

After  a  part  of  these  artisans  had  their  timber  work  ready  and  had 
at  least  put  themselves  under  cover,  while  waiting  something  better, 
and  when  I  had  also  fitted  up  my  own  dwelling  a  little  better,  we  were 
concerned  to  give  a  name  to  the  city,  which  we  did  in  great  solemnity; 
and  we  joined  to  Neuse  that  of  Bern.  Thus  the  city  was  christened 
New  Bern.  At  the  commencement  there  was  to  be  established  a 
market  once  a  month  and  once  a  year  a  fair.  Finally  there  were  sev- 
eral other  regulations.  When  the  governor,  the  council,  and  many 
planters  of  Carolina  had  advice  of  our  establishment  they  not  only 
all  had  a  desire  to  live  there  but  actually  had  lots,  that  is  to  say, 
limited  plots,  marked  out  for  them. 

They  were  right;  for  in  all  the  province  there  was  not  a  single  place 
of  security.  There  was  neither  a  general  provision  of  food  nor  muni- 
tions of  war  nor  arms.  Each  was,  so  to  speak,  abandoned  to  the 
jaws  of  the  wolf.  If  the  savages  were  a  people  better  adapted  for  war 
they  could  have  destroyed  the  people  of  that  province  whenever  they 
had  wished.  If  the  good  God  had  not  watched  over  these  fickle 
Carolinians  better  (than  they  themselves  did),  there  would  not  have 
remained  one  soul. 

There  were  many  persons  of  Pennsylvania  and  several  for  Virginia 
who  took  lots,  so  that  in  a  few  years  we  should  have  had  a  fine  city. 
I  should  have  transferred  the  seat  of  government  there,  the  rather, 
than  at  Little  River,  where  the  large  assembly  stayed,  there  were  only 
a  few  scattered  houses,  where  we  were  badly  lodged  and  had  no 
security. 

While  I  was  busying  myself  in  establishing  the  affairs  of  the  colony 
to  the  best  of  my  ability,  having  even  caused  a  redoubt  tc  be  built 
up  above  towards  Mill  Creek  for  the  safety  of  the  colony  and  to  hold 
the  Indians  in  check  from  this  side,  I  also  made  several  regulations 
and  ordinances,  as  well  for  the  military  as  for  the  civil  affairs.  My 
provisions  of  food  began  to  diminish  and  the  merchandise  also,  which 
in  this  country  is  used  as  cash.  And  so  I  began  to  reflect  very  seri- 
ously upon  my  enterprises.  Far  from  receiving  any  assistance  and 
help,  whether  from  the  province  or  the  Lords  Proprietors,  or  of  my 
own  country  and  my  society;  there  arrived,  on  the  contrary,  pro- 
tested bills  of  exchange.  In  this  bad  state  of  affairs,  I  no  longer  knew 
where  to  turn,  having  already  written  several  times  to  the  (old) 
country  and  to  the  society  for  help.  No  response  having  followed, 
and  fearing  that  they  would  take  my  information  for  tales,  I  conceived 
the  notion  of  inquiring  whether  I  might  not  find  some  one  of  the 
colony,  who,  tired  of  his  troubles  would  have  a  desire  to  go  back  to 
the  old  country.  I  found  one  who  was  the  very  person,  a  man  whom 
two  members  of  the  society  had  chosen  to  take  care  of  their  planta- 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      379 

tion,  but  who,  seeing  that  these  gentlemen  were  not  furnishing  any- 
thing for  him  to  live  on,  resolved  to  go  back  home.  On  his  promising 
me  that  it  would  cost  me  only  the  expense  to  Philadelphia,  I  gave  him 
five  guineas  for  that  and  a  small  bill  of  exchange "■  \  for  him  to  collect  as 
much  at  Philadelphia.  But  the  rascal  was  not  satisfied  with  so  little 
when  he  came  to  Philadelphia  and  found  a  merchant  who  was  so  easy 
that,  without  my  orders,  on  my  credit,  he  advanced  him  more  than 
he  needed.  At  London  he  did  the  same,  and  at  Amsterdam  also  and 
so  on  clear  to  Bern.  And  our  friends,  the  associates,  were  much  sur- 
prised to  see  his  face  and  more  at  his  boldness  and  the  big  bill. 
Nevertheless  before  the  departure  of  this  rascally  pilgrim,  I  had  made 
and  given  to  him  a  map  of  the  land  and  rivers  where  I  had  placed 
my  colony  and  a  memorandum  of  what  I  had  done  for  this  establish- 
ment, as  well  as  of  the  expenses  I  had  incurred  on  this  account,  with  the 
bill  of  everything  and  a  letter  prepared  to  encourage  them  to  support 
me  in  this  enterprise,  to  the  effect  that  although  it  was  very  difficult 
and  dangerous  at  the  commencement,  still,  having  surmounted  the  most 
dangerous  obstacles,  there  was  good  appearance  of  success;  leaving  the 
rest  to  the  account  which  he  would  make  by  word  of  mouth,  principally 
concerning  the  beauty  and  wealth  of  the  country.  This  letter  he  de- 
livered and  according  to  the  information  I  have  received  of  it,  he 
omitted  nothing  which  could  tend  to  the  advantage  of  the  establish- 
ment, and  doubtless  I  should  have  obtained  the  help  needed  except 
for  the  misfortune  which  came  to  me  a  short  time  after,  as  is  to  be 
seen  in  my  account. 

In  this  hope  of  a  prompt  and  sufficient  assistance,  seeing  that  food 
for  the  colony  was  costing  me  more  for  carriage  than  the  purchase 
price,  at  the  advice  of  friends  and  persons  of  understanding,  I  pur- 
chased a  sloop,  a  vessel  suited  to  be  used  upon  the  sea  and  on  the 
rivers,  with  a  barque  which  could  serve  only  in  the  rivers;  this  for 
bills  of  exchange.  These  vessels  did  me  as  well  as  the  province  great 
service,  as  will  be  seen  later.  I  was  constrained  to  this  expe- 
dient because  there  were  very  few  of  these  vessels  in  the  province, 
and  during  this  civil  war  they  were  all  engaged  and  one  could  not  get 
them  for  love  or  money,  and  yet  we  had  to  live.  There  was  at  this 
time  such  a  scarcity  of  salt,  because  strangers  did  not  dare  to  bring 
any  during  these  troubles,  that  I  was  obliged  to  send  my  sloop  to  the 
Bermuda  Islands  to  look  for  it;  and  since  there  had  to  be  something 
to  exchange,  I  obtained  permission  of  Governor  Hyde  to  gather  up 
grain  (marginal  note,  in  this  case  Indian  corn)  here  and  there  in  the 
province  upon  his  account  and  the  account  of  the  Lords  Proprietors. 
But  ill  luck  would  have  it  that  this  corn  was  wet  by  a  great  storm, 
which  spoiled  my  market,  and  the  profit  of  this  voyage  was  very 


380  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission- 

small.  Nevertheless  the  salt  which  I  got  from  the  Bermudas  did  me 
and  my  neighbors  much  good,  and  I  was  very  glad  that  for  the  first 
time  my  vessel  was  saved  and  returned  in  good  shape  except  for  the 
sails  which  were  much  torn  and  for  some  cordage  ruined.  It  had  been 
absent  so  long  that  I  thought  all  lost.  This  might  well  disturb  me  very 
much,  having  cost  me  300£  Sterling.  But  what  disturbed  me  most 
was  the  crew:  I  had  some  very  good  sailors  on  it.  In  the  uncertainty  of 
the  above  I  went  sometimes  to  survey  lands  in  order  to  find  relief, 
and  I  can  do  no  less  than  relate  here  a  rather  peculiar  adventure  which 
preceded  that  of  Catechna,  when  I  was  taken  captive  by  the  savages. 

On  day  when  I  was  going  to  survey  lands,  the  weather  having 
changed,  fearing  a  great  tempest  and  not  wishing  to  sleep  in  the  woods, 
I  left  my  surveyors,  and  took  my  way  home  with  my  valet.  My  great 
haste  caused  me  to  mistake  one  path  for  the  other.  In  this  way  so 
much  time  was  lost  that  night  surprised  me  and  I  fell  among  the  very 
Indians  who  moved  from  the  place  where  I  had  settled  at  Chatouka, 
now  called  New  Bern.  I  leave  the  reader  to  think  in  what  apprehension 
I  was,  and  whether  the  Indians  would  not  have  had  a  fine  chance  to 
revenge  themselves  on  me  if  I  had  misused  them  and  had  not  lived 
peaceably  with  them.  Having  had  nothing  with  which  to  reproach  my- 
self in  this  regard,  I  reassured  myself  a  little  and  luckily  they  received 
me  well.  The  thing  that  should  have  increased  my  apprehension  was 
that  one  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Core  savages,  who  was  not  favorable  to 
the  English,  was  at  that  very  time  on  a  visit  to  King  Taylor.  Never- 
theless I  got  off  with  a  little  fear.  As  I  was  very  thirsty  from  having 
traveled  all  day  through  the  woods,  fearing  that  drinking  water  would 
make  me  sick,  in  their  excess  of  politeness  they  sent  to  a  sick  woman 
who  had  some  cider  in  order  to  let  me  have  some  of  it.  I  did  not 
learn  that  until  several  daj^s  after  or  I  should  not  have  drunk  so  much, 
and  I  should  have  had  scruples  against  depriving  this  poor  sick  woman 
of  a  drink  which  she  used  for  a  cordial  rather  than  to  satisfy  her  palate. 
For  my  supper  the  king  made  me  a  present  of  a  quarter  of  venison, 
but  this  evening  I  did  without  supper.  Tired  with  my  traveling  I 
was  very  glad  to  rest,  and  so  I  had  my  valet  stretch  my  little  tent 
for  me  to  lie  under,  but  I  scarcely  slept.  All  night  they  made  fires  of 
joy,  dancing  and  singing  about  them,  making  sometimes  choruses  and 
cries  such  as  might  have  chased  the  wolves  from  the  forest;  music 
different  from  that  of  Orpheus  who  tamed  the  most  savage  animals. 
The  next  day  early,  the  king  gave  me  as  escort  two  savages  who  put 
me  on  the  right  road  and  accompanied  me  home.  After  having  given 
them  something  good  to  eat  and  drink  I  gave  them  a  little  present 
for  King  Taylor  and  in  place  of  his  cider  I  sent  him  two  bottles 
of  rum  or  brandy  of  sugar  to  divide  also  with  the  poor  sick  woman,  a 


Graffenkied  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been     381 

much  better  cordial.  This  was  very  well  received  as  I  have  learned. 
This  same  king  contributed  not  a  little  to  my  release,  next  to  the 
Divine  assistance,  when  I  was  condemned  to  death  by  the  savages 
at  Catechna. 

31.  Having  neither  place  of  retreat  nor  provision,  whether  of  food, 
arms,  or  amunition,  encouraged  them  not  a  little  in  the  project. 

32.  He  first  of  all,  after  the  punishment,  which  consisted  only  in 
sawing  logs  for  the  public  safety  during  a  single  day,  a  punishment 
which  did  not  approach  the  crime,  crossed  over  the  river  to  meet  the 
Indians.   .   . 

33.  The  Indians  who  had  difficulty  believing  such  perfidiousness  of 
me  doubting  what  the  rascal  had  reported,  risked  sending  to  us  one 
of  their  troop  who  knew  English  well,  this  was,  indeed,  my  interpreter 
of  Catechna,  although  he  was  in  great  apprehension  of  being  taken  and 
his  life  endangered.  Upon  which  there  happened  a  rather  amus- 
ing adventure.  This  Indian,  having  passed  across  to  this  side  of  the 
river,  watched  for  an  occasion  of  talking  to  some  of  my  people,  in 
order  to  know  the  reality  of  the  matter.  When  the  Indian  wished  to  ap- 
proach one  of  my  colonists  the  poor  man  was  so  frightened  that  he 
came  all  out  of  breath  to  give  the  alarm  in  my  quarter  and  informed 
me  that  he  had  seen  a  savage  who  had  wanted  to  approach;  that 
doubtless  the  others  were  not  far  distant,  which  in  fact  alarmed  me  a 
little  and  I  put  my  people  into  position.  Nevertheless  I  imagined 
that  the  Indians,  impatient  to  get  their  ransom,  might  have  sent 
some  one  to  see  where  we  stood  about  it.  And  so  I  ordered  the  same 
man  who  had  taken  fright  to  betake  himself  again  alone  to  that  same 
place,  telling  him  that  I  would  post  people  at  a  distance  to  defend  him 
in  case  of  danger,  which  we  did.  The  savage  did  not  fail  to  show  him- 
self a  little  while  after,  and  approaching  made  signs  to  him  that  he  need 
fear  nothing.  Our  man  making  the  same  sign  to  the  other,  they 
eventually  approached  and  came  face  to  face.  They  came  thus  upon 
the  chapter  of  the  blacksmith  who  had  talked  against  me,  nevertheless 
without  the  savage  ever  being  willing  to  name  him,  but  he  talked  of 
him  in  such  a  way  that  one  could  guess  who  it  was.  Our  man  who 
had  his  instructions  represented  to  him  that  the  savages  were  badly  in- 
formed and  that  it  was  a  dishonest  man  who  had  made  these  invidious 
reports;  that  I  was  keeping  an  exact  neutrality,  so  far  from  the  con- 
trary that  the  English  were  not  satisfied  with  me  because  I  did  not  wish 
to  join  with  them,  contenting  myself  in  keeping  my  post.  He  insin- 
uated, moreover  that  the  savage  ought  to  bring  back  their  Palatine 
prisoners  if  they  wished  to  have  their  ransom,  and  several  other  things 
that  he  had  orders  to  say.  After  this  he  let  the  Indian  go  quietly,  telling 
him  that  in  the  future  none  of  the  savages  should  come  here  any  more, 


382  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

but  if  they  had  anything  to  say  they  should  make  a  fire  opposite  to 
our  quarters,  that  afterwards  I  would  send  someone  in  a  boat  to  talk 
to  them,  that  we  would  talk  to  them  only  on  the  water;  and  they,  the 
Indians,  should  come  to  meet  us  and  not  more  than  two  at  a  time. 

34.  The  above  mentioned  Brice,  who  would  gladly  have  had  his 
tools,  especially  those  which  were  used  for  repairing  guns,  took  it  into 
his  head  to  get  them  back  by  cunning.  If  he  could  not  have  them 
otherwise,  resolved,  even,  to  take  them  by  force. 

35.  (Pretending  that  it  is  for  the  defence  and  service  of  the  country.) 

36.  Small  fort. 

37.  Which  would  have  been  done  if  I  had  had  enough  witnesses 
against  him. 

38.  Marked  with  a  mark  N:  which  signifies  Neuse. 

39.  (Who  really  were  not  in  action  against  them,  but  suspected  of 
being  on  the  side  of  the  enemies.) 

40.  When  the  general  assembly  was  convoked  I  did  not  fail  to  betake 
myself  to  it.  First  of  all  I  presented  myself  in  the  upper  house, 
consisting  of  the  governor,  the  representatives  of  the  Lords  Proprie- 
tors, the  councillors,  and  caciques  or  gentlemen  of  the  province. 
After  I  had  made  my  complaints  and  had  justified  myself  for  my  con- 
duct I  went  to  the  lower  house,  consisting  of  the  deputies  of  the  com- 
munes. After  a  small  discourse  on  the  subject  in  question,  I  asked 
about  these  caluminators,who  had  made  secret  inquiries  without  any 
order  of  the  authorities.  I  wanted  to  have  them  named  to  me  and 
to  have  brought  before  me  the  original  copy  of  the  20  or  23  articles 
which  had  been  formed  against  me.  I  absolutely  wished  that  the  ac- 
cuser should  produce  himself,  in  order  that  I  might  convince  him  of 
falseness,  prove  my  innocence  and  justify  myself  in  due  form,  but  no 
one  dared  show  himself  nor  even  open  his  mouth  on  the  subject  of 
these  false  accusations. 

Doubtless  these  false  accusers  got  wind  of  it  and  learned  how  I  had 
justified  myself  before  the  governor  of  Virginia  and  Carolina,  and 
seeing  that  my  conduct  was  approved  they  did  not  dare  to  pursue 
their  accusations  for  fear  of  being  beaten.  Nevertheless  my  honor  and 
reputation  suffered  much  in  all  this  and  I  was  even  in  danger  of  my 
life;  so  much  the  more,  since  among  the  Palatines,  my  subjects  even, 
there  were  false  witnesses.  What  should  I  do  then  in  this  wretched 
situation  of  things?  Seeing  that  no  one  wished  to  speak  I  myself  be- 
gan to  name  the  accusers,  fulminating  against  them  and  demanding 
justice.  But  alas!  In  a  government  so  confused,  where  the  first  fire  of 
sedition  was  not  yet  entirely  extinguished,  because  a  good  part  of  the 
members  of  Parliament  were  still  holding  secret  grudges,  men  who 
were  good  friends  of  this  Brice  who  was  also  a  member  of  it,  and  who 


Geaffeneied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been     383 

all  would  have  been  glad  if  some  affront  should  come  to  me  for 
having  taken  the  side  of  the  Governor;  and  because  of  the  embarass- 
ment  of  this  Indian  war,  as  well,  I  could  get  no  other  satisfaction  than 
to  see  a  profound  silence  at  my  explanation  and  defence.  It  is  true 
that  the  governor  and  the  upper  house  made  excuses  and  paid  their 
respects  to  me,  advising  me  for  the  rest,  to  seek  justice  according  to 
the  forms  usual  in  the  time  of  peace  against  slanderers.  Think,  my 
dear  reader,  how  much  time  it  would  have  been  necessary  to  wait  to 
have  my  due  satisfaction,  since  until  now  the  Indian  war  is  not  fin- 
ished.   A  marginal  note  says,  A.  1716. 

41.  These  poor  people  who  felt  only  too  keely  the  effects  of  the 
extremity  to  which  we  were  then  reduced  (nothing  of  our  provisions 
having  remained  except  a  measure  of  wheat,  having  endured  22 
weeks  without  any  help  whatsoever  from  the  government  or  the 
province)  had  no  difficulty  in  consenting  to  what  I  proposed  to  them. 

42.  An  English  planter  of  the  sect  of  Quakers. 

43.  So  then  the  government  of  South  Carolina  sent  800  savage 
tributaries  with  50  English  Carolinians,  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
Barnwell. 

44.  Shaft  or  litter. 

45.  The  place  of  our  rendezvous  was  at  the  home  of  a  very  gallant 
man.  Mr.  Rosier,  near  the  falls  of  the  Potomac,  where  several  gentle- 
men from  Pennsylvania  who  were  also  interested  with  us  had  come  to 
meet  me,  in  the  hopes  of  seeing  what  there  was  of  this  fine  and  rich 
silver  mine  of  which  Mr.  M.  had  made  so  much  noise  and  for  the  find- 
of  which  they  had  already  furnished  so  much  money.  Having  staid 
a  rather  long  time  at  this  place  without  learning  any  news  either  of 
Mr.  M.  or  of  the  colony  which  we  were  awaiting  for  daily  with  impa- 
tience, the  strange  vagaries  of  this  M.  made  us  almost  doubt,  and  not 
without  reason,  of  the  reality  of  his  advances.  That  is  why  we  took 
the  resolution  to  go  ourselves  to  visit  the  place  of  the  mines,  of  which 
he  had  given  us  a  map.  And  so  we  prepared  in  a  rather  good  manner 
to  make  this  journey,  although  it  was  very  dangerous.  And  as  I  had 
formed  the  design  before  I  had  been  given  notice  of  this  rendezvous,  I 
took  my  precautions,  communicating  my  design  to  the  Governor  of 
Virginia  who  gave  me  patents,  even  published  commands  by  which  he 
ordered  that  at  my  first  request  or  at  the  first  notification,  rangers 
should  follow  and  accompany  me.  When  we  came  to  a  small  vil- 
lage called  Canavest,  a  very  pleasant  and  enchanting  spot  about 
40  miles  above  the  falls  of  the  Potomac,  we  found  a  troop  of  savages 
established  there,  and  in  particular  a  Frenchman  from  Canada,  named 
Martin  Charetier,  who  had  married  an  Indian  woman  or  savage.  He 
was   in  great   credit   among  the  savages   beyond   Pennsylvania  and 


384  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Maryland,  and  at  the  fine  advances  of  Mr.  M.  had  settled  himself 
there,  leaving  for  this  his  place  where  he  was  well  established  in  Penn- 
sylvania. This  same  Martin  Charetier  had  also  made  the  journey  to 
Senantona  to  look  for  mines  with  Mr.  M.  and  contributed  a  good  sum 
of  money  to  it.  This  man  warned  us  that  the  Indians,  who  were  in 
the  vicinity  of  this  mountain  of  S.  where  the  mines  were  said  to  be, 
were  much  alarmed  by  the  war  which  we  were  having  with  the  Tusca- 
roras,  and  told  us  that  not  to  risk  ourselves  on  so  dangerous  a  journey 
without  necessity.  We  gave  heed  to  this,  postponing  the  plan  for  a 
more  secure  occasion  and  time.  We  made  an  alliance,  however,  with 
these  Indians  of  Canavest,  a  very  necessary  thing,  in  connection  with 
the  mines  which  he  hoped  to  find  there  as  well  as  on  account  of 
the  establishment  which  we  had  resolved  to  make  in  these  parts  of 
our  small  Bernese  colony  which  we  were  waiting  for.  After  that  we 
visited  those  beautiful  spots  of  the  country,  those  enchanted  islands  in 
the  Potomac  River  above  the  falls.  And  from  there,  on  our  return, 
we  ascended  a  high  mountain  standing  alone  in  the  midst  of  a  vast 
flat  stretch  of  country,  called  because  of  its  form  Sugar  Loaf  which 
means  in  French  pain  de  sucre,  taking  with  us  a  surveyor,  the  above 
named  Martin  Charetier,  and  some  savages.  From  this  mountain  we 
saw  a  great  extent  of  country,  a  part  of  Virginia,  Maryland,  Pennsyl- 
vania and  Carolina.  By  use  of  the  compass  we  made  a  map,  and 
observed  particularly  the  mountain  Senantona  where  our  mines  were 
said  to  be.  We  found  that  this  mine  was  situated  beyond  Virginia, 
and  not  beyond  Pennsylvania  as  the  map  of  it  had  been  given  to  us. 
And  two  of  the  savages  by  chance  knowing  the  situation  of  this 
mountain,  told  us  that  they  had  already  roamed  about  the  locality 
having  visited  almost  all  parts  of  this  mountain,  but  that  they 
had  found  no  mineral  and  that  our  map  was  not  correct,  at  which  we 
were  much  surprised.  We  discovered  from  this  height  three  chains  of 
mountains,  the  last  higher  than  the  one  before,  somewhat  distant  and 
a  very  fine  valley  between  the  first  ranges.  After  we  had  come 
down  again  from  this  mountain  to  a  place  at  the  foot  where  there 
was  a  very  fine  spring  and  good  soil,  we  went  to  Martin  Charetier's 
where  we  were  lodged  and  treated  after  the  Indian  fashion.  The  day 
after,  we  departed  in  order  to  return  home.  We  went  down  the  river. 
For  the  purpose  of  the  descent  the  Indians  with  marvelous  skill  made 
us  in  less  than  a  half  day  a  small  boat  of  the  bark  of  trees.  We  got 
into  it,  five  of  us,  besides  two  savages,  who  managed  the  boat.  We  even 
put  in  our  baggage.  It  was  charming  going  down  the  river  to  see 
the  beautiful  country  on  the  sides  and  the  pretty  islands,  but  when 
we  came  close  to  a  great  rock  in  the  middle  of  the  river,  not  far  from 
the  falls,  as  is    to  be   seen  on  the  map    (number  6),  we  found  the 


Graffenkied  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been     385 

passage  dangerous,  for  about  this  rock  which  is  almost  a  little  moun- 
tain with  a  pretty  plain  up  on  top  where  an  Indian  lived,  there  are 
still  a  number  of  small  rocks  and  great  stones,  which  make  the  pas- 
sages swift,  narrow,  and  bad.  I  did  not  want  to  go  down  it,  and 
we  all  got  out  except  Mr.  Rosier,  who,  knowing  the  skill  of  the 
Indians,  risked  it.  When  we  saw  from  a  distance  the  turns  they 
had  to  make,  what  inexpressible  skill  it  needed  to  steer  this  canoe 
or  boat,  we  almost  thought  there  was  some  magic  in  the  act,  and 
we  were  very  glad  to  be  out  of  it,  especially  when  we  heard  the 
Indians  singing  as  they  passed  at  great  speed,  almost  striking 
against  a  great  stone  or  rock.  But  this  made  my  good  Mr.  Rosier 
pray,  bold  as  he  might  be.  At  a  quarter  of  a  league  beyond  this  bad 
passage  they  stopped  and  we  got  into  the  boat  again.  Good  Rosier, 
still  very  pale  with  fear,  assured  us  that  he  would  never  be  so  rash 
again.  We  went  down  the  river  very  nicely  and  easily  from  there  to 
the  falls.  At  a  quarter  of  a  league  from  them  we  got  out,  the  valets 
having  brought  our  horses  to  that  place.  Nevertheless  before  mount- 
ing our  horses  we  saw  how  the  Indians  carried  the  boat  upon  their 
shoulders  into  the  forest  to  repair  it,  they  taking  good  care  not  to 
tell  us  that  the  end  was  damaged  by  striking  against  a  rock.  It  was 
necessary  to  shorten  the  boat  by  cutting  off  the  end.  After  having  it 
well  repaired,  the  Indians  brought  it  back  to  the  river  and  were  rash 
enough  to  go  down  the  rapids  or  great  falls  of  the  Potomac.  They 
passed  down  very  nicely,  according  to  their  story,  but  yet  they  caused 
us  considerable  anxiety  becaused  they  delayed  very  much  before  they 
joined  us  at  Mr.  Rosier's  where  we  lodged.  I  staid  some  time  longer 
with  this  gentleman,  waiting  for  my  people  from  Carolina.  The  rest 
of  the  company  took  their  way  to  Pennsylvania,  badly  satisfied  with 
the  tergiversations  and  strange  conduct  of  Mr.  M. 

It  is  to  be  remarked  here  that  Mr.  M.,  whom  for  good  reasons  I 
do  not  name,  has  thoroughly  duped  people  by  his  fine  and  persuasive 
accounts  of  having  found  such  rich  mines;  and  if  I  have  also  gone 
into  the  snare  it  was  easy  to  entrap  me,  being  a  stranger  in  these 
parts.  My  foundation  was  this:  First,  I  hardly  thought  a  man  of 
his  rank  and  a  fellow  countryman  besides,  capable  of  such  tricks. 
Second,  the  mineral  which  he  had  shown,  having  been  tested,  was 
found  very  good.  Third,  the  oaths  that  he  took.  Fourth,  the  patents 
which  he  asked  of  the  Queen  of  England  for  this  purpose,  a  very 
bold  trick.  Fifth,  since  so  many  persons  from  Pennsylvania  and  other 
provinces  having  made  the  journey  openly,  with  the  permission  of  the 
neighboring  governors  for  the  discovery  of  these  mines,  there  appeared 
something  real  in  the  affair.  Sixth,  among  others  who  had  interested 
themselves  in  it,  were  a  merchant  of  Pennsylvania  a  very  shrewd 
*5 


386  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

man  and  no  longer  young,  a  skillful  goldsmith  and  other  persons 
who  ought  to  know  the  country  thereabouts  well.  Seeing  that  these 
persons  of  ability  living  in  these  parts  from  their  youth  even,  some  of 
them  natives  of  these  places,  risked  considerable  sums,  I  could  not 
think  that  they  had  not  taken  all  security  and  precaution.  Seventh, 
we  made  a  formal  agreement  with  some  German  miners  to  carry  on 
the  whole  thing.  Mr.  M.  made  a  voyage  to  Holland  to  confer  with 
the  chief  of  the  miners  who  was  to  prepare  all  the  tools  and  supplies 
necessary  for  this  enterprise,  the  cost  of  which  was  nearly  one  thou- 
sand ecus  in  silver.  Eighth,  Mr.  Perm,  Proprietor  of  Pennsylvania 
made  a  contract  with  us,  having  thorough  knowledge  of  all.  He  fav- 
ored us  very  much  in  this  regard,  even  made  Mr.  M.  director-general 
of  all  the  minerals  in  the  province.  Who  after  so  many  such  proceed- 
ings would  doubt  the  reality  of  the  thing?  There  could  be  made  a 
whole  history  of  this  farce,  and  a  rather  funny  one;  but  I  am  sorry 
for  the  poor  miners  who  have  left  the  certain  thing  they  had  in  Ger- 
many to  go  to  find  the  uncertain  in  America.  In  place  of  a  good 
vocation  that  they  had,  they  have  nothing  at  present  except  what 
they  can  gain  from  some  cleared  land  where  they  are  obliged  to  live 
very  modestly.  The  mining  master  was  even  arrested  with  all  his 
clothes  and  tools  by  the  ambassador  of  the  Emperor  and  would  have 
been  in  danger  of  a  grave  punishment,  even  of  his  life,  if  the  English 
ambassador  had  not  found  means  to  liberate  him. 

46.  I  return  to  the  little  new  colony  which  we  wished  to  establish. 
I  believe  that  there  are  scarcely  any  places  in  the  world,  more  beauti- 
ful and  better  situated  than  this  of  the  Potomac  and  of  Canavest, 
which  we  wished  to  divide  into  two  little  colonies,  the  first  just  below 
the  falls.  There  is  a  very  pretty  island  of  very  good  ground,  and 
facing  it,  an  angle  between  the  great  Potomac  River  and  an  other 
little  river  named  Gold  Creek,  in  French  Ruisseau  d'Or,  suited  to 
receive  everything  which  comes  up  the  river,  the  greatest  merchant 
vessels  being  able  to  sail  there,  as  well  as  that  which  comes  down  from 
above  the  falls  or  from  the  surrounding  country.  The  other  colony 
was  to  be  established  near  Canavest  as  is  to  be  seen  by  the  map. 

Marginal  note.  Fine  situation  of  land  above  and  below  the  falls 
of  the  Potomac,  where  we  wished  also  to  establish  a  colony.    See  map. 

47.  It  was  to  push  further,  towards  Mexico.  He  wanted  me  to 
transfer  the  colony  along  the  Mississippi.  By  this  he  has  made  it 
clear  that  he  had  either  lost  his  good  sense  or  that  he  was  a  rascal.  I 
believe  both  together.  Without  any  doubt  he  had  been  drinking 
when  he  wrote  this  letter. 

48.  First:  This  Mississippi  River  is  very  far  from  the  place  where 
we  were  in  North  Carolina.     Where  get  the  food  for  so  many  people, 


G-raffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern      387 

and  the  transportation?  Second:  What  security  against  the  priv- 
ateers and  the  hostile  nations  then  in  war  with  France?  Third:  How 
were  we  to  pass  through  so  many  tribes  of  unknown  savages,  a  terrible 
danger  and  something  very  rash?  Fourth:  There  are  three  nations 
which  lay  claim  to  it,  Spain,  France  and  England.  He  thought  that 
Bern,  as  neutral,  would  easily  obtain  this  country.  What  an  idea! 
This  is  what  they  call  building  castles  in  Spain.  Fifth:  Consider  the 
incapacity  of  the  state  of  Bern,  which,  having  no  maritime  forces 
would  not  be  able  to  maintain  a  country  so  far  away.  Sixth:  This 
country  is  already  marked  by  the  two  great  powers,  Spain  and  France, 
the  first  possessing  the  country  from  the  river  towards  Mexico,  the 
second  taking  whatever  is  this  side  of  the  river  for  a  dependency  or 
rather  as  territory  belonging  properly  to  Canada,  having  already  taken 
possession  and  built  several  forts  there,  as  is  to  be  seen  on  the  small 
map  of  Mexico  and  New  France. 

49.  Wishing  to  make  one  more  attempt. 

50.  Likewise  whether  he  had  left  anything  of  my  linen  and  furniture. 

51.  On  this  crossing  nothing  extraordinary  took  place  except  that 
we  were  once  in  danger  by  the  negligence  of  our  captain,  who  in  a  great 
storm  was  sleeping  at  his  ease.  Althought  the  sailors  warned  him 
several  times  he  did  not  hurry  himself  to  see  what  might  be  wrong, 
so  that  the  small  sail  above  the  bowsprit  was  submerged  by  the  waves, 
the  ropes  broke,  and  then  our  vessel  went  down  under  the  waves  so 
that  we  were  in  the  water  and  all  were  wet.  Shortly  after  the  bow- 
sprit broke,  that  is  the  point  of  the  vessel,  and  we  expected  to  perish. 
We  had  to  fasten  sailors  to  lines  and  plunge  them  into  the  troubled 
sea  to  fish  up  the  ropes,  sail,  and  especially  the  bowsprit,  which  we 
had  great  difficulty  in  raising.  These  poor  sailors  were  well  soaked 
and  beaten  by  the  waves,  and  more  than  once  they  had  to  swallow  salt 
water.  Finally  we  secured  the  most  necessary  things.  We  stirred  around 
a  great  deal  and  endeavored  to  repair  the  bowsprit  as  best  we  could. 
The  wind  ceased  a  little  and  we  were  able  to  repair  what  was  needed 
more  at  our  ease;  but  after  that  because  the  bowsprit  was  shortened 
our  boat  did  not  travel  with  such  speed  as  before. 

Several  days  after  this  we  discovered  a  rather  curious  thing.  The 
first  time  we  saw  it  we  thought  it  a  sail  at  a  distance,  which  obliged 
us  to  order  the  small  boy  to  mount  to  the  top  of  the  mast.  There  he 
perceived  that  this  which  looked  white  was  too  big  for  sails.  At  length 
he  thought  that  it  was  doubtless  land,  and  we  were  much  troubled 
supposing  ourselves  in  midocean.  We  first  examined  the  chart  or 
geographic  map,  counted  the  hours  or  miles  we  had  made,  and  found 
that  in  this  latitude  there  were  no  islands.  In  order  not  to  strike 
against  this  unknown  place  we  turned  more  to  the  right.     At  length 


388  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

we  discovered  that  it  was  a  mass  of  ice  which,  without  doubt,  had 
been  detached  from  the  glaciers  of  the  north  by  a  warm  wind.  We 
approached  it  closely  and  were  surprised  to  see  a  little  mountain  of 
ice  floating  in  the  middle  of  the  ocean.  The  form  and  figure  of  it 
were  like  a  fortress  of  some  height.  One  could  see  a  sort  of  ram- 
part, houses,  turrets,  etc.,  upon  it.  The  breadth  of  it  was  also  rather 
great  so  that  one  might  have  thought  it  a  fort  if  it  had  ap- 
peared on  terra  firma  in  winter.  The  glacier  floating  towards  the 
southwest  and  we  making  sail  towards  the  northeast,  we  lost  it  from 
view. 

52.  Which  caused  me  inconceivable  pains.  At  length  I  bestirred 
myself  very  much  with  some  great  lords  in  order  to  procure  work  and 
bread  for  these  people.  They  employed  them  to  make  or  repair  a 
great  dike.  But  a  heavy  rain  came  on  and  all  was  overturned.  So 
then  we  had  to  look  about  for  new  expedients  to  enable  them  to  sub- 
sist. I  found  place  for  a  part,  but  not  for  all.  Nevertheless  I  was 
anxious  to  go  home,  fearing  a  voyage  in  winter,  feeling  already  an 
attack  of  the  gout  which  does  not  suit  well  with  cold.  At  last  I 
found  two  powerful  merchants,  traders  of  Virginia.  To  them  I  pro- 
posed and  recommended  this  affair  as  best  I  could.  Along  with  that 
I  consulted  a  lord  of  distinction  to  whom  I  was  recommended  by  the 
Governor  of  Virginia  regarding  these  very  mines,  in  order  that  he  might 
serve  me  and  do  his  good  offices  at  the  court.  We  concluded  that 
these  people,  etc. 

53.  The  captain  of  the  vessel,  to  whom  I  had  to  entrust  the  matter, 
(marginal  note:  because  I  had  something  contreband  in  my  chest,) 
nevertheless  under  another  name,  advised  me  to  go  to  Gravesend  in  a 
little  boat  in  order  to  wait  for  him  there.  When  I  was  half  way,  there 
arose  such  a  heavy  contrary  wind  that  I  was  constrained  to  go  ashore, 
turn  back  a  little  and  go  to  Gravesend  afoot,  where  I  went  to  bed 
and  remained  a  whole  day.  But  since  living  was  high  there  and  I  did 
not  know  whether  the  contrary  wind  would  last  a  long  time  yet;  con- 
sidering besides,  that  this  was  also  a  port,  I  took  the  way  for  London 
again,  where  the  captain  of  my  vessel  was  not  yet  ready,  waiting  for 
a  more  favorable  wind.  In  the  meantine  I  remained  at  South  wick 
on  this  side  the  Thames  for  later  orders.  When  we  had  come  to 
land  I  was  given  notice  to  follow  him,  and  at  Greenwich  I  entered 
the  vessel,  and  a  little  outside  the  city  of  Gravesend  he  let  me  go 
ashore,  telling  me  that  I  was  to  wait  until  he  had  declared  every- 
thing there  was  on  the  vessel.  Notwithstanding  that  he  had  said  to 
the  customs  officers  that  my  chest  belonged  to  a  gentleman  of  St. 
Valery,  that  he  could  testify  that  there  was  only  coats  and  clothing 
in    it,   they    would    not    be    content    with    that.      Accordingly    he 


Gkaffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been     389 

promptly  sent  a  boy  to  notify  me  that  I  had  to  open  my  chest,  which 
caused  me  some  anxiety,  nevertheless  I  put  a  good  face  on  it  and 
spoke  French.  I  immediately  took  my  key  with  an  English  half 
sovereign  and  gave  it  to  the  clerk,  begging  him  not  to  disturb  my 
coats  which  were  so  nicely  folded.  Fortunately  this  worked;  for  if 
they  had  examined  everything  I  should  have  been  discovered  and  in 
danger. 

After  that  we  passed  out.  When  we  were  almost  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Thames,  near  a  port  named  Margate,  there  arose  such  a  terrible 
storm,  accompanied  with  thunder  and  lightning,  that  we  were  in 
great  danger,  being  scarcely  able  to  hold  the  anchor  during  the  night. 
The  following  day  when  the  wind  had  quieted  down  a  little  we  made 
sail  farther  out,  and  when  we  were  upon  the  high  sea  a  great  con- 
trary wind  drove  us  into  a  place  full  of  sand  banks,  so  that  we  were 
obliged  to  turn  back  and  approach  another  port  named  Ramsey.  If 
the  people  of  this  little  city  and  a  great  number  of  sailors  had  not  come 
to  our  help  we  should  have  perished  without  fail.  There  is  where  we 
were  obliged  to  stay  eight  days  because  of  contrary  wind  and  in  order  to 
be  able  to  mend  our  torn  sails  and  repair  other  damages.  This  was  very 
inconvenient  for  me  because  I  did  not  have  very  much  money  for  my 
journey  to  Paris,  not  having  counted  on  incurring  expense  off  the  vessel. 
When  the  wind  had  quieted  a  little  we  went  out,  but  were  driven  back 
for  the  second  time.  At  last  the  wind  changed  to  the  northeast,  which 
was  favorable  to  us,  and  so  we  passed  close  to  Dover.  After  that  the 
wind  changed  again.  The  voyage  or  crossing  gave  me  more  trouble 
than  I  had  when  I  crossed  the  ocean  twice;  in  place  of  three  days  we 
took  three  weeks  to  reach  St.  Valery.  And  at  this  place  there  is  such  a 
dangerous  entrance  that  we  had  to  have  pilots,  who  came  to  meet  us 
in  order  to  guide  us,  for  there  was  a  great  wind  and  one  could  not  see  the 
marks.  I  came  near  being  arrested  again  at  St.  Valery,  because  of  not 
having  greased  the  palms  of  the  officers  of  the  port,  who  in  a  very  brusk 
manner  asked  for  the  passport,  doubtless  intending  to  frighten  me  in 
order  to  get  the  coin.  But  just  as  though  I  knew  that  the  Swiss  had 
free  passage  in  all  parts  of  France,  I  did  not  spend  much  time  with 
them  and  when  they  haled  me  before  the  Governor  I  went  immediately 
and  showed  him  a  little  bill  of  exchange  for  Paris,  by  which  he  could  see 
that  I  was  Swiss  and  a  Bernese,  saying  to  him  that  I  had  not  asked 
for  a  passport  because  the  Swiss  were  in  alliance  with  France,  and 
that  a  good  part  even,  were  in  the  service  of  the  King,  that  I  myself 
had  passed  and  repassed  into  France,  and  never  had  anyone  ask 
me  for  one. 

The  Governor  was  satisfied  with  my  answer  and  I  continued  my 
journey,  going  up  the  river  towards  Abbeville,  where  I  entered  into 


390  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

the  diligence  for  Paris,  where  I  stayed  only  one  night  and  departed  in 
the  diligence  for  Lyons.  From  there  I  went  on  horseback  with  the 
driver  of  the  fish  cart,  but  at  the  fort  of  Ecluse  I  again  had  to  go  up 
to  the  castle  to  talk  with  the  Commandant,  who  had  more  scruples 
than  the  Governor  of  St.  Valery  and  did  not  wish  to  let  me  pass. 
Thereupon  I  opened  my  valise  to  take  out  my  patent  which  my  sov- 
ereign had  given  me  for  the  governorship  of  Yverdon.  This  I  showed 
to  the  Commandant,  saying  to  him  that  I  had  not  had  the  design  of 
passing  this  way,  but  by  way  of  Pontperlier  since  I  knew  the  Gov- 
ernor particularly,  having  lived  neighbor  to  him  during  my  prefecture- 
ship,  and  that  I  had  not  had  need  of  a  passport  for  this  and  other  reasons 
which  I  gave  him.  So  then  he  let  me  pass,  and  I  continued  my  way 
to  Geneva;  from  there  towards  our  vineyard  in  Vaud  near  Vevay, 
where  I  expected  to  meet  my  family  according  to  the  advice  given, 
intending,  indeed,  to  make  some  stay  there.  But  I  found  no  one 
since  they  had  left  eight  days  before.  So  then  it  was  necessary  to 
follow  them,  although  with  regret.  I  arrived  in  Bern  on  St.  Martin's 
Day,  1714,  in  good  health,  the  Lord  be  praised,  finding  everything 
in  good  condition  at  home. 

54.  And  I  cannot  succeed  with  the  others.  Means  failed  me  to 
bring  suit  against  my  society  although  it  would  be  well  founded  in 
virtue  of  a  bona  fide  contract  which  I  have  in  hand.  I  have  pre- 
sented a  supplication  in  the  Senate,  in  which  I  merely  demanded  a 
commission  to  hear  what  I  had  to  propose,  but  I  was  not  heard,  a 
thing  which  hardly  encouraged  me  to  go  to  law. 

55.  As  I  have  just  said  above  I  not  only  made  all  efforts,  with  my 
relatives,  friends,  the  society  and  the  magistracy  of  Bern,  I  having 
written  moreover  to  Germany,  but  I  made  a  further  attempt  with 
a  neighboring  republic.  Nevertheless  I  could  not  succeed,  whatever 
persuasive  arguments  I  gave.  After  that  I  tried  Mr.  Stanyon,  who 
has  been  envoy-extraordinary  from  Her  Britannic  Majesty  to  the 
Helvetian  Corps,  having  given  him  a  petition  for  Her  Majesty  with 
a  succinct  account  and  a  memorandum.  But  this  gentleman,  having 
been  chosen  for  the  embassy  to  Vienna  and  having  departed  for  this 
purpose,  all  my  labor  has  been  for  nothing  and  things  are  at  a  stand- 
still. I  made  one  more  attempt.  The  answer  was  that  the  troubles 
of  England  having  not  yet  calmed  down,  there  was  nothing  to  be  done 
for  me  at  present. 

On  the  return  of  King  George  of  Hannover,  thinking  that  all  was 
dissipated  and  that  the  new  alliance  with  France  and  Holland 
would  so  confirm  the  tranquility  to  the  realm  there  would  be  nothing 
more  to  fear  for  the  claimant,  I  should  have  made  one  last  effort, 
but  at  this  point   I  was  put  off   again  by  the   discovery  of  the  new 


Geaffenbied:  Account  of  the  Pounding  of  New  Been     391 

conspiracy.  Seeing  then  that  as  often  as  a  good  star  arose  apparently 
to  favor  my  design,  and  yet  that  it  was  always  crossed  or  hindered,  it 
appears  that  fortune  absolutely  will  have  nothing  to  do  with  me. 
That  is  why  there  is  left  nothing  better  than  to  leave  my  projects 
and  seek  the  treasures  above,  etc. 

56.  Dumplings.  (?) 

57.  This  place,  although  in  a  terrible  desert,  still  had  its  charm. 
It  was  a  fine  field  of  corn  where  there  was  a  great  Indian  cabin. 
This  place  was  surrounded  by  a  deep  little  river  which  made  a  small 
island,  nature  having  made  of  it  a  small,  but  almost  impregnable 
fort  by  the  morass  and  the  thick  bushes  which  surrounded  it.  All 
this  populace  above  mentioned  consisted  of  old,  decrepit  men,  women, 
children,  and  young  men  under  age  to  bear  arms. 

A.  At  the  foot  of  this  fall,  to  the  side  we  wished  to  build  a  house 
and  establish  a  plantation  in  order  to  cart  merchandise  from  there. 
The  greatest  merchant  vessels  can  sail  up  to  within  a  half  of  a  quarter 
of  a  league  of  this  fall,  which  is  very  convenient  for  commerce. 

B.  Just  below  the  falls  there  is  caught  a  prodigious  quantity  of  the 
best  fish.  In  the  month  of  May  they  come  there  in  such  numbers 
that  they  kill  them  with  a  stick. 

C.  This  island  is  all  cut  out  of  rock.  Above  it  is  a  very  fine  and 
good  soil,  sufficient  to  support  a  whole  family.  Indians  live  there. 
One  could  make  an  impregnable  fort  of  it.  It  is  near  this  island  that 
we  set  foot  on  land  when  we  came  down  this  river  from  Canavest. 

D.  Plantation  of  Colonel  Bell,  eight  hundred  acres  of  land  to  sell 
for  168£  Sterling.  Very  suitable  and  convenient  for  our  design. 
From  there  one  goes  to  Canavest  horseback  or  on  foot. 

E.  At  the  foot  of  this  mountain  there  is  a  fine  hot  spring.  The 
Indians  esteem  it  highly  and  cure  themselves  of  several  complaints. 

F.  Half  way  up  this  mountain  there  is  a  very  fine  spring  of  cold 
water. 

G.  One  can  ascend  this  mountain  on  horseback  very  conveniently 
to  within  a  gunshot  of  the  summit.  On  the  top  there  is  a  pretty 
plain  of  considerable  extent.  There  are  oaks,  chestnuts  and  wild 
nuts.  It  is  there  that  we  discovered  a  big  extent  of  country,  a  part 
of  Virginia,  Maryland,  Carolina  and  Pennsylvania. 

H.  Island  of  Canavest,  elevated  country  and  very  good,  where  the 
Indians  or  savages  had  planted  some  fine  Indian  corn.  It  is  upon  this 
island  that  we  had  made  the  design  to  establish  ourselves  at  the 
commencement,  as  being  very  well  situated  to  carry  on  trade  in  Vir- 
ginia, Maryland  and  Pennsylvania.  For  this  reason  we  had  had  al- 
most all  the  good  land  bordering  the  river  surveyed.  • 


392  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

1.  A  very  curious  pond.  At  a  depth  of  two  feet  the  water  is  very 
hot.  To  get  cold  water,  good  to  drink,  one  has  to  plunge  a  glass  bottle 
attached  to  a  string  down  deep,  probably  four  or  five  feet  and  then 
one  will  get  very  excellent  water  cold  as  ice. 

K.  Here  we  had  caused  to  be  marked  out  six  thousand  (pauses  or) 
acres  of  choice  land,  abounding  in  and  full  of  sugar  trees.  These  trees 
are  very  handsome  and  are  as  tall  as  oaks.  They  grow  only  on  rich 
soil.  When  one  makes  a  blow  with  an  ax  into  the  trunk  of  the  tree 
there  comes  out  a  juice.  From  three  or  four  pots  of  this  juice  boiled 
in  a  kettle  there  remains  a  sweet  substance  in  the  bottom  and  this  is 
sugar.  They  make  little  cakes  of  it.  This  sugar  is  a  little  grayish  and 
has  a  taste  a  little  different  from  that  of  cane,  but  good.  I  used  it 
in  tea  and  coffee  and  found  it  excellent. 

L.  From  Canavest  we  came  down  the  river  to  this  point  in  a  boat 
or  canoe  which  the  Indians  had  made  of  bark,  expressly  for  us. 

M.  The  Plantation  of  Mr.  Rosier,  a  good,  generous,  and  polite  gen- 
tleman, very  well  settled,  where  I  stayed  for  some  time. 

N.  The  place  where  the  silver  mines  were  supposed  to  be,  which 
Mr.  M.  had  proposed  to  us. 

O.  Part  of  Pennsylvania. 

P.  Salt  springs,  a  place  where  salt  water  has  been  discovered. 

Q.  Charming  island  of  very  fine  land  and  trees,  on  one  side  steep 
rocks,  on  the  other  an  approach  suitable  for  boats. 

This  place  with  the  plantation  of  Colonel  Bell  would  have  suited  us 
well. 

If  the  Surveyor-General  Lawson  had  not  turned  us  aside  from  our 
first  design,  which  was  to  establish  ourselves  here  at  the  commence- 
ment, where  we  should  have  been  more  in  security,  better  assisted  and 
better  supported,  to  all  appearances  we  should  not  have  failed  in  our 
enterprise.  But  the  gentleman  would  not  have  had  the  profits  of  the 
surveying.  But  yet  it  would  have  been  better  to  be  deprived  of  this 
profit  than  of  his  life  which  he  miserably  lost,  as  is  seen  (in  the  ac- 
count). It  is  true  that  besides  the  fine  speeches  of  Lawson,  it  was  the 
fine  promises  of  the  Lords  Proprietors  which  tempted  us  to  establish 
ourselves  at  first  in  North  Carolina. 


SHORT  VOCABULARY 


SHORT  VOCABULARY 

The  appended  small  glossary  is  intended  to  be  of  some  assistance 
to  readers  of  the  German  account  of  Graffenried's  adventures,  the 
arbitrary  spelling  and  crude  syntactical  structures  of  which  show  that, 
its  author  was  no  literary  adept,  at  least  in  German,  which  he  wrote 
as  he  spoke  and  heard  it.  It  was  not  thought  necessary  to  include 
all  the  words  of  the  story,  but  only  such  as  seemed  likely  to  cause 
trouble  to  the  average  reader.  In  preparing  this  section  of  the  work 
use  has  been  made  of  the  following: 

G.  A.  Seiler.    Die  Basler  Mundart.     Basel.     1879. 

J.  Hunziker.     Aargauer  Worterbuch.    Aarau.     1877. 

Josua  Maaler.     Die  Teutsch  Spraach,  etc.     Zurich.     1561. 

Johann  Christoph  v.  Schmid.  Schwabisches  Worterbuch,  etc. 
Stuttgart.     1844. 

Johann  Hubner.  Natur-Kunst-Berg-Gewerck-und  Handlungs-Lexi- 
kon.     Leipzig.     1722. 

Fr.  Staub  und  Ludwig  Tobler.  Schweizerisches  Idiotikon.  Frauen- 
feld.     1881. 

Franz  Joseph  Stalder.  Versuch  eines  Schweizerischen  Idiotikons, 
etc.    Basel  und  Arau.     1806. 

Allgemeines  Oeconomisches  Lexicon.     Leipzig.     1731. 

Weisthumer,  Gesammelt  von  Jacob  Grimm. 

Neu-gefundenes  Eden;  oder,  Aussfuhrlicher  bericht  von  Slid  &  Nord- 
Carolina,  Pensilphania,  Mary  Land  &  Virginia.     1737. 

Lawson's  Journal,  etc.     John  Lawson.     1709. 

(Josua  von)  Kocherthaler  Aussfuhrlich,  und  umstandlicher  bericht 
von  der  beruhmten  landschafft  Carolina,  in  dem  engellandischen 
America  gelegen.     Franckfurt  am  Mayn.     1709. 

Virginia  Historical  Magazine,  Vol.  VI. 

The  plan  has  been  to  give,  first  the  form  as  found  in  the  accounts, 
then  in  italics  the  form  which  Graffenried  probably  intended  in  case 
the  word  is  badly  spelled,  or  if  it  is  an  unusual  word,  the  form  which 
might  have  been  expected,  and  finally  the  translation  in  italics.  Where 
the  word  or  a  similar  word  occurred  in  any  of  the  works  consulted 
the  name  of  the  work  is  then  indicated,  usually  by  the  name  of  the 
author  and  the  form  there  found  is  given  in  italics.  In  many  cases 
enough  of  the  Graffenried  text  is  given  to  enable  the  reader  to  locate 
the  sentence  where  it  belongs,  and  in  a  few  instances  a  translation  of 
the  passage  follows  in  italics. 


396  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

A 

abgebrunnen :  abgebrannt,  burned. 

abgeret:  abgeredet,  agreed;  abgereter  Massen,  abgeredelermassen,  as 
agreed. 

abgereyset :  abgereist,  departed,  sailed  away. 

abgesagdem:  for  obgesagtem,  i.  e.,  obgesagtem,  abovementioned. 

abmajend:  abmdhend,  mowing  off. 

abrobiert:  approbiert,  approved. 

Abscheid:  Abschied,  departure. 

abbinden:  abbrechen,  to  close  (a  letter). 

abendern:  abdndern,  to  change  off. 

abf ergen :  to  send  away.    Maaler,  fergken. 

albo  (in),  (Latin):  in  blank. 

allemaus  (vor) :  vor  allem,  before  all. 

alls :  als,  as,  since,  because. 

als :  alles,  all.    diss  Ungltick,  als  etc. 

altlecht :  altlich,  rather  old.    Stalder  -lech  for-lich. 

ambouchinen :  for  French  embouchure,  mouth. 

Ambtli:  Aemtlein,  Aemtchen,  small  office. 

amnith:for  French  amnestie,  amnesty. 

anbefahlend:  anbefehlend,  commending. 

anderstwoh:  anderswo,  elsewhere. 

anderwehrts:  anderwdrts,  elsewhere. 

anfiengen:  old  for  anfingen,  began. 

angebend  (hatte) :  angegeben,  declared. 

angewent:  angewendet,  employed.  Stalder,  introduction  to  the  diction- 
ary, gives  this  and  similar  forms. 

angsten : A engstigung,  anxiety,  fear. 

ankonft:  Ankunft,  arrival. 

anlasst:  anlasst,  promises:  wie  sichs  wohl  anlasst,  as  it  promises  well 
to  do. 

anlenden:  anlanden,  to  land. 

anmassgen:  anmassen,  assume. 

Ansechen:  Ansehen,  consideration. 

anscheint:  perhaps  for  A nschein  liklihood :  uod  anscheint  Mines  ver- 
nichtet. 

antrefe:  antraf,  met. 

aparentz :  French  apparence,  appearance. 

apharto :  Latin  a  parte,  apart,  aside,  privately. 

aplausu:  Latin  applausus,  applause. 

apparentz :  see  aparentz. 

artivitial:  artificiel,  artificial.     French  version  gives  artificial. 

asseyten  (in  der)  im  dussersten,  for  besonders,  especially. 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been     397 

aufmanen:  aufmahnen,  summon. 

Auf waxes:  Aufwuchses,  increase. 

ausfagen:  ausfegen,  cleanse. 

ausgeret :  ausgeredet  dissuaded. 

ausgesezt:  ausgezogen:  von  der  Armuht  ausgesetzt,  taken  out  of  poverty. 

ausleichen:  ausleihen,  to  loan  out,  rent  out. 

ausschleuffen :  ausschlilpfen,  to  slip  out. 

ausser:  auser,  except. 

aussret:  see  ausser. 

auswexlung:  Auswechselung,  exchange. 

Autous:  Autoren,  authors. 

avantiere:  Abenteuer,  adventure. 

B 
Baar:  Paar,  pair. 

Balbierer :  Barbier,  barber:  Hunziker,  balbier. 
Balisaden:  Pallisaden,  palisades. 
Barbantine:  possibly  intended  for  Paar  Bottines,  pair  of  half  boots: 

French  version,  une  pair  de  bottines. 
Bard:  Baron,  baron:  Bard  de  la  Hontan. 
Bargunen:  French,  barque,  small  boat. 
Baruque :  Periicke,  French,  perruque;  wig. 
Batatas:  Bataten,  sweet  potatoes. 
bate:  bat,  from  bitten,  begged. 

Batz  Tone:  Bath  Town.  Eden  spells  Charleston,  Charlestons. 
Bauws:  Baues  (Bau),  cultivation. 
Bay  Revir  Neuws :  Bay  River,  Neuse. 
beace  (Justice  of) :  Justice  of  the  peace. 
bedenchens:  Bedenken  (pi.),  thought,  care. 
bedeurungen:  Beteuerungen,  protestations,  threats. 
bedrauwen:  bedrohen,  threaten. 
Bedreute:  bedrohte,  threatened. 
Befelchen:  Befehle,  commands. 
befrieg:  befrug,  befragte,  asked,  questioned. 
Begrabnns:  Begrdbnis,  burial. 
begwaltigen:  bevollmdchtigen,  empower. 
behurzter:  beherzter,  more  courageously,  boldly. 
bekame:  bekam,  got,  received. 
belagret:  belagert,  beleaguered,  overcome. 
Beltzen:  Pelzen,  pelts;  Beltz  werk,  peltry,  Maaler,  Belz. 
bemitlete:  bemittelte,  well-to-do. 
benantliches :  benanntliches,  specified. 
Benohtigte :  notige,  needed,  necessary. 
Ber:  Eber,  boar;  Stalder,  Ber,  Zahmer  Eber,  tame  boar. 


398  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Beren:  Bar  en,  bears. 

beret:  beredet,  persuaded. 

beruefen:  berufen,  called. 

besachen:  besahen,  saw,  examined. 

Besatzung:  Besetzung,  nomination. 

beschachen:  geschehen,  happen;  Maaler,  beschdhen. 

beschwart:  beschwert,  offended;  Maaler,  beschwdren. 

beschweret:  beschwort,  conjures. 

beschwerungen:  Beschworungen,  incantations. 

besser :  weiter,  farther;  Seiler,  besser. 

besten:  bosesten,  worst;  die  besten  Aufruhrer. 

betreuwet:  bedrauet,  bedroht,  threaten. 

betrieglicher :  betruglicher ,  deceptive,  treacherous. 

Beudte:  Beute,  booty. 

bewehrte :  bewdhrte,  proven  genuine,  also  armed. 

bey:  Beine,  legs:  waren  meine  bey  so  steif. 

beynachen:  beinahe,  almost. 

bezeiten :  beizeiten,  in  good  time. 

beziechen,  beziehen,  to  draw  revenues. 

Biel:  Beil,  ax:  Stalder,  under  bielen  to  peel,  Biel,  an  ax. 

bim:  beim,  by  the:  bim  wasser,  by  the  water. 

Biren:  Birne,  pears:  Schmid,  bir,  plural  biren  or  bim. 

bishar:  bisher,  until  now. 

Bitt:  Bitte,  request:  mitt  Bitt. 

Blaseten     .     .     .     &uf:bliessen    .     .     .    auf,  puffed  up:  Blaseten  ihren 

Barbarischen  Hochmuht  dergestalten  auf. 
blauwen:  blauen,  blue. 

Bletz :  happen,  piece  of  cloth.    Tobler,  Blatz  or  Bldtz. 
Blunder:  Hausgerdth,  household  goods:  Stalder,  Blunder. 
Bodenzins:  quit-rent. 
Bona  Mines :  good  appearance. 
Bonen:  Bohnen,  beans. 
Bood :  Boot,  boat. 
boste :  boseste,  the  worst. 
Botten:  Boten,  messengers. 
bredt :  beredet,  to  be  convinced,  talked  into. 
Bredig:  Predigt,  sermon. 
Bruge:  Brilcke,  scaffold:  Stalder,  Briige. 
Buch:  Bauch,  belly:  mit  dem  hungrigen  Buch. 
Buchlin:  Biichlein,  little  book. 

Buggel:  Bucket,  back:  used  here  as  a  term  of  great  contempt, 
bulver:  Pulver,  powder. 
Bouteillen:  bouteilles  (French),  flasks. 
bz:  Batzen,  a  coin  worth  about  one  penny. 


Graffenkied:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern     399 


Cabis,  Kohl,  cabbage:  Stalder,  Kabis. 

Calinierten :  the  French  version  shows  it  must  have  been  intended  for 

calcinierten,  calcined. 
Callons:  gallons. 
Camisohl :  Kamisol,  jacket. 
canon:  canot,  French  canoe. 
cap,  fare:  Cape  Fear. 
Carniture:  Garnitur,  trimmings. 
Cartag:  cordage. 
Cartuca:  spelled  also  Chatoka,  Chattoka,  Chatalognia,  caduca,  cha- 

touia,  Catouca,  Chatouka.    The  original  name  of  the  New  Bern 

settlement. 
Castel :  New  Castle. 

Chaloupen:  chalowpe  (French),  shallop,  sloop. 
Chirurgum:  Chirurgus,  surgeon. 
Chirurguo;  see  chirurgum. 
Clausullen:  Klauseln,  clauses. 
Conclusum  (Latin) :  conclusion. 
conjugiert:  konjugiert,  united. 
conjuncten:  conjunctures. 
conjurierten:  conjures  (French),  conspirators. 
conti :  county,  borrowed  from  the  English. 
Continentz:  contenance  (French),  countenance. 
Continuierten :  continent  (?). 
Contum  Divisio:  part  of  the  account.      Konnen  also  diese  Heidnische 

Ceremoneyen  fur  ihrem  Contum  Divisio: 
Convaieren:  to  convoy. 
Convention:  agreement. 
Converenz:  conference. 
Coro    .     .     .  :  Korrespondent  (?),  agent  (?). 
Corruption:  Irruption  (?),  attack. 
Couv. :  Gouverneur,  governor. 
Couvern:  Gouvernement,  government. 
Credidif :  Kreditiv,  credentials. 

D 

dan:  als,  than:  dan  ein  frachtschif  zu  mieten. 
dantwas :  da  etwas,  since  something. 
Danz:  Tanz,  dance. 
Danzer:  Tanzer,  dancers. 
dapfer:  tapfer,  brave. 
dargeben :  darbieten,  offer. 


400  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

dargesetzt:  ausgesetzt  (?),  exposed.    Perhaps   combined  from   aussetzen 

and  darstellen. 
darschiessen :  vorschiessen,  advance  (money). 
date :  tat,  did,  made,  and  for  French  date",  dated. 
debochiert:  debauched. 
Decentz :  decency. 
Decenter :  more  decently. 
decliniert:  incliniert  {?),  inclined. 
Deguragiert:  decourag6  (French),  discouraged. 
delabierten:  delabrer  (French),  delapidated. 
delaprierten :  see  delabierten. 
deme:  dem,  Stalder,  deme. 

den:  denn  for  als,  than:  Nichts  bessres  den  Frieden  mit  Gott  zu  machen. 
dene :  dem,  Stalder,  dene. 
denn:  unless:  wir  wolten  uns  denn  mutwilliger  weis  zu  Tod  schiessen 

lassen,  unless  we  wanted  to  have  ourselves  wantonly  shot. 
depectiert:  debattierte,  debated. 
Depitis :  Debet,  debt. 

dergestalten:  dergestalt  for  derart,  so  that. 
dermal eneins :  dermaleinst,  sometime. 
derowegen :  deswegen,  for  which  reasons. 
desieren:  desierenden,  desiring. 
Desoriert:  in  disorder. 

dess:  des,  genitive  singular  of  the  masculine  or  neuter  article, 
desshalben:  deshalb,  for  this  reason. 
Dessin:  design. 

Destrouieren :  destruieren,  destroy. 
deuren:  teuren,  dear. 
Devension :  Defension,  defence. 
dicklachte:  dickliche,  rather  thick:  Stalder,  lech  or  lach  for  the  ending 

lich. 
dief :  tief,  deep. 
dis :  das  or  dieses,  this. 
diss :  see  dis. 
Distourbieren:  disturb. 
doubliciert:  dupliziert,  rejoined. 
dorfte:  diirfte,  might,  dared. 
Dozet :  Dutzend,  dozen. 
drachteten:  trachteten,  tried. 
Drit:  Tritt,  step. 
dritt:  dritte,  third:  selbst  ander  oder  dritt.    One  or  two  others  besides 

onesself. 


Geaffenbeed:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been     401 

driiben:  Trauben,  grapes:  druben  zu  gewinnen.     Hunziker  and  Seiler, 

druben. 
Drucken:  prints  (?),  Hunziker  and  Seiler,  Buck  and  Tuch  for  Druck. 
drung:  drang,  urged. 
Dubiert:  dupiert,  duped. 
Dufils:  duffels  cloth. 
durchmist:  durchmischt,  mingled. 
durte :  dauerte,  grieved.    Seiler,  Dure  for  Mitleid. 

E 

Egen:  Ecke,  corner.    Stalder,  Egge. 

Eggen:  see  Egen. 

Ehelich:  ehrlich  (?),  respectable:  ein  Ehelich  Reysgelt. 

eiggendlich:  eigentlich,  really. 

eim:  einem,  to  one:  man  gibt  eim. 

Einbrunstiges :  inbrunstiges,  ardent. 

einich:  irgend  ein,  any,  some:  ohne  einich  mensur. 

Einstung:  Einsetzung,  investment,  contribution, 

Einte :  eine,  one:  das  einte  Schif . 

eintringen:  eindringen,  penetrate. 

Einwanden :  einwenden,  to  object:  selbige  Einwanden. 

Embd :  aftermath  hay:  Schmid,  Embd. 

embouchure  (French) :  mouth. 

Embousse :  see  embouchure. 

Emparieren:  emparer  (French),  to  take  possession. 

emperieren:  see  emparieren. 

Empfahen:  empfangen,  receive:  Maaler,  empfahen. 

Enden:  parts:  der  Enden,  in  those  parts. 

Endich :  Indigo.     Eden,  Endich. 

Endrung:  Aenderung,  change. 

en  gros  (French) :  in  sum. 

entladnus:  Entladung,  exoneration. 

entrunen:  entronnen,  escaped. 

er:  eher,  before. 

erdauret:  discovered  (?). 

erdappen:  ertappen,  capture. 

erdappet :  see  erdappen. 

Erdenck:  erdacht,  thought  of. 

Erdenckt :  see  Erdenck. 

Erdrich :  Erdreich,  soil.    Hunziker,  rich  for  reich. 

ereignet:  erigiert,  promoted.    The  French  version  has  erige:  zu.  einem 

Obrist  ereignet,  made  himself  a  colonel. 
Ereugnete :  ereignete,  occurred. 
26 


402  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Erfahrner:  erfahrener,  experienced. 

Erfund :  erf  and,  found. 

Ergangenheit :  Ergebnis,  outcome. 

erger:  drger,  worse. 

ergetzen:  ergotzen,  enjoy. 

erhalet :  erhellt,  is  evident. 

erheb:  erhebe  (subjunctive),  arise. 

erheblich  (nicht) :  (not)  to  be  done.    A  Swiss  gentleman  confirmed  this 

meaning, 
erhub:  erhob,  arose. 
erinnerd:  erinnerend,  remembering. 
erleuterung:  Erlduterung,  explanation. 
ermelter:  ermeldeter,  above  mentioned. 
ermort:  ermordei,  murdered. 
Ernd :  Ernte,  harvest. 
erobret:  erobert,  overcome,  conquered. 
errachten:  erachten,  consider. 
ers:  er  es:  so  ers  aber  endlichen  Ergreift,  so  kan  ers  thun,  if  he  finally 

takes  hold  of  it  he  can  do  it. 
erschracklicher :  erschrecklicher ,  frightful. 
erschrocklich :  see  erschracklicher. 
Erwehlt:  erwahlt,  chosen. 
erwimslete:  wriggled:  Maaler,  erwimseln. 
erzellend:  erzdhlend,  telling. 
Escadre:  Escadron  (French),  squadron. 
Est:  Aste,  branches:  Est  von  Laub. 
etwan:  etwa,  possibly. 
Euchlen:  Eicheln,  acorns. 
eussersten:  dussersten,  most  extreme. 
Evidia:  evidentia  (Latin),  traces. 
excipieren:  excipere  (Latin),  to  except. 
excrationen :  execrations. 
exequiert:  exekutiert,  executed. 
exparient:  expedient  or  experiment  (?),  expedient:  the  French  version 

has  expedient. 
experient:  see  exparient. 
extendieren:  dilate:  nicht  fast  extendieren. 
Ey :  see  Nider. 
Eydmass  (dem  Eydmass):  dem  Eid  gemass,  according  to  the  oath  or 

treaty. 
Eyenwerk:  Eisenwerk,  iron  articles. 
Eyl :  Eile,  haste. 
Eyn :  ein,  separable  prefix. 


Gkaffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      403 

F 

Fassli:  Fdsslein,  casks. 

Fassreifen:  hoops. 

Fauschen:  Faschinen,  facines.     French,  facines.     Colonel  More  in  his 

report  says  that  the  Germans  were  skillful  in  making  faschines. 

Vir.  Hist.  Mag.,  Vol.  VI,  p.  44. 
Fehichkeit:  Fdhigkeit,  ability. 

Fecker:  for  Flicker,  tinker:  Kessler  namlich  Fecker. 
Fel:  viel,  very.     Fel:  liebste  Made.  Hide, 
fergen:  foribringen,  transport:  Maaler,  fergken. 
Fesser:  Fdsser,  casks. 
feyss :  feist,  fat. 
ff :  Pfunde,  pounds:  252  ff. 

Fich:  Vieh,  cattle:  Tobler,  in  note  to  Vech,  gives  Vich. 
find:  Feinde,  enemies. 
Flum:  Flaum,  down. 
follig:  vollig,  completely. 
forchte:  fur chtete,  feared. 
forcht :  Furcht,  fear. 
f ounierte :  fournir  (French) ,  furnished. 
Fourren:  Furchen,  furrows:  Stalder,  Furre. 
framde :  fremde,  strange. 
freudt :  Freude,  joy. 

Fr.  Goub :  Hyde :  Frau  Gubernator  Hyde,  wife  of  Governor  Hyde. 
fromde :  fremde,  strange. 
friind:  Freunde,  friends. 
friisch:  frisch,  fresh:  Seiler,  friisch. 
fticht :  feucht,  damp:  Stalder,  fiicht. 
fuess  (zu) :  Fuss  (zu) ,  afoot. 
fun:  von,  from. 

furnimsten:  Vornehmsten,  most  prominent  people:  Hunziker,  fiir  for  vor. 
furohin:  hinfuro,  henceforth. 
furrohin :  see  furohin. 

Fursten :  Fersen,  heels.     Trapeten  mit  den  Fiirsten. 
fiiriiber:   voruber:  hier  kann  ich  nicht  fiir  liber  zu  erzellen:  Here  I 

cannot  omit  to  tell. 
furtrefnich :  vortrefflich,  fine. 
fiitret :  futtert,  feed. 

G 
Gabinet:  Kabinett,  hut,  cabin. 
galgan:  Galgant,  galangate:  Hiibner,  1722,  Galgant. 
gebeute:  gebietet,  commands. 
geblagt :  geplagt,  tormented. 


404  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

geblunderet :  gepliindert,  plundered. 

gebraget:  geprdgt,  coined:  Stalder,  gebraget. 

gebuhreten:  gebiihrenden,  fitting. 

gederrtes:  gedbrrtes,  dried:  gederrtes  Weitzen:  Maaler,  derren  for  dilrr 

machen: 
Gedreit:  Getreide,  grain. 

gefuhret:  gefiittert,  fed:  darmit  gefiihret  wurde. 
gefutret:  gefiittert  sheathed  (of  a  ship), 
gehe:  jdhe,  sudden:  der  gehe  Tod.     Seiler,  geech. 

geheim:  ungeheim,  uncomfortable:  wurde  mir  bei  diesem  nicht  geheim. 
Gehiird:  Hiirde,  wattles,  wickerwork. 
gelegret:  gelagert,  rested,  camped. 
gelofen:  gelaufen,  ran:  Stalder,  geloffe. 
Generalfeltmesser:  Surveyor  General. 
genigt:  geneigt,  inclined. 
gered:  geredet,  spoken. 
geredt:  see  gered. 
gerett:  see  gered. 

geschachen:  geschehen,  all  over:  um  uns  geschachen. 
Geschatt:  geschadet,  damaged. 
gescharft :  geschilrft,  grazed. 
g'sin :  gewesen,  been. 

Geschwei:  Schwdgerin,  sister-in-law.    Tobler  and  Schmid,  G'schwei. 
Gewahrsame:  Gewdhrschein,  credentials. 
gewechs:  Gewdchs,  crops. 
gewelten:  gewolbten,  arched. 
gieng:  ging,  went:  Stalder,  gienge. 
gizen:  geizen,  envy. 

Goti:  Taufpate,  godfather:  Hunziker,  Goti. 
Gleit :  Geleit,  safe  conduct. 
Glust:  Geliist,  desires. 
graumt:  gerdumt,  removed. 
greuwlich :  greulich,  horrible. 
g'stellen:  bestellen,  order. 
G'sweyen:  see  Gewchwei. 
gulte:  gulte,  (subjunctive  mood)  is  worth. 
gutaten:  Guttaten,  benefactions. 

H 

habender  (dass  Lauth  habender  Tractats) :  according  to  the  tenor  of  an 

existing  agreement. 
Haber:  Hafer,  oats:  Seiler,  Haber. 
hadren:  hadern,  quarrel. 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been      405 

han:  haben,  have. 

Hancken:  hdngen,  hang. 

Hardes  (French) :  clothing. 

Hauflin:  Hduflein,  small  number. 

Hausraht :  Hausgerdt,  household  utensils. 

Hausrecht:  see  Hausraht. 

H:  B:  Herr  Baron,  the  Baron:  an  die  Indianer  Nation  so  H:  B:  von 

Grafenried  gefangen  halten. 
Hehr:  Herr,  man:  ob  nun  dieser  Hehr. 
Her:  Heer,  army. 

Herdopfel:  Erddpfel,  potatoes:  Hunziker,  Kocherthal,  Eden,  Herddpfel. 
Heurath:  Heirath,  marriage:  Stieler,  Heurath. 
Hierobvernamseten:  above  mentioned.    Maaler,  namsen. 
hindenan  (setzen) :  hintenan  (setzen),  to  put  at  a  disadvantage. 
Hindansetzung :  Hintansetzung,  disregard. 
hochem:  hohem,  high:  Maaler  gives  inflection  to  hoch. 
hoste:  hochste,  highest,  most. 
Hoxheat:  hogshead. 
Huet:  Haute,  hides. 
Huete:  Hiite,  hats. 
Htiner  (Welsche) :  wild  turkeys. 
hiitten:  hditen,  had  (subjunctive  mood):  das  Vermogen  hiitten. 


Imber:  Ingwer,  ginger:  Tobler,  Imber. 

infitieren:  invitieren,  invite. 

inspecie:  speciell,  especially. 

Intransiter  (Latin) :  in  passing. 

inventieren:  inventer  (French),  invent,  pretend. 

Inwehrender :  wdhrend,  during. 

Islen:  Inseln,  islands. 

Itam:  item,  likewise. 

J 

jar:  Jahr,  year. 

Jed.  Ind  (ein  Jed.  Ind) :  perhaps  from  ein  jeder  and  jeder  Indianer:  each 

Indian, 
jedemnach:  je  nachdem,  according  to:  jedemnach  sie  mit  Kleidung. 
]'it :jetzt,  now. 
justifidicieren:  justifizieren,  justify. 


406  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

K 

Kacklich:  kecklich,  boldly. 

Kehr:  Reihe,  turn:  Stalder,  Kehr:  Keine  Einred  als  in  einen  Kehr. 

kestenen:  Kastanie,  chestnut:  Seiler,  g'Chestene,  Hunziker,  Chestene. 

kine:  kilhn,  boldly. 

Kirchfary:  Kirchpfarre,  parish. 

Kirsen:  Kirschen,  cherries:  Maaler,  Kir  sen. 

Kistli :  Kistlein  or  Kistchen,  small  chest. 

Klagten :  Klagen,  Klager,  complaints,  plaintiffs. 

kleinet :  Kleinigkeiten,  trifles. 

Knaupen:  Knaupeln,  gnawing. 

konftige :  kiinftig,  future. 

konstlich:  kiinstlich,  artistically. 

Kries :  Kies,  gravel. 

Kriisch :  Kirschen,  cherries:  Schmid,  Kries. 

Kuchli:  Kiichlein,  small  kitchen. 

kum:  kaum,  scarcely:  Hunziker,  chum. 

Kumlich:  bequem,  easy:  Hunziker,  kommlich. 

Kiister:  Kistner,  Kistler,  cabinet-maker. 

L 

Lachen:  Lehen,fee,  estate. 

Laden:  Brett,  board.     Eden,  Laden. 

Lamentien:  lament. 

LandGutschen:  Landkutschen,  stagecoach. 

Langgraf :  Landgraf,  landgrave. 

Lechen:  see  Lachen. 

Leg  Eisen:  Achsenblech  {?),  skeins.  Hiibner  describes  Legeisen  as 
the  irons  put  upon  the  timbers  of  mining  machinery  to  resist  the 
wear  of  ropes  passing  over  them.  Another  definition  makes  them 
to  be  the  pieces  of  iron  put  into  the  cleft  of  rock  on  each  side  of  the 
wedge  with  which  the  rock  is  to  be  split.  In  either  case  the  name 
is  applied  to  an  iron  used  to  resist  wear.  Achsenblech  is  a  piece 
of  iron  nailed  to  an  axel  to  keep  it  from  being  worn  by  the  hub  of  the 
wheel.  The  word  meaning  to  fasten  on  such  pieces  of  iron  is  auf- 
legen.  The  ordering  of  linch  pins  would  seem  to  indicate  the  same 
thing.     See  Lungen. 

lehr:  leer,  empty:  Maaler,  lehr. 

leinag:  leinig  {?),  for  leinen  or  Leinwand,  linen. 

Leinlachen:  Leilachen,  sheets:  Seiler,  Leilaken. 

Leinwad:  Leinwand,  linen:  Stieler,  Leinwad. 

Lenge:  Lange,  length. 

Lengste :  see  Lenge,  longest. 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Been     407 

Lente:  Landung,  landing. 

lestlich:  letztlich,  lately. 

Leuth :  laut,  according  to  the  tenor.     See  Habender. 

Lingien:  Linie,  French  ligne,  line. 

lof :  lief,  ran:  Stalder,  luff,  geloffe;  Stieler,  geloffen. 

loos:  los,  loose. 

Lott :  lot. 

L.  S. :  large  seal. 

lufen:  lief  en,  ran. 

LufTen:  see  lufen. 

ltigen:  liegen,  to  lie. 

Lungen:  Lunse,  Nabennagel,  linch  pin:  Seiler,  Lung,  a  variant  form 

under  Lone  for  Lunse. 
Lntz  (des) :  abbreviation  for  Landes,  of  the  land,  country. 

M 

Magt:  Mdgde,  maids. 

mahl  (Zucker  mahl) :  fine  sugar:  Maaler,  Zuckermehl. 

mainen:  mainland. 

Malasio :  Malasse,  molasses. 

Manli :  Mdnnlein,  little  man. 

Mantschaff:  Mannschaft,  soldiery. 

Marens:  Marinen,  marines. 

Margues :  Marken,  marks. 

Martyny:  Martini,  Martinmas. 

Maschenen:  Moschernen,  Swiss  for  messingern,  brass;  Maaler,  moschern; 

Tobler,  Mosch,  for  Messing. 
maser:  Moraste,  swamps:  Tobler:  Mos;  from  Middle  High  German, 

moser  for  Moore;  English  moor,  swamp. 
Mass :  Mass,  peck  when  used  as  a  dry  measure :  Tobler,  Mass  or  Mess. 
Mater j :  Materie,  cause:  Maaler,  Materi. 
Matey :  Materie,  cause. 
Matronen:  Matrosen,  sailors. 
Mattes:  Matten,  mats. 
Maulbehr:  Maulbeeren,  mulberries. 
Mayesteht:  Majestdt,  majesty. 
mensuren:  measures. 
Mentel:  Mantel,  mantels. 
mepesi  per:  Mississippi. 
Meutinierer:  Meuterer,  mutineers. 

Meyen:  Mai,  May.     von  dem  Meyen  bis  in  den  Herbst  Monath. 
mieche:  mache,  macht,  make,  makes:  Seiler,  miecht. 
miecht:  see  mieche. 


408  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Miesch:  Moos,  moss.     Stalder,  Miesch. 

Mill:  Meile,  mile.     Hunziker,  mil. 

Miltrung:  Milderung,  kindness. 

min:  mein,  mine,  my.     Stalder,  min. 

Mine:  Miene,  mien,    doch  hielte  ich  bonne  Mine. 

minste:  mindesten,  at  least. 

Misstreurige :  misstrauische,  suspicious. 

Mitternacht :  north. 

Mng:  Herren  (bei):  bei  meinen  gnddigen  Herren,  with  my  gracious  Sirs. 

Mn  H:  mein  Herr,  Sir:  Es  gedenke  Mn  H:  Goubernat: 

Mollstein:  Muhlsteine,  millstones.    Possibly  from  mole,  given  in  Seiler 

for  mahlen,  to  grind. 
Mon.:  Monsieur;  Mon:  LeGouv:  Je  suis  tellement,  Governor,  I  am  so. 
Monzua:  a  female  proper  name. 
Morgen:  acre.    Any  unit  of  land  measure. 
Motifa:  Motiv,  motives. 
Mst:  Meister(f),  captain. 
Miihj :  Miihe,  pains. 

Muhli:  Miihllein,  small  mill:  Hunziker,  Mull. 
Muhwaltung:  pains,  effort. 
Mtilli:  see  Muhli. 
Murmlens:  Murmelns,  murmuring. 

N 

Naben  Neyer:  Nabeneisen{?)  or  Nabenei{f),  literally  perhaps  hub  iron 
or  an  article  having  to  do  with  hubs.  The  evident  meaning  is  an 
auger. 

nacher:  nach,  after. 

nacher:  naher,  nearer. 

Nageli:  Ndgelein,  Nelke,  cloves. 

Naht:  Nacht,  night. 

namsen:  nennen,  to  name.     Maaler,  namsen. 

Narrung :  Nahrung,  food. 

nemmen:  nehmen,  to  take. 

Neschflen  nefle,  French:  Mispel  medlar ,  Hunziker:  Nesple 
medlar. 

Neuenburgischen :  of  Neuchatel. 

neut:  nicht,  not:  Schmid,  neut. 

Neuw:  neu,  new:  Maaler,  neuw. 

Nider  Ey:  Niderei  for  Niederungif)  lowland. 

Niderlass:  Niederlassung ,  settlements. 

Niemahleneins :  niemals,  never. 

Norost :  Nordost,  northeast. 

nut:  nicht,  Schmid,  nut. 


GrKAFFENRIED  :   ACCOUNT    OF    THE   FOUNDING    OF    New   BERN       409 

0 

ob:  ober,  above:  ob  den  Fahl,  above  the  falls. 

obentruf:  oben  darauf,  on  the  top  of  it. 

Oberkeit:  Obrigkeit,  authority. 

obgemelt:  obgemeldet,  above  mentioned. 

oblige:  perhaps  for  Obligationen  or  Obliegen,  requests,  matters  of  im- 
portance. 

Obrist :  Oberst,  colonel.  Stalder,  andrist  for  anderst.  Shows  same  inter- 
change of  letters. 

Obsorg :  Obsorge  for  Obhut,  care,  protection. 

odre:  orders. 

officia:  Officium-a  (Latin),  offices. 

ohn:  in  composition  is  un. 

ohngeacht:  ungeachtet,  notwithstanding. 

ohngef ehrt :  ungefahr,  about. 

opflen:  Aepfel,  apples. 

oposite:  opposite. 

ordinari:  ordindr,  ordinarily. 

P 

Pach:  Pech,  pitch:  Maaler,  Pach. 

Panque:  Bank,  banque  (French),  bank. 

Parillen:  Barillen,  Aprikosen,  apricots:  Maaler,  Barille. 

Particulatoren :  particuliers  (French),  individuals. 

p.  c. :  per  conto  for  Konto,  on  account. 

perfallieren:  fallieren,  fail. 

Pfannwarten:  taking  charge  of  the  pan.  This  seems  to  indicate  that 
Graffenried  had  started  a  manufactory  of  salt.  In  the  first 
place  he  had  been  acquainted  with  the  industry  from  boyhood; 
then  there  was  the  great  difficulty  in  obtaining  salt  from  the  Ber- 
mudas (for  which  see  the  French  text),  and  lastly,  one  common 
German  word  for  salt  making  is  Pfannewerken,  a  term  quite  similar 
fo  Pfannwarten. 

Pfarher:  Pfarrer,  minister:  Maaler,  Pfarrher. 

Pfersich:  Pfirsich,  peach:  Maaler,  Pfersich. 

Pflugredre:  Pflugrader,  plow  wheels:  Maaler,  under  Rad  Pflugrad; 
Seiler,  plural  of  Rad  is  Reder. 

Pittschaft:  Petschaft,  seals. 

Platinen:  platine  (French).  One  definition  meaning  lockplates  for 
guns  may  be  what  was  intended. 

Plattmacher:  Geschirrmacher,  potters:  Seiler,  Blatt  for  Geschirr. 

plessiert:  blessiert,  wounded. 

Ploat :  Blount  or  Blunt,  an  Indian  chief. 


410  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

Plutons :  Pelotons,  platoons. 
Presidium:  Presidium,  presidency. 
Pretendenten :  Prdtendenten,  candidates. 
preyss :  Preis,  price. 
priced  Brice,  one  of  Hyde's  opponents. 
Procedieren:  to  produce,  bring  forward^?). 

Q 

quarquer:  Quakers. 

R 

rahren:  Rohre,  reeds. 

Raht:  Rat,  council,  counsel,  advice. 

rahtete :  riet,  advised. 

ranges:  ranges,  Lawson's  Journal. 

Rauchen:  rauhes,  rough,    ein  Rauchen  Englischen  Wort. 

Raum:  rum. 

rauwen:  rohen,  rauh,  rough. 

Reb  Gut:  Rebgut,  vineyard. 

recanstrieren:  impossible  to  translate  with  certainty,  evidently  means 

to  collect  together. 
rechen :  rdchen,  to  avenge  or  get  revenge. 

Rechtschaff en :  Recht  schaffen,  to  get  justice;  recht  schaffen:  just,  honest. 
R£cipiss6:  recepisse  (French),  receipt. 
recontrieren:  rencontrer  (French),  to  meet. 
recusiert:  recusare  (Latin),  refused. 
red:  Rede,  speech. 

Redlisf uhrer :  Radelsfuhrer,  ringleaders. 
Reept:  Representative,  Reept  und  obern  Haus. 
refidieren:  revidieren,  revise. 
Reiften:  Reifen,  hoope.     Hunziker,  Reifte. 
reistige:  hanfen,  hempen.    Seiler,  ristig  from  Reiste,  ristig  Duech,  aus- 

gehechelter  Hanf. 
rention:  Ranzion,  ransom. 
restanzen :  Restanten,  those  in  arrears. 
ret:  redet,  relates. 
reterieren:  to  retire. 

retierierenden :  from  reiterer  (French),  repeating,    retierierenden,  ja  ja. 
retressieren :  redressieren,  redress. 
rette :  see  ret. 
Reys :  Reise,  journey. 
Reyss :  see  Reys. 
Rlryn:  Rhein. 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Founding  of  ITew  Bern     411 

Richtum:  Reichtum,  wealth:  Hunziker,  Richtum. 

rieggen:  riicken,  to  move,  disturb. 

Riehte :  riet,  advised. 

Riett:  Land  Graff  von  Riett.  To  the  unlettered  colonists,  a  syllable  or 
two  more  or  less  makes  little  difference  and  Landgrave  von  Graf- 
fenried  easily  becomes  Land  Graff  von  Riett,  Graffen  Ritter  and 
Graff  Ritter.  Perhaps  the  fact  that  the  principal  member  of  the 
company  in  Bern  was  named  Ritter  helped  in  the  confusion  of  names 
by  which  the  baron  was  called.  Certainly  the  context  would  not 
allow  of  any  other  than  Graffenried's  having  been  the  one  meant. 

Rigel:  Riegel,  bolts. 

Ris:  Reis,  rice:  Seiler,  Ris. 

Ritter :  see  Riett. 

Roseichen:  Roteichen,  red  oak.     Eden,  Roteichen. 

Rost:  rust. 

Roum:  rum. 

Rout  en:  route. 

Rovalis:  royal  (French),  royal.  Sucre  Royal;  c'est  en  terme  de  Con- 
fiserie,  ce  qu'il  y  a  de  plus  dure  &  de  plus  fin  en  fait  de  sucre:  on  le 
clarifie  in  Hollande  ou  Ton  a  Tart  de  le  faire  meilleur  qu'ailleurs. 
Encyclopedic,  Ou  Dictionnaire  raisonne"  des  sciences,  Des  Arts  Et 
Des  Metiers.  Found  under  Sucre.  Royal  sugar;  that  is,  a  con- 
fectioner's term  for  the  hardest  and  purest  variety  of  sugar.  It  is  clari- 
fied in  Holland  where  they  have  the  art  of  making  it  better  than  elsewhere. 

Riibli:  Mbhre,  carrots:  Stalder,  Riibli. 

rudera:  rudus,  eris  (Latin),  ruins,  fragments. 

Ruebli:  see  Riibli. 

ruften:  riefen,  called  out. 

Ruhe:  rauhe,  rough:  betrefend  die  Ruhe,  etc. 

Ruhj :  Ruhe,  rest. 

Ruhten:  Ruthen  or  Ruten,  wands,  whips. 

ruhwig:  ruhig,  quiet:  Stalder,  ruw. 

Rurren:  schnurren,  roaring,  buzzing:  Seiler,  Rure  for  Schnurre. 

Rysshut:  Ryss,  Hut  for  Reis,  Haute;  rice,  hides. 

S 

sach:  Sache(f),  case:  es  ware  derm  sach,  except  in  case     .     .     . 

sache :  sah,  saw. 

Sagi:  Sdglein,  Sawmill:  Hunziker,  Sagi  for  Sagemuhle. 

Saglen:  Segeln,  sails:  Maaler,  Sageln. 

sagt:  sdgt,  saws:  man  sagt  in  Engelland. 

Salafra:  Sasafras,  sassafras. 


412  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

sammen:  Samen,  seed. 

Sanckten:  senkten,  sunk. 

Santen:  sandten,  sent. 

saumet :  from  saumen,  to  convey  with  pack  animals,  to  take. 

sayen:  sden,  to  sow. 

schaad:  schade,  too  bad. 

Schaaden:  Schaden,  damage. 

Schaben:  Motten,  moths:  Reference  to:    Ihr  sollt  euch  nicht  Schatze 

sammeln  auf  Erden,  da  sie  die  Motten  und  der  Rost  fressen,  und  da 

die  Diebe  nachgraben  und  stehlen.    Luther's  Bible,  Mat.  6:19. 
Schaft:  perhaps  to  be  joined  to  the  preceding  word,  making  Tisch- 
machersch&ft  for   Tischmacherei,   things  made  by  a  cabinetmaker. 

The  ordinary  expression  is  Tischlerarbeit. 
schancken:  schenken,  to  present. 
Scheil:  Schields(f),  North  and  South  Shields,  towns  near  New  Castle 

on  the  Tyne  River,  closer  to  the  mouth. 
Scheitzer:  Schweitzer,  Swiss. 
Schermen:  Schirmen,  shelters:  Tobler,  Scherm. 
schiene:  schien,  appeared. 
schier:  entirely:  Maaler,  schier,  for  ganz. 
Schifli :  Schifflein,  small  boat. 
Schifwahren:  schiffbaren,  navigable. 
schindten :  schinden,  to  flay. 
schinen:  schienen,  to  seem,  appear. 
schine:  see  schinen. 

schlifrigen:  schlilpfrigen,  slippery,  per  carious. 
Schlop(p) :  sloop  or  shallop. 
Schliissli:  Schliissellein,  small  key. 

Schnagen:  Schlangen,  snakes:  Grimm,  Schnake  or  Schnacke. 
Schott:  Schiff,  sloop:  In  Pennsylvanien  im  17.  Jahrhundert  Schute  is 

given  as  a  Dutch  word  for  barque.    The  word  appears  there  to  be 

well  known. 
Schrott:  Schrot,  shot. 

Schwacher :  Schwiegervater,  father-in-law.    Hunziker,  Schwdher. 
schwar:  schwer,  hard,  with  difficulty. 
Schwefliechte:  schweflich  for  schwefelartig,  sulphurous. 
Schweren:  schworen,  swear. 
Schwertren:  Schwertern,  swords. 
seche:  sehe,  see. 
Seek:  Sdcke,  sacks. 

Seckel:  Sdckel  (machen),  to  line  one's  purse. 
see:  See,  sea. 
Segl:  Segli{t)  for  Segen,  blessing. 


Graffenried  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  New  Bern     413 

Segnerey:  coined  from  Segen(f),  pronouncing  of  all  sorts  of  blessings(f), 

incantations. 
Seylwerk:  Seilwerk,  cordage. 
Seyten:  Seiten,  to  one  side. 
sezen:  setzen,  settle,  place. 
sicht :  sieht,  sees. 

Siebenzechen :  siebzehn,  seventeen. 
sinth :  sint ,  old  form  for  seit,  since. 
so:  if,  who,  which,  when. 
Sollath:  Salat,  salad:  Hunziker,  Sollath. 
son:  sonst,  otherwise:  son  dorften  Sie  nit  Kummer  haben. 
Sond:  Sund,  sound.    Here  used  of  the  Albemarle  Sound, 
sondrest:  besonders,  especially. 
Soucours:  assistance. 
souponieren :  suppose. 
sous :  French  for  unter.    Sous  pretense, 
spaad:  spat,  late:  Stieler,  spat. 
spaat:  see  spaad. 

Spach:  Spaher,  spy.    Maaler,  Spdch  for  spying,  but  Spdher,  a  spy. 
Spat :  see  spaad. 

Specie :  speciell,  especially,  in  particular. 
speren:  sperren,  resist. 
speter:  spdter,  later. 
spihl:  spiel,  play.    Maaler,  Spil. 
Stahlen :  stehlen,  stealing. 
Steiff e :  steifen,  persist. 
Stettli :  Stddtlein,  small  city. 
Stettlin:  Stddtlein,  small  city. 
stif:  steif,  stiff,  firm. 
Stihl:  Stiel,  handle.    Seiler,  SHI. 
Stilus  (Latin) :  style. 

Stockli :  Stocklein  for  Stockchen,  small  stick. 
Stoor :  store. 

Stuckli:  Stucklein,  small  pieces,  small  cannon. 
stunde:  stand,  stood. 
sturben:  starben,  died. 

T 

Tauwen:  Dauben,  staves. 

Terns:  Thames. 

Terres  (French) :  in  the  expression  Terres  land,  acres(f). 

thate :  tat  for  tat,  with  anhalten,  begged. 

thur:  teuer,  expensive. 


414  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

thuiir:  see  thilr. 

Tischmacher:  Tischler,  cabinetmaker.    Tobler,  Tischmacher. 

Tochterli:  Tochterlein,  little  daughter. 

Todne  (Hand) :  tote  (Hand) ,  mortmain. 

Tofen:  sambt  den  45  K.  So  ich  hinder  der  Gemeind  Tofen  gelassen 

perhaps  meant  for  der  Gemeinde  Tofen).     Which  I  left  behind  with 

the  Tofen  congregation. 
Tonen:  Tonnen,  tons,  tuns. 
Torf :  Dorf,  village. 
Tractatieren :  traktieren,  treat. 
Train  (French) :  procession. 
tresilieren:  tressaillir  (French),  tremble. 
treuwen:  drauen,  drohen,  threaten. 
tringender  dringender,  urgent:  tringender  Noth. 
triiber :  druber,  dariiber,  up  above. 
truf :  drauf,  darauf,  thereon:  Stalder,  druff. 
Truessen:  Druse,  dregs.    French  version  speaking  of  rum  calls  it  eau 

de  vie  distilee  de  la  lie  de  sucre :  brandy  distilled  from  the  residue  of 

sugar. 
trumlin:  Trommellein,  small  drum. 
Tudos:  Tortugas(f). 
Turgisch  (Korn) :  Indian  corn:  Stalder,  Tiirkenkorn. 

U 

iibelzellung:  iibele  Erzdhlung,  unhappy  circumstance,  occurrence. 

iiberlass :  uberliess,  left. 

iiberlegen :  lastig,  troublesome  (Maaler) :      So  dass  diess  Reys  mir  mehr 

iiberlegen  als  da  ich  zweymahl  iiber  den  oceanum  gefahren. 
ubernacht :  ubernachtete,  passed  the  night. 
Uerte:  Wert,  worth. 

Uessert:  ausser,  except:  Seiler,  usse  for  aus. 
Uesters:  Austern,  oysters. 
unbedastet:  unbetastet,  untouched. 
Unbeschwerlich :  beschwerlich(?) ,  troublesome. 
ungefehrt:  ungefdhr,  about. 
ungereimbt :  ungereimt,  preposterous. 
Ungetultig:  ungeduldig,  impatient. 
Unterscheyd:  Unterschied,  difference. 
unterwex:  unterwegs,  on  the  way. 
Unthan:  Unterthan,  subject. 
Unverschandheit :  Unverschamtheit,  insolence. 
unzifer:  Ungeziefer,  vermin. 
unversichtig:  unvorsichtig,  without  foresight. 
Unwussenheit :  Unwissenheit,  lack  of  knowledge. 


Graffenried:  Account  of  the  Pounding  of  New  Bern       415 

V 

Vampan:  wampum. 

vast :  fast,  nearly,  very  much;  an  old  usage. 

verbrant :  verbrennt  for  verbrannt,  burned. 

verderbten:  verdarben,  verdorben,  destroyed. 

verdeuten:  to  indicate  that,  mit  verdeuten. 

vereblen:  verreblen,  to  die.     Schmid,  verreblen,  used  of  animals. 

vereschafen:  verschaffen,  procure. 

Verglich:  Vergleich,  agreement. 

vergwiisseret :  vergewissert,  assured. 

verheurathete :  verheiratete,  married:  Stieler,  verheurathen. 

verliche:  verlieh,  granted,  gave. 

Verliimdungen :  verleumdungen,  slanders. 

vermeind:  vermeinend,  believing. 

vermeinet:  see  vermeind. 

vermitten:  vermieden,  avoided. 

vernamsete:  named,  appointed.     Maaler,  namsen. 

Verornet:  verordnete,  ordained. 

verissene:  zerrissene,  torn. 

Versaumnuss:  Versdumnis,  delay. 

Verschandtes :  unverschdmtes,  shameless. 

verschatz:  verschdtzt,  lose  confidence  guess  wrongly.     Perhaps  related  to 

schatzen  with  adversative  signification  to  the  prefix, 
verseche:  versehe  (subjunctive  mood),  provide. 
versend:  versendet,  sent. 
versendt:  see  versend. 
verspiirte:  seems  to  mean  gave  evidence. 
vertreglich:  vertrdglich,  affable. 
vertrieslich :  verdriesslich,  vexatious. 
vertruss:  Verdruss,  vexation. 
vertrussig:  verdriesslich,  vexatious. 
Verwierung:  Verwirrung,  confusion. 
verwis:  Verweis,  reproof. 
verwiirkt:  verwirkt,  forfeited:  Maaler,  wiircken:  ware  ich  umb  die  5,000 

verwiirkt. 
Verzug:  verzog,  delayed. 
vest :  fast,  firmly. 
vest :  fest,  festival. 

vetter :  fetter,  fat,  rich:  vetter  Grund. 
Vexaats:  jest,  from  vexieren  (?).     Obwohlen  der  Indianer  Konig  sache 

dass  ich  diss  wesen  in  vexaats  zog.     . 
Vich:  Vieh,  cattle;  Tobler,  Vech. 
viel :  fiel,  came,  befell :  so  unbeschwerlich  viel. 


416  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 

viguren :  Figuren,  faces,  figures. 

villicht:  vietteicht,  possibly:  Hunziker,  Jilicht. 

vilste:  vielste,  most:  Seiler,  mil:  Hunziker,  ml. 

visicalisch:  physikalisch,  physically. 

Vohrlen:  Lawson's  Journal  mentions  a  Sower- Wood  Tree.     Possibly 

Graffenried  intended  to  write  Sohrlen. 
vollnutz:  vollig,  completely. 
von:  wann  (?),  when:  von  obermelte  Wilden  Kriegs  Leuth  oder  vielmehr 

Morder,  einkamen. 
vor :  fur,  for. 

vorsechen :  vorsehen,  foresee. 
vortgieng :  fortging,  went  on:  Stalder,  gieng. 
viirhanden:  vorhanden,  at  hand. 

W 

Wachselbrief:  Wechselbrief,  bill  of  exchange:  Maaler,  Wdchsel. 

wagen:  Wege,  ways. 

Wahre:  ware,  were. 

Wahre:  War-en,  wares. 

wans:  wenn  es,  if  it. 

Wasserpf erch :  dam  if).     Pferch,  fold  or  pen. 

weg  (in  einen) :  immediately,  any  way. 

weger:  wegen,  on  account  of. 

Wehrender:  wahrend  der,  during  the:  wehrender  Gefangenschaft. 

wehrten:  wendeten,  turned:  wehrten  den  Rucken. 

wenix:  wenigs,  a  little. 

wex:  wegs,  in  halbwegs,  halfway. 

wexel:  Wechsel,  note. 

weyd:  Weide,  meadow,  pasture. 

weyss:  weiss,  know. 

widrura:  wiederum,  again. 

wiglen:    wickeln,    disentangle.    Solothurn,    wiglen:    mieh    aus    diesem 

labirint  zu  wiglen. 
wiglete     .     .     .     auf :  wiegelte  .  .  .  auf,  stirr  up. 
Willdbret:  Wildpret,  venison. 
wilt:  willst,  will:  die  Reis  wilt  vor  dich  nehmen. 
wis:  weis,  millionen  wis,  by  millions. 
Wittlig:  Witwer,  widower:  Stalder,  Witling. 
wo:  for  wenn,  if.     wo  ihr  Ihne  Todend  .  .  .  Im  Sinn  hatet. 
wiissend:  wissend,  knowing. 
Wys:  Weise,  manner:  Maaler,  Wys. 


Geaffeneied  :  Account  of  the  Founding  of  !N"ew  Been      417 

Z 

Zableten:  zappeln,  ran  about:  Schraid,  zdbeln. 

Zedelin:  Zetteln,  notes:  Stalder,  Zedel. 

Zedlen:  see  Zedelen. 

Zehnd:  Zehnt,  tithe,  tenth. 

Zeifel:  Zweifel,  doubt. 

Zellung:  Zdhlung,  calculation. 

zechen:  Ziehen,  to  go,  draw. 

Zufahl:  Zufdlle,  accidents. 

Zugrecth:  option,  preference.  Hiibner  makes  it  equivalent  to  Ndher 
recht,  that  is  preference.  Hunziker  defined  it:  Das  Recht  zum 
Miterben  zugestanden  wird,  ein  Stiick  der  Erbmasse,  das  verkauft 
wird  den  Verkaufspreis  sich  anzueignen.  The  law  on  joint  inheritance 
{which  is)  acknowledged  (is)  that  one  (is  allowed)  to  appropriate  a 
portion  of  the  inheritance  which  is  sold,  (that  is,  a  portion)  of  the 
sale  price  to  his  own  uses. 

zukonftig:  zukilnftig,  in  the  future. 

Zwiischen:  zwischen,  between:  Maaler,  zwiischen. 


27 


INDEX 

TO  THE  INTRODUCTION  AND  TRANSLATIONS 

In  order  to  avoid  making  the  index  too  complicated  the  items  in 
German  and  French  have  not  been  included.  It  is  believed  that  if 
desired  they  can  without  excessive  difficulty  be  found  from  the  passages 
in  the  translations.  V.  H.  Todd. 


INDEX 


Adams,  57. 

Abbeville,  260,  389. 

Aescbbacher,  Hans,  314. 

Aescber,  Andreas,  319. 

Albemarle,  226;  Assembly  of,  65; 
County,  36,  240,  263;  Duke  of,  54, 
359,  362;  Chancellor  of  Cambridge 
University,  28;  Sound,  75;  Settle- 
ments near,  53. 

Albrecht,  Justus,  92,  104,  257,  258, 
376. 

Allemande,  93. 

America,  13,  21,  31,  38,  42,  65;  ad- 
vantages of,  223;  evidences  of  Graf- 
fenried's  return  to  lacking,  96,  97; 
Palatines  sent  to,  9,  16,  24,  224. 

Amsterdam,  104,  379. 

Anabaptists,  62;  convicts,  46;  Dutch, 
47;  in  Switzerland,  11;  persecu- 
tions of,  30. 

Angleterre,  see  England. 

Antigua,  cost  of  transportation  to 
London  from,  302;  trade  with,  300. 

Arau,  knives  of,  307. 

Archdale,  31. 

Arctic  pole,  367. 

Ashe,  Thomas,  31. 

Ashley,  Lord  Anthony,  54. 

Assistance  for  the  colony  expected 
from  Hyde,  72;  from  the  Lords 
Proprietors,  48,  49,  70,  363,  371; 
failure  of  Graffenried  to  obtain,  49, 
73,  75,  92,  93,  94,  234,  240,  251,  254, 
255,  257,  283,  378,  390;  granted,  46, 
73,  283,  363. 

Bache,  Uhli,  314. 

Balsiger,  Christian,  313. 

Baltic  Sea,  366. 

Baltimore,  361. 

Baits,  Nicholas,  316. 

Barbadoes,  367;  cost  of  transporta- 
tion to  London  from,  302;  prices  in, 
301;  supplies  required  in,  302; 
trade  with,  300,  305. 

Barnwell,  Colonel,  86,  87,  243,  244, 
245,  383. 

Barony,  64,  65,  66. 

Bartington,  253. 

Bartlome,  312. 

Bath,  81,  226;  County,  82,  98;  Town, 
240. 


Bayley,  John,  65. 

Bay  River,  240,  270;  Indian  chief  of 
tortured,  238. 

Beaufort,  Duke  of,  45,  93;  death,  94, 
98,  257. 

Beaumont,  15,  21. 

Bell,  Colonel,  391,  392. 

Bellinger,    Captain   Edmund,    65. 

Bericht,  Kocherthal's,  31,  32. 

Berkeley,  Governor  of  Virginia,  53; 
Lord  John,  54;    Sir  William,  54. 

Bermudas,  104;  salt  obtained  from, 
379,  380. 

Bern,  27,  28,  46,  47,  71,  91,  93,  94,  96, 
97,  102,  104,  109,  110,  252,  255,  256, 
278,  284,  291,  307,  314,  315,  367,  372, 
378,  379,  387;  arrival  of  Graffenried 
in,  260,  390;  colony  from,  23,  360; 
colonists  from  willing  to  settle  at 
Canavest,  254;  departure  of  colo- 
nists from,  308,  309;  expense  to 
Rotterdam  from,  315;  not  qualified 
to  colonize,  251;  proposition  of  for 
a  tract  in  Virginia,  361;  treaty  with 
a  society  in,  364;  Canton  of  makes 
negotiations  for  land,   33. 

Bishop  of  Durham,  53,  365;  of  Lon- 
don, 62,  377. 

Blackheath,  21. 

Blankistore,  Colonel,  258. 

Blome,  31,  261. 

Blount,  Tom,  276. 

Boehme,  Anton  Wilhelm,  14. 

Booklet,  printed  at  Frankfort,  317. 

Boston,  365,  369. 

Botschi,  104,  107,  292,  312;  report  of, 
289. 

Bottigen,  314. 

Boyd,  Colonel,  244. 

Boyle,  17,  18. 

Briinen,  313. 

Brice,  71,  86,  382;  campaign  of,  85, 
86,  237,  238,  244;  charges  against 
Graffenried  preferred  by,  84;  op- 
position to  Graffenried,  85,  236; 
plot  of,  85,  236;  settlers  enticed  by, 
262. 

Brigantine,  see  also  under  vessel,  74, 
231. 

Brill,  the,  18. 

Bristol,  92,   94,  257. 

British  America,  13. 

Buch,  311. 


422 


Index 


Buchse,  Hans  von,  311. 

Bullre,  Joseph,  310. 

Burger,  Uhli,  316. 

Biirki,  Christian,  316,  318;  Christen, 
320. 

Byrd,  William,  24,  42,  97,  110;  mem- 
oirs showing  that  the  Indians 
had  cause  for  resentment,  77,  78, 
79;  Lawson's  death  described  by, 
80;  reference  of  to  Madame  de 
Graff enried,  96. 

Caduca,  also  Cartouca,  Cartuca,  Cha- 
talognia,  Chatoka,  Chatouka,  Chat- 
toka,  Indian  village  where  New 
Bern  was  afterward  built,  34,  226, 
234,  266,  270,  275,  373,  380. 

Caesar,  Mr.,  225,  360. 

Camberwell,  21. 

Canaan,  das  verlangte,  nicht  erlangte, 
14. 

Canada,  288,  291,  383,  387. 

Canary  Islands,  44. 

Canavest,  91,  104,  247,  248,  251,  254, 

383,  392;  alliance  with  Indians  of, 
384;  description  of  country  near, 
390;  site  of  proposed  settlement 
near,  89,  386;  treaty  with  Indians 
of,  247. 

Cancer,  Tropic  of,  367. 

Cape  Fear,  also  Fair,  38,  43,  53,  77, 

285,     293;      surveying     expedition 

along,  375. 
Cape  Henry,  369. 
Carlyle,  Duke  of,  28. 
Carolina,  14,  25,  33,  34,  45,  49,  51,  62, 

79,  221,  226,  229,  236,  239,  247,  248, 

249,  252,  294,  315,  359,  369,  371,  382, 

384,  391;  advantages  of,  36,  42,  284, 
285;  arrival  of  colonists  in,  306; 
characteristics  of  settlers  of,  39; 
climate  of,  298;  cost  of  transporta- 
tion to,  299 ;  described  by  Hennepin, 
31;  early  settlers  not  religious  refu- 
gees, 53;  foreign  trade  of,  305; 
freedom  of  from  bloodshed,  39,  40, 
41,  42;  governed  by  concessions, 
54;  government  of,  41;  governor  of, 
275;  inaccessibility  of  to  large  ves- 
sels, 360;  increase  of  settlers  in, 
289;  incursion  of  Indians  into,  82; 
indigo  planted  in,  301;  mining 
rights  of  the  colony  in,  47;  prices 
of  provisions  in,  301;  profits  on 
trade  in,  307;  requirement  of  oaths 
of  allegiance  a  dead  letter  in,  56; 


Carolina — Continued. 

silk  industry  in,  301;  trade  of  with 
the  Madeiras,   300. 

Carolinians,  carelessness  of,  239. 

Cartaret,  Sir  George,  54,  55. 

Cary,  Thomas,  56,  57,  58,  70,  72,  73, 
106,  231,  234,  283;  arrest  of,  233; 
attack  of  on  Hyde,  74;  banishment 
and  death  of,  372;  believed  to  have 
incited  the  Indians,  76,  81,  82,  228; 
capture  of,  75;  death  of,  102;  de- 
ception of  Graffenried  by,  230;  de- 
feat of,  231;  disorders  occasioned 
by,  227-233;  evades  assisting  Graf- 
fenried, 62,  285;  flight  of,  74;  op- 
posed by  Graffenried,  62;  rebellion 
of,  229;  renewed  rebellion  of,  74, 
75,  232;  rivalry  of  with  Glover,  57; 
threatened  by  Graffenried,  229; 
visit  of  to  New  Bern,  230. 

Casique,  also  cassique,  cacique,  64,  65, 
67,  69,  362;  number  of,  66;  title 
sold,   65. 

Catawbas,  78. 

Catechna,  83,  261,  264,  271,  272,  273, 
275,  376,  379,  380,  381;  attack  on, 
244,  245;  return  of  the  Indians  to, 
274. 

Catholic  cantons,  30. 

Catholicism  in  the  Palatinate  and 
Switzerland,  9-11. 

Chamber  of  London  for  the  Propaga- 
tion of  the  Faith,  377. 

Channing,  Edward,  appreciative  no- 
tice of  Germans  in  history  by,  5. 

Charles  II,  9,  28,  44,  53,  103,  223, 
362. 

Charleston,  also  Charlestown,  33,  35. 

Chartier,  also  Charetier,  247,  383, 
384. 

Chief  Justice,  225. 

Chowan  River,  also  Chuwon,  52,  226, 
371;    precinct,   36. 

Christeler,  Christina,  318;  Moritz, 
319;   Peter,  318. 

Church  of  England  established  by 
law,  56;  given  the  preference,  54, 
55;  missionaries,  57. 

Clarendon,  Edward,  Earl  of,  54; 
River,  77,  284,  363,  376;  surveying 
expedition  along,  375. 

Clark,  counterfeiter,  291. 

Cluses,  Fort  of,  260. 

Colleton,  Sir  John,  54,  74;  Chevalier, 
252. 


Index 


423 


Colonial  Records,  showing  that  the 
Indians  had  cause  for  resentment, 
79. 

Colonists,  arrival  of  in  Carolina,  316 ; 
in  Virginia,  49,  51,  309,  310,  369; 
contentment  of,  306,  308,  309,  310, 
316,  317,  318;  death  of,  49,  51,  225, 
306,  307,  318,  360;  defrauded  by 
the  surveyor-general,  59,  226;  de- 
plorable condition  of,  59,  73,  86, 
370,  372,  383;  duties  of,  363;  letters 
of  criticised,  73;  need  of  keeping 
away  from  the  Indians,  61;  permis- 
sion given  to  leave  the  colony,  87; 
prosperity  of,  72,  228,  370;  wages 
earned  by,  309,  313. 

Commissioner  for  the  Palatines,  73. 

Committee  of  council,  proposals  of, 
44,  45. 

Community  of  expense,  288. 

Concessions,  54. 

Congaree  River,  34. 

Connecticut,  5;   silver  in,  6. 

Constitution,  revised,  64. 

Contentment  of  the  colonists,  306, 
308-318. 

Contract  of  the  Ritter  Company,  107, 
292. 

Constantinople,  28. 

Copper,  258. 

Core,  Indians,  244,  270,  281;  kindness 
of  to  Graffenried,  76,  380,  381;  sold 
as  slaves,  87;  Sam,  377;  Sound, 
attack  on,  270;  Tom,  267,  377; 
Town,  104,  243,  245,  376. 

Counter  Reformation,  9,  10. 

Counts,  362. 

Court  Leet,  see  Leet  Court. 

Craven  County,  99;  House,  43,  45,  48; 
William,  Earl  of,  54. 

Cromwell,  plans  of,  9;  work  of  taken 
up  by  Queen  Anne,  9. 

Crown,  share  of  in  mines,  47,  48. 

Culpeper,  88,  103,  361. 

Currituck,  246,  248. 

Daniel,  Governor,  56;   Major  Robert, 

65. 
Danson,  73,  292. 
Dauphin,  29. 
Davenant,  17. 
Dayralle,  19. 
Deerfield,  25. 
Denmark,   366. 
Departure  of  the  colony  for  America, 

46,  308. 


Dictli,  319. 

Dietrich,  314,  315. 

Directors,  59,  363;    faithless  conduct 

of,  59,  226,  370,  371. 
Dissenters,  9. 
Dortrecht,  trade  with,  300. 
Dover,  259,  260,  389. 
Drummond,  54. 
Drus,  Anna,  320. 
Duckenfield,  229. 
Duplin  County,  99. 
Durham,  Bishop  of,  53,  365. 
Dutch  Anabaptists,  47. 

Ecclesiastical  Council,  11. 

Eden,  Governor,  92,  94,  252;  land  of, 
24. 

Edens,  Abraham,  305;   Egbert,  305. 

Edmundson,  55. 

Edwards,  William,   296. 

Eggen,  Christen,  309. 

Egender,  Heinrich,  310. 

Elector  Palatinate,  also  Palatine,  17, 
18,  44. 

Elector  of  Saxony,  28. 

Elizabeth,  9;  daughter  of  James  I,  10. 

Emigration  to  New  York,  poor  man- 
agement of,  50;  to  Pennsylvania, 
causes  of,  13. 

Emigrants,  see  under  Palatines. 

Engel,  28;   Christen,  316. 

England,  12,  15,  17,  19,  21,  28,  29,  42, 
43,  46,  47,  56,  59,  66,  91,  92,  93,  94, 
223,  250,  305,  310,  316,  387;  arrival 
of  colonists  in,  309;  cost  of  trans- 
portation from,  299;  emigration 
from  Germany  to,  9,  44,  224;  profits 
on  trade  in,  307;  protector  of  Prot- 
estantism, 9;  Reformation  in,  9; 
return  of  Graffenried  to,  257;  trade 
with,  300;  visited  by  Graffenried, 
33. 

English,  attack  of  on  the  Indians,  83, 
86,  273;  colonies,  22;  element,  per- 
centage of  in  the  United  States,  5; 
Government,  employment  of  In- 
dians by,  81;  massacred,  82;  re- 
formers, 9;  relations  with  the  In- 
dians, 22;  settlers,  318;  vessels, 
367. 

Eriswyl,  310. 

Essex,  Count  of,  364. 

Exchange,  296. 

Farwel,  28. 

Faust,  Professor  A.  B.,  102. 

Fenwick,  Alderman,  365. 


424 


Index 


Feudal,  acknowledgment,  67;  rela- 
tionship acknowledged  by  the  col- 
onists, 69;   system,  67. 

Fitzhugh,  Colonel,  254. 

Flanders,  244. 

Florida,  22. 

Fliih,  315. 

Fliihli,  314. 

Fort  Royal,  291. 

Foster,  57. 

Fox,  55. 

France,  29,  93,  250,  387,  389,  390. 

Frankfort,  15,  17;  Booklet  printed  at, 
317. 

Frankfurt,  34. 

Frankreich,  see  France. 

Frederick,  Elector,  10. 

Freedom,  see  also  under  Liberty,  311; 
of  conscience  or  religious  liberty, 
42,  54,  55,  57,  62,  68,  71,  103,  306, 
363;  provided  for  especially,  62. 

French,  colonists,  67;  menace  to  the 
English  colonies,  22;  privateer, 
369;  relations  with  the  Indians,  22. 

Frontiers,  protected  by  foreign  prot- 
estants,    22-25. 

Fundamental  Constitutions,  also  Fun- 
damentals, 62,  63,  65;  extracts 
from,  64;  impracticability  of,  67; 
requirements  of  regarding  land  not 
observed,  65,  66;  revision  of,  64,  67. 

Fyper,  Chevalier,  363. 

Gabley,  Samuel  Jacob,  309. 

Gale,  Receiver-General,  49;  Christo- 
pher, extract  from  a  letter  of,  re- 
garding the   death  of  Lawson,   80. 

Galliar,  Mons,  36. 

General  Assembly,  also  Assembly, 
242;  a  democratic  body,  54. 

Geneva,  28,  260,  390;  Lake,  241. 

George  I,  94,  390. 

Gerber,  Casper,  316. 

German,  colony,  282;  edition  of  Law- 
son's  Journal,  34;  miners,  25;  ele- 
ment, percentage  of  in  the  United 
States,  5;  protestant  situation,  in- 
terest of  England  in,  10;  Reformed 
Church,  360;  women,  lack  of,  315. 

Germanna,  25. 

Germans,  13;  discrimination  against 
by  historians,  5;  emigration  of  to 
England,  44;  to  New  York,  9;  to 
North  Carolina,  9 ;  to  Pennsylvania, 
9;  induced  to  come  to  England,  17; 
in  Maine,  25;  measures  for  the  re- 


Germans — Continued. 
lief  of,  16;  number  of  in  the  migra- 
tion to  England,  16;  official  help 
given  to,  19,  20;  relation  of  to  free- 
dom of  conscience,  6;  relation  of  to 
freedom  of  the  press,  6;  relation  of 
to  the  Indians,  6;  settlements  of, 
5;  to  be  sent  to  America,  44;  used 
as  frontiers  against  the  French  and 
Indians,  22-25. 

Germantown,   5,  13. 

Germany,  13,  17,  18,  90,  390;  emigra- 
tion from,  9,  224;  reformation  in, 
9;  refuge,  for  the  persecuted,  9,  15. 

Glebe,  in  Parish  of  S.  Thomas,  42. 

Glover,  William,  58,  70;  administra- 
tion of,  57;  rivalry  of  with  Cary, 
57. 

Gobli,  Jacob,  310. 

Goebel,  Professor  Julius,  93,  101,  102, 
105. 

Gold,  290. 

Gold  Creek,  248,  386. 

Golden  Book,  14,  17. 

Gordon,  57. 

Graffenried,  also  Graffenriedt,  Al- 
brecht  von,  48,  292;  Anton  von,  27, 
28,  93;  Barbara,  also  Madame  de, 
and  Baronne  de,  96;  Baron  Chris- 
toph  von,  6,  14,  24,  25,  27,  28,  29,  42, 
50,  52,  61,  64,  71,  72,  73,  97,  111, 
282,  294,  296,  311,  312;  abandon- 
ment of  by  the  Georg  Ritter  Com- 
pany, 110,  260,  390;  accusation  of 
against  Cary,  81;  advice  of  regard- 
ing defense  of  the  Province,  88, 
242;  agent  of  colonists  in  dealing 
with  the  Proprietors,  69,  362; 
agreement  of  with  the  Commis- 
sioners, 68;  agreement  of  with  the 
Indians  regarding  a  ransom,  83, 
271;  alliance  with  the  Canavest  In- 
dians, 384;  amount  expended  by, 
72;  amount  of  livestock  supplied 
by  106,  107;  amount  of  money  and 
goods  needed  by,  291;  amount  of 
provisions  to  be  furnished  by,  363; 
appeal  of  for  assistance,  263;  ar- 
rangement of  with  the  Proprietors, 
45;  arrival  of  in  America,  49,  57, 
226,  369;  arrival  of  in  Bern,  390; 
arrival  of  in  Virginia,  51,  369; 
available  funds  of  at  the  beginning 
of  the  colonization  project,  48;  at- 
tempt of  to  obtain  his  slaves,  91, 
253;    attempt   of  to   settle   in   Vir- 


Index 


425 


Graffenried — Continued. 

ginia,  88-91,  242;  belief  of  that 
Cary  instigated  the  Indians  against 
him,  76,  81,  228,  234;  bailiff  of  Ifer- 
ton,  29;  bond  given  by,  46;  called 
into  the  council  against  Cary,  74, 
230;  called  into  court,  85,  235;  can- 
non used  by,  87,  244;  capture  of  by 
the  Indians,  76,  80,  264;  care  of  for 
the  colony,  46,  224;  care  of  for  the 
miners,  92,  257,  388;  clause  against 
extortion  in  the  treaty  of  neu- 
trality of,  83,  281;  colonists  criti- 
cized by,  107,  255,  256;  commis- 
sioned to  solicit  military  help,  88, 
243;  condemned  to  death,  80,  266; 
confidence  of  the  Indians  in  lost, 
86,  234,  238;  consideration  for  the 
peasants  shown  by,  30,  359;  con- 
tract of  with  the  Georg  Ritter 
Company,  48,  107,  292;  contract  of 
with  the  Lords  Proprietors  for  as- 
sistance, 363;  contribution  of  5,000 
acres  of  land  by,  109 ;  courtship  of, 
29;  critical  position  of,  59,  73,  74, 
86,  286,  371;  criticised  for  mort- 
gaging the  colonists'  lands,  109;  de- 
ceived by  Michel,  89;  defense  of 
against  calumnies,  236,  238,  382; 
defense  of  New  Bern  by,  87,  262; 
defrauded  by  Botschi,  104;  delayed 
at  Governor  Hyde's,  88,  241;  delay 
of  in  giving  ransom,  84,  237;  de- 
parture of  from  London  for  Bern, 
93,  259,  364;  deserted  by  the  Pala- 
tines, 85,  240;  difficulties  with 
Brice,  85,  236-240,  382;  discrepancy 
in  statements  of  regarding  the  part 
the  settlers  played  in  the  Cary 
troubles,  72;  disposal  of  Palatines' 
lands  by,  70;  dissatisfaction  of  the 
colonists  with,  288;  duties  of  to- 
wards the  colonists,  363;  efforts  of 
to  provide  for  the  colony,  87,  88, 
388;  employer  of  Benedict  Zionien, 
312;  empowered  to  marry  and  bap- 
tize, 46,  377;  entrance  of  into  the 
Swiss  colonization  company,  44, 
45;  entrance  of  into  the  Ritter 
Company,  47;  espousal  of  Hyde's 
cause  by,  62,  227;  exercise  of  seig- 
norial  rights  by,  69,  87,  246;  explor- 
ing expedition  of,  75,  76,  80,  81,  82, 
83,  263;  expedition  of  in  search  of 
silver,  383;  failure  of  in  obtaining 
assistance   for  the   colony,   75,   94, 


Graffenried — Continued. 

97,  230,  234,  240,  242,  248,  254,  255, 
257,  260,  283,  370,  378,  390;  failure 
of  to  make  settlement  at  Canavest, 
88-91,  254;  failure  of  to  make  set- 
tlements on  the  Potomac,  88-91, 
247-251;  fairness  of  in  dealing  with 
the  Indians,  59,  374;  feudal  system 
planned  for,  67,  68;  financial  diffi- 
culties of,  251,  252,  254,  259;  forti- 
fication of  New  Bern  by,  63,  240, 
262,  378,  383;  fortitude  of,  268; 
friendship  of  the  Indians  for,  76, 
80,  82,  234,  275;  friendliness  of  to- 
wards the  Indians,  60,  61,  234,  275, 
376,  380;  governorship  refused  by, 
57,  90,  228,  252,  370;  grant  of  land 
to,  45,  362;  granted  degree  by  Cam- 
bridge University,  29;  hygienic  in- 
structions given  by,  75,  372;  in- 
ability of  to  take  slaves  to  Cana- 
vest, 91,  251;  in  a  position  of  au- 
thority, 372;  incidents  of  voyage  to 
America,  367,  368,  369;  incidents  of 
voyage  to  Europe,  387,  388;  Indian 
protected  by,  235;  Indians  made 
suspicious  of,  235;  influence  of 
with  the  Indians,  60;  influential 
personage,  59;  in  London,  43,  92, 
257-259,  388;  in  peril  from  his  sub- 
jects, 382;  in  Switzerland,  33,  93-95, 
260,  390;  interview  with  Cary,  62, 
371;  in  war  with  the  Indians,  86, 
87,  243-245,  372;  irregularities  in 
the  appointment  as  landgrave,  66; 
journey  to  obtain  assistance  from 
Governor  Hyde,  87,  240;  journey  to 
Maryland,  88-90,  253,  254,  383-385; 
judge  of  the  colony,  68,  69,  235,  381; 
jurisdiction  of,  363;  justification  of, 
221,  359;  lack  of  democratic  feeling 
of,  70;  lack  of  evidence  of  a  return 
to  America,  96,  97;  last  years  and 
death  of,  95;  led  to  expect  substan- 
tial assistance,  49;  letter  of  to 
Anton  von  Graffenried,  95;  life  of 
spared,  80,  269;  loss  of  papers  be- 
longing to,  97,  367;  made  colonel, 
230;  made  landgrave,  45,  102,  283, 
362;  means  taken  by  to  keep  peace 
with  the  Indians,  103,  375;  meeting 
with  Michel,  33;  mill  built  by,  63, 
228,  287,  288,  315;  mining  rights 
defined,  47,  48;  misrepresented  in 
London,  292;  mistaken  for  Gov- 
ernor Hyde,  81,  233,  265;    negotia- 


426 


Index 


Graffenried — Continued. 
tions  with  the  Indians  hampered 
by  Brice's  attack,  83,  237;  neu- 
trality of,  82-84,  238,  271;  not  a 
member  of  the  Swiss  colonization 
company  on  April  28th,  44;  not  in 
England  at  the  time  of  the  death 
of  Beaufort  and  Queen  Anne  and 
the  accession  of  George  I,  94;  of- 
fered the  presidency  of  the  council, 
57,  90,  228,  252,  370;  opposition  of  to 
Cary,  62,  227;  original  plans  of,  33; 
part  taken  by  in  the  Hyde  and 
Cary  troubles,  74;  part  played  by 
in  the  Indian  War,  84,  87;  partner- 
ship of  with  Michel,  33,  43;  per- 
mission granted  by  for  colonists  to 
enter  the  service  of  the  English 
planters,  69,  87,  246;  persistency  of 
in  the  search  for  silver,  6;  petition 
of  to  Queen  Anne,  97,  257,  390;  plans 
of  for  the  city  of  New  Bern,  63, 
288,  377,  378;  plan  of  to  settle  in 
Maryland  and  Virginia,  88,  240, 
361;  plea  of  for  a  new  attempt  to 
finance  the  company,  94,  286,  390; 
prisoner  among  the  Indians,  80,  82, 
83,  261-275;  provision  made  by  for 
the  welfare  of  the  colony,  73,  106, 
227,  228,  307,  377-380;  provision 
made  for  the  German  miners,  92, 
258,  388;  provisions  supplied  by, 
59,  62,  229,  287,  370;  purchase  of 
land  by,  45;  purchase  of  sloops  by, 
379;  ransom  given  to  the  Indians 
by,  83,  84,  237;  reasons  why  Graf- 
fenried was  easily  deceived  regard- 
ing silver,  385;  released  by  the 
Indians,  83,  262,  275;  relief  brought 
to  the  first  settlers  by,  59,  226;  re- 
ligious services  conducted  by,  73, 
377;  report  of,  72,  282,  379;  resolu- 
tion of  to  go  to  America,  30,  223, 
360;  responsible  for  17,500  acres  of 
land,  45;  return  of  to  England,  92- 
94,  255-257,  387-388;  return  of  to 
North  Carolina  from  the  exploring 
trip  to  the  Potomac  River,  90,  249; 
return  of  to  Switzerland,  93,  260, 
388;  satisfaction  given  by  the  ad- 
ministration of,  70,  306-320;  se- 
curity given  by,  286;  signature  of 
required  by  Penn,  283;  support  of 
the  colony  for  22  weeks  by,  87,  240; 
sent  to  Virginia  for  help,  74,  75, 
232;  settlers'  lands  mortgaged  by, 
97,    98,    109;    share    in    the    Georg 


Graffenried — Continued. 
Ritter  Company,  48,  294;  son  of  in 
America,  96;  suggestion  of  to  use 
cannon  against  the  Indians,  87, 
344;  titles  of,  362;  treaty  of  with 
the  Indians,  82-87,  237,  281;  treaty 
with  the  proprietors,  68,  362; 
trouble  of  with  the  captain  of  a 
vessel,  365;  unable  to  warn  the 
settlers,  82,  270;  unable  to  collect 
a  note  for  £100,  231;  vindication  of, 
101;  visit  of  to  the  Core  Indians, 
76,  380;  visit  of  to  Holland  and 
England,  33;  wife  of,  96. 

Granville,  Lord,  56,  57. 

Graves,  97. 

Gravesend,  225,  259,  360,  388. 

Great  Deed,  54. 

Grenwich,  259,  388. 

Grist  mill,  63,  287,  288,  315. 

Guiguetan,  369. 

Gulf  of  Mexico,  22,  251,  368. 

Gulf  Stream,  369. 

Habegger,  Peter,  316. 

Hague  also  Haag,  18,  19. 

Haldmann,  315. 

Hamburg,  34. 

Hampton,  253,  369. 

Hamstead,  369. 

Hancock,   King,   76,   265,  266;    town, 

245,  273. 
Hanover,  390. 
Hanson  &  Co.,  231. 
Hartford,  364. 
Harwich,  19,  259. 
Hausmann,  Christian,  315. 
Heath,      Robert,      grant     made     by 

Charles  II  to,  53. 
Heidelberg,  28. 
Hellevotschluiss,  19. 
Helvetian  Corps,  390. 
Hennepin,  31,  33,  261. 
Herteln,  Zacharias,  34. 
Heybiihl,  315. 
Himmler,  Jacob,  311,  312. 
Hoen,  Moritz  Wilhelm,  51. 
Holland,  12,   16,  17,   46,  47,  289,   305, 

313,    315,    316,    319,    365,    366,    386, 

390;  arrival  of  Graffenried  in,  224; 

cost  of  transportation   from,   299; 

refuge  for  the  persecuted,  9;  trade 

with,   305;    visited  by   Graffenried. 

33. 
Hontan,  Baron  de  la,  261. 
Hopf,  Samuel,  292. 


Index 


427 


Home,  31. 

Horneg,  chaplain  to  the  Duke  of 
Marlborough,  28. 

House  of  Commons,  investigation  of 
the  naturalization  bill  conducted 
by,  17. 

Hunter,  Governor,  22. 

Hyde,  Governor,  51,  58,  70,  72,  75,  88, 
92,  103,  227,  228,  230,  232,  235,  236, 
240,  241,  242,  246,  249,  253,  279,  371, 
379;  death  of,  90,  251;  entrance  of 
into  North  Carolina,  72,  229;  fa- 
vored by  Graffenried,  62,  229;  Graf- 
fenried's  slaves  kept  by,  251;  hos- 
tility of  the  Indians,  81,  233,  234; 
libeled  by  Richard  Roach,  231; 
Madame,  251,  253;  recognized  as 
governor,  74,  233;  resistance  of  to 
the  Indian  invasion,  82,  242;  to  be 
deputized  by  Governor  Tynte,  57. 

Iferton,  also  Ifferton,  Iverton,  Yver- 
don,  29,  93,  95,  101,  260,  359,  390. 

Immigrants,  bill  to  naturalize,  16. 

Immigration,  Germans  to  New  York, 
9;  to  North  Carolina,  9;  to  Penn- 
sylvania, 9. 

India,  308,  309. 

Indian,  protected  by  Graffenried,  235. 

Indians,  absence  of  danger  from,  32, 
39,  42,  263,  285;  angered  by  Barn- 
well's treachery,  87,  245;  attack 
made  on  the  colonists  by,  81,  228; 
attacked  by  Brice,  85,  238;  at  Core 
Town,  104;  capture  of  Graffenried 
and  Lawson  by,  76,  264;  causes  for 
resentment  of,  77-79;  ceremonies 
of,  267,  274,  276;  character  of,  308, 
309,  314,  317;  cruelty  of,  80,  280; 
danger  from,  387;  desire  for  re- 
venge, 265;  employed  by  the  Eng- 
lish Government,  81;  fort  of  at- 
tacked, 86-87,  244-245;  friendship 
of  for  Graffenried,  76,  276;  fright- 
ened by  cannon  shots,  87,  244; 
Graffenried  tract  encumbered  by, 
59,  226;  hostility  of  to  the  colony, 
74,  81;  idol  belonging  to  destroyed 
by  a  colonist,  61,  278;  ill  treatment 
of  by  the  English,  77-79,  234,  265- 
266;  loss  of  confidence  of  in  Graf- 
fenried, 86,  235,  238;  messenger 
sent  by  to  investigate  Graffenried's 
neutrality,  381;  need  of  keeping 
the  settlers  away  from,  61,  374; 
plan  of  the  General  Assembly  for 


Indians — Continued. 
defense  against,  88,  242-243;  rav- 
ages of,  86,  243,  262,  270;  satisfac- 
tion of  with  Graffenried's  treat- 
ment, 275,376;  skill  with  the 
canoe,  384;  secure  themselves 
against  extortion,  83,  281;  sold  into 
slavery,  77,  87,  245;  solemn  league 
with,  285;  subdued,  91,  245;  tor- 
ture of  chief  of,  86,  238;  treaty  of 
with  Graffenried,  82-84,  86,  281, 
374;  trial  of  Graffenried  and  Law- 
son  by,  80,  265;  trade  with,  40,  315, 
317;  used  as  guides,  75,  317;  war, 
86,  233,  383;  causes  of  234;  Graf- 
fenried's part  in,  87. 

Indigo,  301. 

Ireland,  65,  367;  settlement  of  Ger- 
mans in,  16. 

Iron  mined  by  Spottswood  using 
Graffenried's  miners,   110. 

Iroquois,  friendly  to  the  English,  22. 

Isot,  47,  288,  292,  296. 

Jaccard,  Captain,  244. 

Jamaica,  44,  359,  367;  cost  of  trans- 
portation to  London  from,  302; 
prices  of  provisions  in,  301;  trade 
with,  300. 

James  I,  10;  James  II,  9. 

James  River,  colonists  plundered  at 
the  mouth  of,  51,  225. 

Jantz,  Christen,  319. 

Janzen,  Christen,  316. 

Jarsing,  Johann  Anthoni,  292. 

Jerseys,  44,  256,  369. 

Johann  Heinrich,  311. 

Johnston,  Governor,  98. 

John  William,  religious  toleration 
announced  by,  11. 

Jones  County,  99. 

Ketelby,  Abel,  65. 

Kilchberger,  Emanuel,  292. 

Kilchmeyer,  310;   Dreuthart,  319. 

Klasner,  Hans,  309. 

Kocherthal,  Joshua,  13,  17,  22,  317; 
Bericht  of,  19,  31;  date  of  appear- 
ance of  the  Bericht,  14;  passages 
from,  14-15;  settlement  in  New 
York,  11. 

Krachig,  Andreas,  311. 

Kupferschmied,  Benedict,  307,  316; 
Helm,  316. 


428 


Index 


Land,  amount  of  secured  for  the 
colony,  43  47,  362-363;  price  of, 
43-47,  362-363. 

Landgrave,  43,  45,  57,  59,  61,  64,  65, 
67,  69,  103,  362,  370;  advantage  of 
the  office  to  the  colony,  283;  title 
of  sold,  65;  irregularities  in  the  ap- 
pointment of,  64-65;  number  of,  66. 

Laws,  popular  assent  to  required,  54. 

Lawson,  John,  also  Surveyor-General, 
33,  49,  104,  225,  244,  261,  267,  275, 
293,  297,  360,  362,  373,  375,  392; 
accused  by  the  Indians,  80,  266; 
captured  by  the  Indians,  76,  264; 
condemned  to  death,  80,  266;  death 
of,  80,  269-270;  expedition  of,  75, 
263;  journal  of,  23,  33,  35-42,  60, 
77,  80;  fraud  practised  by,  59,  226; 
prisoner  among  the  Indians,  76,  80; 
settlement  of  colonists  by,  59,  226. 

Leet  Court,  also  Court  Leet,  63-64,  67. 

Leet  man,  64,  67,  69,  71,  87. 

Leipzig,  34. 

Lerche,  Uhli,  316. 

Leyden,  28. 

Liberty,  223;  of  conscience  or  re- 
ligion, 11,  62,  103,  363;  resistance 
to  invasions  of,  55;  tradition  of  in 
Switzerland,  71. 

Lieutenant  Governor  of  Virginia,  369. 

Litta,  see  Little  River. 

Little  River,  249,  379. 

Live  stock,  36,  38,  86,  228,  238,  287, 
308,  309,  312,  313,  314,  317,  327. 

L.  L.  E.  E.  of  Bern,  361. 

Locke,  John,  6,  55,  65;  ideal  of  ap- 
proached in  the  New  Bern  colony, 
69. 

London,  21,  43,  44,  48,  92,  94,  105, 
225,  228,  230,  231,  233,  252,  258, 
286,  288,  301,  311,  359,  360,  363  364, 
370,  371,  379,  388;  arrival  of  miners 
in  257;  death  of  two  children  in, 
318;  duration  of  Graff enried's  stay 
in,  93,  94;  fleet  of  coal  ships  from, 
366;  return  of  Graffenried  to,  257; 
return  of  settlers  in  Ireland  to,  16. 

Lord  Palatine,  257. 

Lord  of  a  signiory,  barony,  manor,  64. 

Lords,  Commissioners  of  Trade,  24, 
25,  77. 

Lords  Proprietors,  also  Lords  or 
Proprietors,  13,  33,  42,  43,  44,  51,  54, 
55,  56,  57,  58,  61,  62,  64,  65,  66,  98, 
225,  227,  228,  230,  245,  275,  392; 
arrangement    of    with    Graffenried 


Lords  Proprietors — Continued. 

and  Michel,  45;  arrangement  of 
with  Graffenried,  362,  363;  assis- 
tance of  to  the  colonization  project, 
48,  68,  70,  371;  confirmation  of  Hyde 
as  governor  by,  233;  discouraged  by 
the  disasters,  104;  failure  of  to 
give  assistance,  49,  378;  favorable 
to  Graffenried,  252,  361;  permission 
of  required  for  obtaining  large 
tracts  of  land,  65;  plans  of  with 
reference  to  the  Palatines,  45; 
privileges  of,  362;  promises  of  un- 
fulfilled, 227;  rights  of,  53;  share 
of  in  the  mines,  47. 

Lots,  sale  of  in  New  Bern,  72,  288, 
378. 

Louis  XIV,  10,  29. 

Louisburg,  23. 

Lowe,  Em,  231. 

Ludwell,  Colonel  Philip,  67. 

Luther,  10. 

Luttrell,  44,  50. 

Lyons,  260,  264,  390. 

Madagascar,  227. 

Madeiras,  cooperage  required  in,  302 ; 
price  of  wine  in,  302;  trade  with, 
300,  305. 

Madiswyl,  311. 

Magdeburg,  16. 

Maherine  Indians,   78. 

Maintenon,  Madame  de,  10. 

Margate,  259,  389. 

Maria,  death  of,  312;  Magdalena,  311. 

Marlborough,  Duke  of,  16,  18,  19,  20, 
28. 

Marmuskit  Indians,  270. 

Martge,   310. 

Mary,  9,  15. 

Maryland,  44,  103,  240,  246,  247,  256, 
289,  369,  384,  391;  attempt  of  Graf- 
fenried to  settle  in,  88,  90,  253; 
mining  rights  of  the  colony  in,  47; 
price  of  land  per  acre  in,  38;  pro- 
prietors of,  88;  silver  mines  in,  6, 
251. 

Massachusetts,  5,  22. 

Mayor,  307,  310,  311. 

Mentzingen,  311. 

Mexico,  91,  251,  386-387. 

Michel,  also  Mitchel  and  M.  M.,  23, 
34,  44,  65,  90,  92,  97,  104,  106,  247, 
249,  251,  253,  282,  283,  284,  287, 
289,    293,    294,    296,    305,    317,    376, 


Index 


429 


Michel — Continued. 

383,  384,  385,  392;  agreement  of 
with  the  Commissioners,  68;  con- 
tract of  with  the  Ritter  Company, 
47,  107,  292;  contribution  of  2,500 
acres  of  land  by,  45,  109;  death  of, 
102,  375;  debts  of,  291;  directed  to 
bring  colonists  to  Virginia,  89,  242; 
director-general  of  mines,  386;  en- 
trance of  into  the  Ritter  Company, 
47;  exploring  expedition  of,  290; 
failure  of  to  bring  settlers  to  the 
Potomac  River,  89,  246,  248,  249; 
duplicity  of,  89,  250;  in  command 
of  the  Palatine  forces,  86,  244;  In- 
dian  orator  misused  by,  61,  374, 
375;  made  colonel,  244;  mining 
rights  of  defined,  47,  292-295;  ne- 
gotiations of  for  land  in  Carolina 
and  Virginia,  33;  negotiations  of 
for  the  Ritter  Company,  45;  new 
arrangement  of  with  the  Proprie- 
tors, 45;  partnership  of  with  Graf- 
fenried,  33;  reached  Nimwegen 
with  convicts,  47;  reliance  of  Graf- 
fenried  upon  reports  of,  33,  88,  240, 
290;  share  of  in  the  Ritter  Com- 
pany, 48,  294. 

Mill  Creek,  98,  378. 

Mill,  built  by  the  colonists,  63,  287, 
288,  315. 

Miners,  agreement  with,  386;  arrival 
of  in  London,  257,  258;  cared  for 
by  Graffenried,  92,  258;  departure 
of  259;  distress  of,  386,  388;  em- 
ployed to  work  Spotswood's  mines, 
92;  from  Germany,  33;  in  England, 
92;  treaty  with,  104,  376. 

Mines,  40,  89,  90,  107,  247,  251,  254, 
283,  290,  364,  376,  383,  385,  392. 

Mining  rights,  47. 

Minister,  function  of  performed  by 
Graffenried,  46,  73,  377;  from  Vir- 
ginia, 377;  lack  of,  313. 

Mississippi  River,  proposal  to  settle 
along,  91,  250,  251,  386. 

Mohawk  chiefs,  21,  23. 

Monk,  General,  362. 

Monzua,  310. 

Moore,  Colonel,  91,  245. 

Morigen,  318. 

Moritz,  death  of,  317. 

Morotok  River,  34. 

Morton,  Landgrave,   65. 

Muhlinen,  Christian  von,  314; 
Salome  von,   314. 


Miiller,  Uhli,  308;  wife  of,  307. 
Miintzi,  Uhli,  307. 
Murton,  95. 
Muscovy,  366. 

N.  sign  of  Neuse,  83,  282,  382. 

Natoway,  83,  272,  273. 

Naturalization,  302;  bill  investigated, 
17,  18. 

Navigation  laws  resisted,  55. 

Negroes,  40;  attempt  of  Graffenried's 
to  reach  him,  91,  253;  captured 
with  Graffenried,  75,  263,  267,  269, 
270;  property  of  Graffenried,  251, 
254. 

Netherlands,  15. 

Neuchatel,  29,  30,  223,  360. 

Neujahrsblatt,  93,  96. 

Neuse,  also  News,  43,  45,  52,  59,  63, 
68,  82,  87,  98,  226,  240,  244,  245,  248, 
262,  266,  293,  305,  308,  309,  310,  314, 
318,  362,  372,  373,  377,  378,  382;  In- 
dian attacks  on,  238,  262,  270;  sign 
of,  282. 

New  Bern,  33,  34,  71,  81,  86,  90,  99, 
110,  229,  233,  235,  243,  244,  249,  272, 
277,  282,  311,  312,  380;  attacked  by 
the  Indians,  82,  238;  capital  of  the 
province,  111;  form  of  government 
of,  63,  70,  71;  Graffenried's  return 
from  captivity  to,  83,  261;  im- 
munity from  Indian  attacks,  82, 
270;  location  of,  59,  63,  226,  373; 
location  bought  from  the  Indians, 
60,  234,  269;  naming  of  the  city,  63, 
71,  378;  payments  for  the  site  of, 
275;  price  paid  the  Indians  for  the 
site  of,  374;  plans  for,  377,  378;  pre- 
carious position  of,  73,  87,  240;  pros- 
perity of,  63,  228,  377,  378;  re-in- 
habited, 245;  rights  of,  363;  relief 
for  destroyed,  88,  241;  unhealthful 
location  of,  59,  226;  visit  of  Cary 
to,  230. 

Newcastle,  103,  283,  307,  308,  313, 
316,   365. 

New  England,  44,  291,  365,  369;  his- 
torians, 5. 

New  Englanders,  53. 

Newfoundland,  368,  387. 

New  York,  25,  50,  92,  94,  253,  367; 
description  of,  256;  German  emi- 
grants to,   9. 

Nicholson,  Governor,  gold  discovered 
by,  290. 

Nidauw,   318. 


430 


Index 


Nider  Linog,  311. 

Nimwegen,   47. 

Nonconformists,  370. 

Norris,    Vice-Admiral,    225. 

Northern  Neck,  88. 

North  Carolina,  33,  41,  42,  43,  48,  51, 
57,  96,  97,  102,  111,  226,  227,  251, 
293,  295,  311,  313,  316  361,  370,  386, 
392;  Colonial  Records  of,  93,  101, 
102;  cost  of  surveying  in,  296; 
favorable  conditions  in,  260,  361; 
German  emigrants  to,  9;  grant  of 
to  the  Proprietors,  3&2 ;  Indian  war 
on,  270;  Island  of,  308;  not  a 
frontier,  40;  plan  of  a  colony  for, 
361. 

N.  R.  one  of  the  directors,  370,  371. 

Nunscimund  River,  369. 

Oath  of  office  required,  56,  57. 

Ochs,  Joh.     Rudolff,  261. 

Old  mixon,  261. 

Onslow   County,   99. 

Orkney,   Count,   255;    Islands,   367. 

Orpheus,    380. 

Palatinate,  12,  15,  46,  47;  devasta- 
tion of  by  Louis  XIV,  10;  Lower, 
10;  Reformation  in,  10;  religious 
toleration  in,  11. 

Palatine  blacksmith,  punished  by 
Graffenried,  69,  235,  381. 

Palatines,  15,  16,  17,  48,  62,  68,  71, 
72,  96,  109,  110,  240,  244,  294,  359, 
381;  abandonment  of  New  Bern  by, 
235;  among  Brice's  following,  85, 
238;  attack  of  on  the  Indians,  83, 
86,  273,  274;  boy  discloses  Brice's 
plot,  85,  236;  character  of  criticized 
by  Graffenried,  107,  255,  256;  de- 
parture of  from  England,  364;  dis- 
loyalty of,  69,  236,  237,  238,  240;  dis- 
persal of  among  the  English  colo- 
nists, 87,  245;  emigration  of  to  Eng- 
land, 9,  13,  16,  18,  224;  disposal  of, 
21;  implicated  in  torturing  an  In- 
dian, 86,  238;  induced  to  come  to 
England,  17;  massacred,  82,  240, 
262;  mortality  of,  49,  50,  74,  225, 
317,  372;  number  of  taken  by 
Graffenried,  45,  46,  47;  persuaded 
to  go  to  South  Carolina,  250;  peti- 
tion of,  98;  prisoners  among  the 
Indians,  82,  84,  235;  proposals  for 
transporting  of  to  America,  44; 
provision  made  for  in  England,  12, 


Palatines — Continued. 

16,  20,  21,  224;  sent  to  America,  22, 
45,  224;  settlement  of  in  New  York, 
22;  settlement  of  at  Schoharie,  23; 
defrauded  by  Lawson  and  the  direc- 
tors, 59,  226;  sufferings  of,  51,  86, 
229,  370,  371;  transportation  of, 
50,  51;  Graffenried's  treaty  with, 
69,  363;  used  as  a  frontier  against 
the  Indians,  22,  23,  88,  98;  willing- 
ness of  to  settle  at  Canavest,  254. 

Pamlico  River,  82. 

Pamtego  also  Pampticough,  42,  240, 
244,  245,  262,  266,  281;  Indians 
attack  on,  238,  262,  270. 

Paris,  260,   364,   389,   390. 

Parish  of  S.  Thomas,  42. 

Passage,  price  per  hundred  persons, 
298. 

Pastor,   310,  311;    lack  of  318. 

Pastorius,  settlement  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, 11. 

Pembroke,   225. 

Penn,  William,  13,  68,  103,  104,  283, 
364;    contract   with,   104,    376,    386. 

Pennsylvania,  also  Pennsilvanie,  11, 
44,    63,    68,    72,    103,    104,    246,    247, 

251,  253,  256,  295,  369,  370,  375,  378, 
383,  384,  385,  391,  392;  conference 
with  gentlemen  from  Pennsylvania 
regarding  mines,  89,  247,  383,  385; 
expedition  to  discover  silver  in,  89, 
246,  376,  383;  mining  rights  in,  47; 
provisions  obtained  in,  227,  370; 
German  immigrants  into,  9;  trade 
with,   299. 

Pennsylvanische    Berichte,    19. 
Perret,  Heinrich,  319. 
Pfund,   Margaret,   308,    309. 
Philadelphia,  5,  104,  290,  376,  379. 
Plosch,   Benedict,   318. 
Pollock,  Colonel  or  Governor  Thomas, 
57,    70,    91,    98,    103,    106,    226,   248, 

252,  286,  289,  371;  Council  of  war 
at  the  home  of,  74,  229;  disa- 
pointed  in  receiving  money  due 
from  Graffenried,  98;  house  of 
attacked,  74,  231;  Indians  misused 
by,  79;  Palatines'  land  taken  over 
by,  97;  letter  of  Graffenried  to,  93; 
letters  of  to  Graffenried,  97;  refu- 
sal of  to  grant  supplies,  288;  sup- 
plies obtained  from,  229,  283;  sus- 
picious of  Graffenried,  250. 

Pollock,  Cullen,    98. 
Pontarlier,    390. 


Index 


431 


Popular  assemblies  in  Switzerland, 
71. 

Porter,  55,  57,  81. 

Portsmouth,  51. 

Portugal,  225. 

Potomac,  89,  102,  105,  246,  253,  360, 
361,  384;  falls  of,  47,  89,  383,  384, 
385;  description  of  country  near, 
391;  sites  for  settlements  on,  89, 
247,  386;  intention  of  Graffenried 
to  settle  on,  88;  land  granted  along, 
224. 

Presbyterians,  56. 

Price,  John,  Landgrave,  65. 

Price  paid  for  land  in  Carolina,   43. 

Proposals  for  transporting  Palatines 
to  America,  44-46. 

Prince  of  Wales,  365. 

Proprietorship,  rights  of  in  Carolina, 
302. 

Protestant,  Cantons,  30;  protestants, 
bill  to  naturalize,  16;  protestant- 
ism, protected  by  England,  9;  re- 
lation to  Catholicism,  in  the  Palati- 
nate and  Switzerland,  9-11;  re- 
stored by  Elizabeth  and  William  of 
Orange,  9. 

Provision,  made  by  Graffenried  for 
the  colonists,  307;  to  be  made  for 
the  voyage  from  Switzerland,  319; 
made  for  transporting  the  colo- 
nists, 363;   prices  of,  301. 

Quakers,  13,  55,  56,  57,  74,  228,  230, 
371,  383;  excluded  from  the  As- 
sembly, 56;  Quaker  Proprietor,  74. 

Queen  Anne,  also  Queen  or  Anne,  13, 
16,  19,  20,  47,  56,  58,  93,  98,  228, 
229,  269,  282,  291,  293,  361;  assist- 
ance granted  to  the  colonists  by, 
46,  224;  Cromwell's  work  taken  up 
by,  9;  death  of,  94,  257;  diplomatic 
methods  of,  15;  interviews  of  with 
Graffenried,  255;  patents  granted 
by  for  mining,  385;  transporta- 
tion for  the  colonists  granted  by, 
46,  363. 

Quit-rent,  43,  68,  296;  amount  of  per 
acre,  54,  363;  colonists  relieved  of 
87,  246;  higher  in  New  Bern  than 
elsewhere  in  the  colonies,  69; 
raise  in  protested  against,  55;  re- 
duced by  the  Great  Deed,  54. 


Ramsey,   389. 

Rangers,   24,    93, 

Rappahannock,   24. 

Receiver-General,    48,    225,    283,    360. 

Reformation,  in  England,  9;  in  Ger- 
many, 9;   pamphlets  on,  10. 

Reformers,  in  England,  9;  in  Ger- 
many,  9. 

Reformed  Church,  relation  of  to  the 
Anabaptists,    11. 

Religious  convicts,  43,  46;  become 
free  on  reaching  Holland,  46;  re- 
ligious   disturbances,    55. 

Rents,  296,  317. 

Resistance  to  governors  and  collec- 
tors  in  Carolina,   55. 

Reutiger,   Peter,   318. 

Revolution,  beginnings  of  in  Caro- 
lina,   55. 

Reya  de  la  Plata,  44. 

Rhode    Island,    5. 

Rhine,  46,  307. 

Riggisberg,  311. 

Ritter,  Georg,  47,  70,  282,  288,  294, 
295,  296,  307,  308,  314,  316,  319; 
contract  of,  48,  292;  share  of  in 
the  Georg  Ritter  Company,  48,  295; 
Company,  33,  45,  72,  104,  107, 
109,  110,  293;  contract  of,  106;  dis- 
couragement of,  104;  foundation 
of  47;  Michel's  contract  with,  47, 
48,  294;  purchase  of  10,000  acres 
of  land  by,  109;   stock  of,  48,  293. 

Roach,   Richard,   74,   231,   232,   371. 

Roanoke   River,   34. 

Roche,    27. 

Rohtiger,  Peter,  319. 

Rome,   9. 

Rosier,  246,  247,  253,  383,  385,  392. 

Rotterdam,  17,  18,  19,  307,  310,  312, 
313,  315,  365;  arrival  of  colonists 
in,  308,  309;  goods  to  be  purchased 
in,  314;  trade  with,  300. 

Roux,  secretary  to  the  Duke  of  Car- 
lyle,    28. 

Royal  Commissioners,  also  Commit- 
tee, inspection  of  ships  by,  49,  286, 
288,   360,   364. 

Ruegsegger,   Hans,    308. 

Rufascher,    309. 

Ruisseau  d'Or,  386. 

Rumligen,  313. 

Salome,  313  . 
Salt  pan,  315. 
Sannen,  318,  319. 


432 


Index 


Santee  River,  33,  35. 

Sauer,  Christoph,  printer  and  pub- 
lisher, 19. 

Saumers,   310. 

Schenectady,   25. 

Schetele,   Benedict,   311. 

Schoolmaster,   73,   377. 

Schoharie,  German  settlers  at,  6,  23. 

Scotch  vessels,   367. 

Scotland,  366. 

Secretary,   London  Royal  Society,  6. 

Seeman,   Peter,   307. 

Sewee   Indian,    35. 

Shaftesbury,  55. 

Sheets,    Jacob,    98. 

Shenandoah,  also  iSenantona,  89, 
384. 

Shetland  Isles,  366,  367. 

Shields,  313. 

Siebentaler   people,    death   of,    317. 

Silk   industry   in    Carolina,    301. 

Silver  and  silver  mines,  6,  89,  90,  110. 
223,  247,  251,   254,  258,  290. 

Simmenthal,  314. 

Simon  Benedict,  311;  Heinrich,  311; 
Johannes,   311,   312. 

Smith,  31. 

Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the 
Gospel,  55,  73. 

Soil,  quality  of  in  North  Carolina,  38, 
308,  309,  312,  314,  317,  318. 

Solomon    Creek,    229. 

Somerton,   57,    370. 

South  Carolina,  77,  86,  227,  245,  250, 
251,  252,  383;  booklet  on,  317;  cost 
of  surveying  in,  296;  Governor  of, 
75;  Kocherthal's  description  of,  13, 
317;  military  assistance  supplied 
by,  88,  243,  244,  245. 

South  Islands,  287. 

Southwick,  259,   388. 

Spain,   250,   387. 

Spanish,  settlements,  22;  succession, 
war  of,  30. 

Speismann,    320. 

Spotswood,  Governor,  42,  48,  51,  70, 
75,  83,  233,  243,  253,  254,  256,  258; 
accusation  of  Gary  by,  81;  appeal 
of  Graffenried  to,  254;  assistance 
given  by,  88,  232,  372;  attitude  of 
towards  Graffenried,  89;  convoy 
granted,  89,  246;  description  of 
condition  in  New  Bern,  86;  descrip- 
tion of  the  Indian  massacre,  82; 
iron  industry  founded  by,  110; 
letter  of  regarding  the  settlements 
along     the     Potomac     River,     88; 


Spotswood — Continued. 
letter  of  regarding  Graffenried's 
neutrality,  84;  letter  of  showing 
that  the  Indians  had  cause  for 
resentment,  77,  79;  letter  of  re- 
garding Graffenried's  part  in  the 
Indian  war,  87;  letter  of  to  the 
Indians,  272,  282;  letter  of  to  the 
Lords  Commissioners  of  Trade, 
24. 

Stanian,  also  Stanyon,  102,  361,  390. 

States  General,  18,  46. 

Stern,  Joseph,  311;   Johannes,  311. 

St.  Lawrence  River,  22. 

St.   Saphorin,   46. 

St.  Stephen's  Court,  310. 

St.  Valery,  259,  260,  388,  389,  390. 

Sugar  Islands,  44. 

Sugar   Loaf,   247,    384. 

Sunderland,  Duke  of,  16;  Earl  of,  19. 

Surveying,   cost  of,   296. 

Sweden,   366. 

Swiss,  Swiss  settlers,  Switzers,  46, 
47,  49,  68,  71,  96,  109,  224,  240, 
244,  359,  389;  Ambassador.  46; 
arrival  of  in  America,  51,  57,  226; 
character  of  criticized,  256;  colony 
to  be  used  as  a  frontier  against 
the  Indians,  24;  colonies,  293,  366; 
colonists,  318,  365;  desperate  situ- 
ation of,  86;  letters  written  by, 
106,  306-320;  massacred,  82,  237, 
270;  mentioned  by  Lawson,  23; 
settlement  intended  along  the 
Potomac  River  mentioned  by 
Spotswood,  88. 

Switzerland,  13,  15,  33,  71,  90,  94, 
306,  315;  Anabaptists  in,  11;  re- 
fuge for  the  persecuted,  9;  trade 
with,   300. 

T.  A.  (Thomas  Ashe),  see  Ashe. 

Tasqui,  also  Tasky,  83,  272. 

Taylor,    59,    269,    275,    281,    374,    380, 

Thames,  259,  388,  389. 

Thirty  Years'  War,  10. 

Tofen,   313. 

Torne,  Henry,  18. 

Tortuga,    300. 

Townshend,  English  Ambassador, 
46. 

Trade,  223;  between  Carolina  and 
other  countries,  305;  in  tobacco 
ruined,  289;  profits  in,  296,  307, 
313,  316;  with  the  Indians,  78, 
83,   317. 


Index 


433 


Traders,   dishonesty   of,   78. 

Trades  in  demand,  316. 

Transportation,  cost  of  between  the 
Barbadoes,  Jamaica,  Antigua  and 
London,  302;  between  Eurpoe  and 
Carolina,  299;  of  Palatines  criti- 
cized, 50. 

Treaty  of  neutrality  of  Graffenried 
with  the  Indians,  also  truce,  82, 
84,   87,   237,   238,  239,   271,   381. 

Trent  River,  45,  52,  59,  63,  68,  226, 
266,  362,  373,  377;  Indian  attacks 
on,  238,  262,  270. 

Truce,   see  treaty  of  neutrality. 

Techarner,  Regine,  wife  of  Chris- 
toph  von  Graffenried,  29,   96. 

Treut,    Uhli,    309. 

Treuthart,   Jacob,    310,   Peter,    310. 

Truwhart,    310. 

Turenne,    10. 

Tuscarrora  Indians,  also  Tuscaro, 
Tuscaruru  and  Tuskuru,  25,  77, 
243,  244,  245,  247,  269,  270,  272, 
281,  282,  384;  defeat  of,  91;  escape 
of  Graffenried  from,  261;  incited 
by  Porter  81;   incursion  of  82. 

Tyne  River,  365,  366. 

Tynte,  Governor  of  South  Carolina, 
57,  62,  229;   death  of,  227,  383. 

Typhoid  fever,  75. 

Uhli,  306,   313. 
Urmstone,   49,  73. 

Usher  of  the  Court,  311;  daughter  of, 
315. 

Vaud,  260,  390. 

Versailles,  taken  as  a  model  by  the 
petty  German  princes,  11. 

Vessel,  also  boat,  brigantine,  ship, 
sloop,  74,  106,  231;  advisability  of 
purchasing,  298,  300;  destruction 
of,  90,  241;  loss  of  when  bringing 
relief,  88,  250;  formalities  for  the 
purchase  of,  305;  outfitting  of  in 
England,  298;  outfitting  of  in  Hol- 
land, 305;  profits  to  be  made  on, 
306;  purchase  of  by  Graffenried, 
73,    287,    379. 

Vevay,   260,   390. 

Vienna,    390. 

Virginia,  25,  33,  34,  36,  40,  44,  51, 
57,  58,  62,  63,  74,  75,  79,  91,  92,  94, 
103,  109,  110,  226,  233,  236,  239,  240, 
246,  247,  248,  253,  256,  264,  289, 
291,  293,  294,  295,  311,  315,  367, 
369,    370,    371,    372,    378,    382,    384, 


Virginia — Continued. 

391;  arrival  of  colonists  in,  225, 
307,  309,  314,  316;  copper  ore  in, 
258;  flour  purchased  in,  62,  227; 
Gazette,  96;  Governor  of,  33,  47, 
97,  273,  275,  290,  360,  372,  383, 
388;  convoy  granted  by  the  Gov- 
ernor of,  89,  246,  248;  Graffenried 
recommended  to  the  Governor  of 
224;  Indian  trader  from,  272;  iron 
ore  found  in,  258;  letter  to  the 
Indians  from  the  Governor  of, 
272;  Magazine,  96;  Military  help 
granted  by  the  governor  of,  88, 
243;  mining  rights  of  the  colony 
in,  47;  Minister  from,  377;  price 
of  land  per  acre  in,  38;  quit-rents 
in,  53;  return  of  the  ship  captain 
to,  249;  settlement  of  Graffenried 
in,  86,  88,  90,  242,  246,  251,  254, 
361;  silver  mines  in,  6,  89,  90, 
110,  223,  247,  251,  254,  258,  290; 
trade  of  with  the  Madeiras,  300; 
traders  from  entrusted  with  the 
care  of  the  miners,  388. 

Virginians,  70;    democratic  spirit  of, 
372. 

Vischer,  M.,  261;  translation  of  Law- 
son's  Journal  by,  34. 

Wahre,   Jacob,   310. 

Walcker,   Christian,    318,   319. 

Waldo,   German   colony  of,  25. 

Walker,  Governor,  56. 

Waller,    Lady,   28. 

Waller,    Sir   William,   27,    28. 

Walloons,   13. 

Wassle,  310. 

Wateree  River,  34. 

Weeks,  81. 

Weetock  River,  45,  68,  103,  244,  270, 

362,  375. 
Weinmann,    Andreas,    311,    312. 
Weiser,  Conrad,    Indians   kept   loyal 

to  the  English  by,  23. 
West  Indies,  22. 
Westphalia,  Peace  of,  11. 
White  Oak  River,  98. 
Wichtermann,    313. 
Wiering,    Thomas  von,    34. 
Wilkinsons  Point,  281. 
William  of  Orange,  9. 
Williamsburg,    75,    96,    97,    253,    254, 

367. 
Winthrop,  John,  6. 
Woods,  Edward,  296. 


434 

Index 

Wort),  29,  95;    Graffenried 

memorial 

Zant,    Anna   Eva,    311;    Daniel,    310, 

in  the  church  at,  96. 

311;   Johannes,  death  of,  310. 

Wray,  283,  292. 

Zechender,  289. 

Wiill,  Anna,   313. 

Zergen,  Magistrate,  310. 

Wyssenbach,  310. 

Zioria,  318. 

Washington,  89,  105. 

Zionien,      Benedict,      employed      by 
Graffenried,  312. 

Yadkin  River,  34. 

Ziorien,   314;    Michael,   314. 

Yarmouth,    arrival    of 

colonists 

in, 

Zurutha,    264. 

308,  313. 

Zweysimmen,  310. 

York,    365. 

